^{page 29 note 1} Zellfelder, A., England und das Basler Konzil, in Historische Studien, ed. Ebering, E., band 113, Berlin 1913, 89–129Google Scholar. This article owes much, of course, to the work of Professor E. F. Jacob; in addition to his other works referred to below, the following are especially relevant in the present context: ‘Two Lives of Archbishop Chichele’, Bulletin of John Rylands Library, xvi (1932), 27–8Google Scholar; Henry Chichele and the Ecclesiastical Politics of His Age, London 1952, 20–2Google Scholar; Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, Manchester 1963 (3rd revised ed.), 55–6, 244–5.

^{page 29 note 2} Schofield, A. N. E. D., ‘The First English Delegation to the Council of Basel’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xii (1961), 167–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 29 note 3} The Official Correspondence of Thomas Bekynton, ed. Williams, G., London 1872, ii. 144Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 1} Official Correspondence of Bekynton, ii. 61–6.

^{page 30 note 2} British Museum, Harley MS. 826, fol. 48b; Emmanuel College, Cambridge, MS. 142, fol. 150b.

^{page 30 note 3} Schofield, art. cit, 184–93, 195–6.

^{page 30 note 4} Valois, N., La Crise Religieuse du XVe Siècle. Le Pape et le Concile, 1418–1450, Paris 1909, i. 215–39Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 5} Concilium Basiliense. Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils von Basel, ed. Haller, J., etc., Basel 1896–1936Google Scholar, [hereafter referred to as CB.] ii. 450, 454; Monumenta Conciliorum Generalium Saeculi XV. Concilium Basiliense Scriptores, ed. Palacky, F., Birk, E., Vienna 1857–86Google Scholar, [hereafter referred to as MC.] ii. 406, 580. On 24 November 1433 the king's council granted the bishop 100 marks, Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council, ed. SirNicolas, H., London 1834–7, iv. 185Google Scholar; on p. xxxi Landriani is wrongly described as bishop of Laon.

^{page 30 note 6} CB., v. 77.

^{page 31 note 1} CB. iii. 21; v. 79.

^{page 31 note 2} MC., ii. 580. Both Segovia (loc. cit.) and an anonymous diarist (CB., v. 79) stated that Landriani was also appointed as ambassador to Scotland, but there is no evidence that he went; it is possible that he wrote to king James from England; see Burns, J. H., Scottish Churchmen and the Council of Basle, Glasgow 1962, 15Google Scholar. Some Scottish representatives reached Basel as the bishop returned from England, a circumstance that might have led some observers to assume he had been to Scotland; CB., iii. 21.

^{page 31 note 3} His description of the young Henry VI is interesting: ‘… eciamsi puer duodennis, omni modestia et maturitate ornatus, audiuit sedens in solio eminenciori in corona, sceptro et insigniis regalibus’: MC., ii. 580. He had made a similar comment in 1432; Schofield, art. cit. 171; cf. also my art. ‘England, the Pope and the Council of Basel, 1435–1449’, Church History, xxxv (1964), 258–60Google Scholar; (reprinted, in a revised form, in Reunion, vi. (1965), 3–28).

^{page 31 note 4} This royal letter, which was read to the Council at the end of Landriani's report, is no longer extant and we have to rely on Segovia's summary: MC., ii. 580.

^{page 31 note 5} Schofield, ‘The First English Delegation …’, 174–6.

^{page 31 note 6} Beaufort was first intended to go to Basel in the winter of 1432–3 and late in February 1433, he was about to go on a royal mission to Sigismund; Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae et cuiuscumque Acta Publica inter Reges Angliae et alios, ed. Rymer, T., The Hague, 1739–45Google Scholar, IV. iv. 185, 190, 191; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, London 1907, ii. 254, 257Google Scholar; it is unlikely that he carried out these missions. In April 1437 the other members of the king's council refused to allow him to visit the papal curia and in the following year they decided that he should not have a licence to visit the general council (although Ferrara-Florence was probably meant and not Basel): Proceedings and Ordinances, v. 9. For interesting new light on Beaufort's character, see Bartoš, F. M., ‘An English Cardinal and the Hussite Revolution’, Communio Viatorum (Theological Quarterly), no. 1, Prague 1963, 47–54Google Scholar; the evidence cited there shows Beaufort to have been less of a crusading prelate than has often been assumed; it does not, however, make him into a reformer or conciliarist.

