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COMPLAINING ABOUT LIVED SPACES: RESPONSES TO THE URBAN LIVING ENVIRONMENT OF NORTHERN SONG KAIFENG

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 August 2018

Lik Hang Tsui*
Affiliation:
Hong Kong Baptist University, e-mail: tsui_lincoln@hotmail.com

Abstract

This article explores the understudied issue of urban problems in pre-modern China and examines the responses to the negative impact of urban development on life in the populous city of Kaifeng in the Northern Song (960–1127). Although writers, painters, and historians have portrayed the capital city's splendor for centuries, various urban problems emerged as medieval China became a more urbanized society. This article investigates Ouyang Xiu's (1007–1072) accounts of how extreme weather conditions adversely affected the lives of Kaifeng residents. These experiences, which he discussed in letters and poems, are associated with longer trends that result in climatic anomalies and disasters in the city. Ouyang Xiu also complained about living costs and medical services in Kaifeng. These reflect the difficulties in maintaining good urban provisions and services in a city of this scale.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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Footnotes

Earlier drafts of this article have been presented at workshops and conferences at Peking University, London School of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, the Portuguese Institute of Sinology, and Shandong University. I am grateful to the participants and also Marshall Craig, Sabine Dabringhaus, Richard Davis, Hilde De Weerdt, Deng Xiaonan, Ding Haiyan, Charles Hartman, Heng Du, Ho Koon-wan, Chen Liu, Antje Richter, Xin Wen, Ling Zhang, as well as three anonymous reviewers for their comments and encouragement.

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21 Liu, Ou-yang Hsiu, 29. On the importance of civil service examinations in the Song capital, see Chaffee, John, The Thorny Gates of Learning in Sung China: A Social History of Examinations (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 6165Google Scholar.

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30 Fu, Zuobo 佐伯富 [Saeki Tomi], “Lun Songdai de Huangchengsi” 論宋代的皇城司,” in Riben xuezhe yanjiu Zhongguoshi lunzhu xuanyi: di wu juan 日本學者研究中國史論著選譯:第五卷, ed. Junwen, Liu 劉俊文 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993), 353–57Google Scholar.

31 Tao, Li 李燾, Xu Zizhitongjian changbian 續資治通鑒長編 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2004)Google Scholar, 182/4414–15.

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38 Ouyang and Mei also constantly exchanged poems. See Hawes, Colin, The Social Circulation of Poetry in the Mid-Northern Song: Emotional Energy and Literati Self-Cultivation (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

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41 Suiying, Cheng 程遂营, Tang–Song Kaifeng shengtai huanjing yanjiu 唐宋开封生态环境研究 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehuikexue chubanshe, 2002), 22Google Scholar.

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45 This translation is adapted from Hawes, The Social Circulation of Poetry, 23–24.

46 “Da Mei Shengyu dayu jianji” 答梅聖俞大雨見寄, OYXQJ, 8/123.

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48 Ihara, “The ‘Qing ming shang he tu,’” 140.

49 The translation of this title is adapted from Hawes, “Mundane Transcendence,” 103.

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51 Li Tao, Xu Zizhitongjian changbian, 206/4984. See also Cheng Suiying, Tang–Song Kaifeng shengtai huanjing yanjiu, 22; Minsheng, Cheng 程民生, “Song Yingzong chao Kaifeng qixiang biannian” 宋英宗朝开封气象编年, Kaifeng jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 开封教育学院学报, 2011.2: 2Google Scholar.

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54 “Guitian lu” 歸田錄 2, OYXQJ, 127/1938.

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56 “Wei yushui weizai daizui qi biwei di yi biao” 為雨水為災待罪乞避位第一表, “Qi biwei di er biao” 乞避位第二表, “Qi biwei di san biao” 乞避位第三表, OYXQJ, 92/1360–62.

57 On this phenomenon see Xuelin, Chen 陳學霖 [Hok-lam Chan], Song–Ming shi luncong 宋明史論叢 (Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 2012), 822Google Scholar; Pang, Huiping, “Strange Weather: Art, Politics, and Climate Change in the Middle of Emperor Huizong's Reign,” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 39 (2009): 149CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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59 “Yu Wang Yi gong Zhongyi” 與王懿公仲議 6, OYXQJ, 145/2388; Cheng Suiying, Tang–Song Kaifeng shengtai huanjing yanjiu, 23.