^{page 31 note 7} Proceedings and Ordinances, iv. 218–21, 222–36.

^{page 34 note 1} Only with difficulty did the king's council obtain a subsidy for its own purposes from convocation on this occasion: Register of Chichele, iii. 242.

^{page 34 note 2} Schofield, art. cit., 181–2.

^{page 34 note 3} Jacob, Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, 244–5.

^{page 34 note 4} Foedera, V. i. 1–11 passim; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, ii. 337–45 passim; Calendar of French Rolls in 48th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, London 1887, 296, 299–300Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 5} Foedera, V. i. 5; Proceedings and Ordinances, iv. 207, see also ibid., ccxviii, and iii. lxviii.

^{page 34 note 6} Ibid., iv. 217, 221. On 17 November 1433 arrangements were initiated for letters of exchange totalling 1,000 marks to be distributed at Basel: ibid., 289; Sir H. Nicolas thought that the sum of £20,000 which Beaufort was given licence to take with him to Basel in February 1433 was intended for corrupt purposes: ibid., cxvii.

^{page 35 note 1} The text as printed in Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, ed. Mansi, J. D., Venice 1788, xxixGoogle Scholar. 1234, and Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum, ed. Martène, E. and Durand, U., Paris 1717, iv. 374Google Scholar, contains inaccurate versions of the names.

^{page 35 note 2} British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra E. III, fol. 65; Official Correspondence of Bekynton, ii. 259; Foedera, V. i. 9; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, ii. 342.

^{page 35 note 3} See Gallia Christiana, Paris 1715, i. 1054Google Scholar; Lodge, E. C., Gascony under English Rule, London 1926, 145Google Scholar. Dax was a Gascon see, yet its bishop was included in the English embassy, an arrangement which showed the special position of Gascony as a wellestablished possession of the English crown; this seems to have been accepted at the Council: Dickinson, J. G., The Congress of Arras, 1435, Oxford 1955, 26 n.11Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 4} See G.E.C., and Gibbs, Hon. V., Complete Peerage, London, iv (1916) 417, xi (1936) 243, xii. (1953) 49–53Google Scholar. Beaufort later became earl and marquess of Dorset and earl of Somerset; he was killed at the battle of St. Albans in May 1455. See also Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry VI, London 1933, ii. 273Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 5} The turcopolier was originally the officer in command of the turcopoles or native light cavalry; the office was an English preserve within the order. Biographical information about most of the above ambassadors will be found in the relevant entries in the Dictionary of National Biography, and in A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, Oxford 1957–9, [hereafter referred to as Oxford] or A Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge to A.D. 1500, Cambridge 1963Google Scholar, [hereafter referred to as Cambridge].

^{page 35 note 6} Foedera, V. i. 12.

^{page 36 note 1} Carte, T., Catalogue des Rolles, Gascons, Normans et Français, London 1743, iiGoogle Scholar. and 48th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records; the entry occurs in Public Record Office, London, C. 76/116, 12 Henry VI, m. 2, where the place is given as ‘Baion’. Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, commissioned Zano to obtain works by the Italian humanists for him while he was at the council; Vickers, K. H., Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, London 1907, 351–2Google Scholar; Borsa, M., ‘Correspondence of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, and Pier Candido Decembrio’, English Historical Review, xix (1904), 509CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 36 note 2} Schofield, art. cit., 167.

^{page 36 note 3} Foedera, V. i. 5, 8, 9; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, London 1907, ii. 341, 345Google Scholar; see also p. 35 n. 2, above. Arrangements for the appointment of Benedictine proctors at Basel can be seen in Documents Illustrating the Activities of the General and Provincial Chapters of the English Black Monks, 1215–1540, ed. W. A. Pantin, Camden Soc., 3rd Series, 1937, liv. 105; for the payment of proctors at Constance see ibid., 166–86 passim. For the payment of English Augustinian Friars at Basel see Roth, F., The English Friars, 1249–1538, New York 1961, ii. 315Google Scholar.

^{page 36 note 4} See p. 35 n. 2, above.

^{page 36 note 5} Official Correspondence of Bekynton, ii. 260–9.

^{page 37 note 1} In the event the English took two parts of the oath, as will be seen later.

^{page 38 note 1} This interpretation is also borne out by the answer given by Henry VI on 30 June 1434 to ambassadors of the duke of Brittany who had come to urge him to make peace with Charles VII: Proceedings and Ordinances, iv. 257–8. That the less positive, precautionary, parts of the instructions were justified is obvious from the fact that appeals had already been sent to the Council concerning some alien priories and the see of Bayeux, which Jean Desquai claimed in opposition to Zano da Castiglione, Bedford's candidate whom Eugenius had provided: Schofield, art. cit., 194.

^{page 39 note 1} See my art., ‘An English Version of Some Events in Bohemia During 1434’, Slavonic and East European Revue, xlii (1964), 313–15, 322Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 2} Valois, op. cit., i. 302–9; CB., iii. 19, 20; MC., ii. 564–74; Sacrorum Conciliorum … Collectio, xxix. 78–90, 575–8.

^{page 39 note 3} This is a modification of the view I expressed in my art., ‘England, the Pope, and the Council of Basel, 1435–1449’, 250; cf. Zellfelder, op. cit., 94.

^{page 39 note 4} Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. lat. 1448 (‘Codex Sprever’), fol. 156ab, printed by Zellfelder, op. cit., 256–8.

^{page 39 note 5} PRO. E. 101/322/26 and 27; E.364/68; Fitzhugh made his will at Dover on 15 June 1434: Register of Chichele, ii. 540–1.

^{page 39 note 6} PRO. E.101/322/29 and 30; E.364/76. Before setting off the abbot had consultations with the king at Easthampstead, Windsor and Shene and was delayed for 13 weeks in London awaiting a safe-conduct from the duke of Burgundy.

^{page 39 note 7} Schofield, ‘An English Version of Some Events in Bohemia During 1434’, 312, 325–6, 328–31 (text of the abbot's letter from Trinity College, Cambridge, Western MS. 0.9.38, fols. 77a–78b).

^{page 39 note 8} CB., iii. 165.

^{page 40 note 1} CB., v. 99.

^{page 40 note 2} Three Greek ambassadors had arrived in Basel, in answer to the Council's invitation, on 12 July 1434: Gill, J., The Council of Florence, Cambridge 1959, 54–5Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 3} MC., ii. 726; CB., i. 87.

^{page 40 note 4} Zellfelder, op. cit., 256–7.

^{page 40 note 5} CB., iii. 176.

^{page 40 note 6} MC., ii. 726.

^{page 40 note 7} This address is contained in Emmanuel College, Cambridge, MS. 142, fols. 131–132b, 162–3; Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. lat. 1449, fols. 88b–91b.

^{page 40 note 8} Zellfelder, op. cit., 257–9; CB., iii. 176–7, v. 100; MC., ii. 726–7. Jean IV, count of Armagnac, was the brother-in-law of Charles, duke of Orleans, who had been a prisoner in England since the battle of Agincourt; the count pursued a somewhat independent policy in relation to Charles VII: Samarin, C., ‘La Maison d'Armagnac au XVe Siècle’, Mémoires et Documents, Soc. de l'École des Chartes, Paris 1907, vii. 72–8Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 9} Zellfelder, op. cit., 258–9; cf. CB., iii. 239. The patriarch was Jean Maroux who, at Constance had been expelled from the French ‘nation’ and had then allied himself with the English: The Council of Constance, translated by L. R. Loomis, in Records of Civilisation; Sources and Studies, ed. Mundy, J. H. and Woody, K. M., New York and London 1961, lxiii, 368, 370, 400Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 1} Zellfelder, op. cit., 259; cf. MC., ii. 726.