60 “Qi ba Shangyuan fangdeng zhazi” 乞罷上元放燈札子, OYXQJ, 111/1690–91.

61 “Yu Zhao Kangjinggong Shuping” 與趙康靖公叔平 4, OYXQJ, 146/2379–80.

62 This did not mean, however, that he did not pay attention to environmental issues such as droughts and earthquakes during his lifetime. See Zhang, Ling, The River, the Plain, and the State: An Environmental Drama in Northern Song China, 1048–1128 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 100–05CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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66 See Zhang, The River, the Plain, and the State.

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72 Xin, Ning 宁欣, Tang–Song ducheng shehui jiegou yanjiu: dui chengshi jingi yu shehui de guanzhu 唐宋都城社会结构研究:对城市经济与社会的关注 (Beijing: Shangwu yinshu guan, 2009), 317–50Google Scholar; de Pee, “Purchase on Power.”

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75 Hawes, “Mundane Transcendence,” 112–13.

76 Egan, The Literary Works of Ou-yang Hsiu, 8.

77 “Yu Dasicheng Fa” 與大寺丞發, 3, OYXQJ, 153/2531.

78 For a general survey of prices of goods in the Song period, see Minsheng, Cheng 程民生, Songdai wujia yanjiu 宋代物价研究 (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2008)Google Scholar.

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80 West, “The Confiscation of Public Land in the Song Capital,” 323.

81 “Yu Mei Shengyu” 與梅聖俞 12, OYXQJ, 149/2450. On the dating of this letter, see Liu Deqing, Ouyang Xiu jinian lu, 131.

82 This is an issue studied by many, including Yichuan Qiang 衣川強 [Kinugawa Tsuyoshi], Songdai wenguan fengji zhidu 宋代文官俸給制度, trans. Liangsheng, Zheng 鄭樑生 (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1977), 8199Google Scholar; Lo, Winston W., An Introduction to the Civil Service of Sung China: With Emphasis on its Personnel Administration (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1987), 158–65Google Scholar; He Zhongli 何忠礼, “Songdai guanli de fenglu” 宋代官吏的俸禄, Lishi yanjiu 历史研究, 1994.3: 102–15; Zhang Quanming, “Ye tan Songdai guanyuan de fenglu” 也谈宋代官员的俸禄, Lishi yanjiu 历史研究, 1997.2: 134–54; Shengduo, Wang 汪圣铎, “Songdai guanyuan fenglu he qita bangei fenxiang kao xi” 宋代官员俸禄和其它颁给分项考析, in idem., Songdai shehui shenghuo yanjiu 宋代社会生活研究 (Beijing: Remin chubanshe, 2007), 201–04Google Scholar; Ye, Ye 叶烨, Bei-Song wenren de jingji shenghuo 北宋文人的经济生活 (Nanchang: Baihuazhou wenyi chubanshe, 2008), 3170Google Scholar; Hiroshi, Ihara, “Numerical Indices that can Reveal the Life of Song Commoners,” in Trading Networks in Early Modern East Asia, ed. Schottenhammer, Angela (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 2010), 78Google Scholar.

83 Goldschmidt, Asaf, The Evolution of Chinese Medicine: Song Dynasty, 960–1200 (London: Routledge, 2009), 6987Google Scholar.

84 Some studies of Ouyang Xiu have already made use of these medical narratives in his letters. See Kobayashi Yoshihiro 小林義廣, Ōyō Shū: sono shōgai to sōzoku 欧陽脩その生涯と宗族 (Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2000), Ch. 7; Jinzhu, Liu 刘金柱, “Ouyang Xiu muji jiqi xiantian yinsu” 欧阳修目疾及先天因素, in Songshi yanjiu luncong 宋史研究论丛, vol. 6 (Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2005), 435–43Google Scholar; Ou Mingjun 欧明俊, “Cong xin faxian de 96 tong shujian kan Ouyang Xiu de richang shenghuo” 从新发现的 96 通书简看欧阳修的日常生活, Wuhan daxue xuebao 武汉大学学报, 2012.3: 37–38.

85 “Yu Mei Shengyu” 與梅聖俞 6, OYXQJ, 149/2451.

86 Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing menghua lu jianzhu, 3/268–74.

87 See Shufen, Liu 劉淑芬, “Tang, Song shiqi sengren, guojia he yiliao de guanxi: cong Yaofangju dao Huiminju” 唐、宋時期僧人、國家和醫療的關係:從藥方局到惠民局, in Cong yiliao kan Zhongguo shi 從醫療看中國史, ed. Jianmin, Li 李建民 (Taipei: Lianjing chuban, 2008), 180–81Google Scholar.

88 Hymes, Robert P., “‘Not Quite Gentlemen? Physicians in the Sung and Yuan,” Chinese Science 8 (1987): 27Google Scholar.

89 “Yu Mei Shengyu” 與梅聖俞 6, OYXQJ, 149/2451.

90 Yuanpeng, Chen 陳元朋, Liang Song de “shangyi shiren” yu “ruyi”: jian lun qi zai Jin Yuan de liubian 兩宋的「尚醫士人」與「儒醫」—兼論其在金元的流變 (Taipei: Guoli Taiwan daxue chuban zhongxin, 1997)Google Scholar.

91 Leung, Angela Ki Che, “Medical Learning from the Song to the Ming,” in The Song–Yuan–Ming Transition in Chinese History, ed. Smith, Paul Jakov and von Glahn, Richard (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003), 392Google Scholar.

92 “Mei Shengyu muzhi ming” 梅聖俞墓誌銘, OUXQJ, 33/496. See Chaves, Jonathan, Mei Yao-ch'en and the Development of Early Sung Poetry (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 46Google Scholar.

93 Ibid., 47.

94 See the transcription of this letter in Bangda, Xu 徐邦达, Gu shuhua guoyan yaolu (Jin, Sui, Tang, Wudai, Song shufa) 古书画过眼要录 (晋、隋、唐、五代、宋书法) (Changsha: Hunan meishu chubanshe, 1987), 144Google Scholar.

95 “Yu Wang Wengong gong” 與王文恭公 2, in Dong Yingshou, “Xinjian jiu shi liu pian Ouyang Xiu sanyi shujian jicungao,” 23–24.

96 “Yu Liu Shidu Yuanfu” 與劉侍讀原父 15, OYXQJ, 148/2423–24.

97 See Kobayashi Yoshihiro, Ōyō Shū, Ch. 7; Liu Jinzhu, “Ouyang Xiu muji jiqi xiantian yinsu.”

98 For example, see Dong Yingshou, “Xinjian jiu shi liu pian Ouyang Xiu sanyi shujian jicungao,” 11–15.

99 “Yu Xue Shaoqing Gongqi” 9, OYXQJ, 152/2507.

100 “Qi yao yougan cheng Mei Shengyu” 乞藥有感呈梅聖俞, OYXQJ, 54/771.

101 Goldschmidt, Asaf, “Commercializing Medicine or Benefiting the People—The First Public Pharmacy in China,” Science in Context 21, no. 3 (2008): 319–23CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

102 Scogin, Hugh, “Poor Relief in Northern Sung China,” Oriens Extremus 25, no. 1 (1978): 3435Google Scholar.

103 See Goldschmidt, “Commercializing Medicine or Benefiting the People,” 332–35 and 342–44; Liu Shufen, “Tang, Song shiqi sengren, guojia he yiliao de guanxi,” 187–95; Qizi, Liang 梁其姿, Miandui jibing: chuantong Zhongguo shehui de yiliao guannian yu zuzhi 面对疾病—传统中国社会的医疗观念与组织 (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2012), 128–32Google Scholar.

104 Egan, The Literary Works of Ou-yang Hsiu, 31.

105 See, for instance, Xianglin, Chen 陈湘琳, Ouyang Xiu de wenxue yu qinggan shijie 欧阳修的文学与情感世界 (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2012)Google Scholar, Ch. 3 and 5; Hawes, The Social Circulation of Poetry, Ch. 1.

106 See Curie Virag, “‘That Which Encompasses the Myriad Cares’: Subjectivity, Knowledge, and the Ethics of Emotion in Tang and Song China” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2004), Ch. 4.