^{page 41 note 2} His epitaph at Basel is recorded in Bodleian Library, Oxford, Rawlinson MS. B. 155, fol. 16 (printed in Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. ix. 274); Le Neve, J., Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1300–1541, ed. Jones, B., London 1963, iv. 38Google Scholar. The bishop's funeral on 7 October is recorded in CB., v. 104.

^{page 41 note 3} Zellfelder, op. cit., 262–3; CB., iii. 233, v. 105; MC., ii. 765–6.

^{page 41 note 4} Official Correspondence of Bekynton, ii. 261–2. Zellfelder (op. cit., 91) was not on strong ground in suggesting that the bishop of Lodi had made a secret bargain with the English government in 1433 in accordance with which they were to accept the system of deputations in return for being released from the more objectionable parts of the oath and for a guarantee that attacks would not be made on tile English statutes restricting papal provision. This theory is not supported by a close study of the English ambassadors' instructions; it also misses the point that once the English had won the privilege of taking only a modified form of oath they would have no need of such guarantees; they were free to dissociate themselves from anything the Council might do and were free to withdraw at any time.

^{page 41 note 5} CB., v. 101; Zellfelder, op. cit., 259, 260–3. The English did not turn out in great numbers to greet the Castilians; they sent only four doctors and a hundred horses to meet them and Mortain had afterwards to apologise: MC. 727.

^{page 41 note 6} See above, n. 3.

^{page 41 note 7} CB., iii. 233–4, 239, 247–8; v. 105–6, 107–8; MC., ii. 767–8. Some French ambassadors in 1436 refused to take the full oath and cited the exemption of the English as their precedent: ibid., 894.

^{page 42 note 1} Zellfelder, op. cit., 261.

^{page 42 note 2} MC., ii. 766.

^{page 42 note 3} CB., iii. 232.

^{page 42 note 4} See above, 35.

^{page 42 note 5} See Jacob, , ‘The Bohemians at the Council of Basel’, in Prague Essays, ed. Seton-Watson, R. W., Oxford 1949, 110–11Google Scholar, for an assessment of the first English delegation.

^{page 42 note 6} This is not intended to be an exhaustive account of the previous conciliar experience of the English ambassadors. For information about English representation at earlier councils I am indebted to Dr. Margaret Harvey (Pisa), Dr. C. M. D. Crowder (Constance), and Rev. Dr. Walther Brandmüller (Pavia-Siena).

^{page 42 note 7} Schofield, ‘The First English Delegation …’, 178.

^{page 42 note 8} Register of Chichele, iii. 245. Chichele had said, on this occasion, that certain notable ambassadors had died at the council. Thomas Polton, bishop of Worcester, had died there in 1433 but the deaths of other members of the first delegation are not recorded.

^{page 43 note 1} Brouns had originally left London on 6 January 1433; he returned on 12 February 1435; PRO. E. 101/322/25; E.364/69. Brouns's presence in Basel early in 1434 is also proved by an entry on the Close Rolls dated 6 February that year: an order for a member of the fellowship of the Albertini to take gowns and lengths of cloth without payment of custom or subsidy to Brouns, described as one of the royal ambassadors at Basel: Calendar of the Close Rolls, Henry VI, ii. 269; cf. Schofield, ‘An English Version of Some Events in Bohemia During 1434’, 326, 330; Register of Chichele, i. xlvii.

^{page 43 note 2} CB., v. 411–12; MC., ii. 771; Zellfelder, op. cit., 310 n.1. Colvyle had already preceded the count to London; he arrived there on 11 November 1434; PRO. E. 101/322/26 and 27; E.364/68. According to Gatari, on 7 March 1434 an ambassador of the king of England named ‘Nardo’ and reputed to be 110 years old arrived in Basel with gifts for distribution, some it would seem by Sigismund; he invested two Venetian ambassadors with chains after exacting oaths of loyalty to Henry VI: CB., v. 395–6; in the index to CB., v. the mysterious ‘Nardo’ is confused with Mortain.

^{page 43 note 3} See below, 48–9; also Zellfelder, op. cit., Beilage 5, 259–60.

^{page 43 note 4} Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Papel Letters, ed. Twemlow, J. A., London 1909, viii. 212–19Google Scholar. A. F. Pollard, in his art. in Dictionary of National Biography, stated that ‘Brown’ was still in Basel in September 1436 when Eugenius translated him to Norwich. I have found no evidence to support this; it appears to be based on a misunderstanding of statements by Blomefield, F., An Essay Towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk, London 1805–10Google Scholar, iii. 533 Cf. Register of Chichele, i. 121–2; Calendar of Papal Letters, viii. 612; Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry VI, iii. 36.

^{page 43 note 5} See above, n. 1.

^{page 43 note 6} Cf. Jacob, , ‘Thomas Brouns, Bishop of Norwich 1436–45’, in Essays in British History, presented to Sir Keith Feiling, ed. Trevor-Roper, H. R., London 1964, 67–9Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 1} Printed in CB., ii–iv.

^{page 44 note 2} CB., iii. 246–455 passim.

^{page 44 note 3} Ibid., 247–458 passim.

^{page 44 note 4} Ibid., 341–483 passim.

^{page 44 note 5} Foedera, V. i. 15.

^{page 44 note 6} But, on 8 February 1435, letters of protection were granted to two Englishmen at Basel—John Burton, clerk, and the abbot of York, who had gone there with the second delegation in 1434. Both were described as ‘… qui in Obsequio Regis, pro Clero Regni Regis Anglie in Concilio Generali Basiliensi moratur’: Foedera, V. i. 15. This was the formula used to designate a clerical representative in the first delegation. Burton thus seems to have been in the second delegation without ambassadorial status and the abbot, who was reappointed an ambassador in the procuration of 10 February 1435, seems temporarily to have been left only with the status, presumably, of a Benedictine proctor.

^{page 45 note 1} CB.. iii 261, 302, 313, 320, 380; see also J. G. Dickinson, op. cit., xii. 44–5; Emden, Oxford, iii. 1745–6, where his presence at Basel is not mentioned; Valois (op. cit., ii. 129) stated that Sprever was proctor for the chancellor of England; it is not apparent where he found this information. On the erroneous attribution to Sprever of Piero da Monte's treatise on the authority of popes and general councils (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. lat. 1448) see Zellfelder, op. cit., 241–2.

^{page 45 note 2} Schofield, art. cit., 178, 181, 195.

^{page 45 note 3} Statutes of Lincoln Cathedral, ed. Bradshaw, H. and Wordsworth, C., Cambridge 1892, 1897, 372, 472Google Scholar; Thompson, A. Hamilton, The English Clergy and their Organisation in the Later Middle Ages, Oxford 1947, 93Google Scholar; The Register of Thomas Langley, Bishop of Durham, 1406–1437, ed. Storey, R. L., London 1961, iv. 91–3Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 4} CB., iii. 146; Visitations of Religious Houses in the Diocese of Lincoln, ed. Thompson, A. Hamilton, London 1915, i. 174–5Google Scholar; Calendar of Papal Letters, viii. 276, 285.

^{page 45 note 5} CB., iii. 350, 408, 415, 565, 586, 588; iv. 6, 71.

^{page 45 note 6} Cf. Zellfelder, op. cit., 101, 102, 156, 158; Dickinson, op. cit., 27. I have hitherto followed Zellfelder in confusing these two archdeacons; see my art. ‘England, the Pope, and the Council of Basel, 1435–1449’, 251, 255, 273 (n. 37). Burton's presence is recorded at the same time as Poer's on 2 March 1436: CB., iv. 71.

^{page 46 note 1} Zellfelder, op. cit., 120–9, 297–311 (Beilage 13–15, from Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. lat 1448, fols. 70–3b, 83ab); Valois, op. cit., i. 101–10, 294–7; Register of Chichele, i. xlii-xliii.

^{page 46 note 2} Zellfelder, op. cit., 307, 310; on Abendon, Clitherow and Mardon see Emden, Oxford, i. 7–8, 444; ii. 1301–2. Abendon had been at Constance, Clitherow at both Pisa and Constance.

^{page 46 note 3} Zellfelder, op. cit., 309–11. On Appleby see Emden, Oxford, i. 41.

^{page 46 note 4} Ibid. John Carpenter, master of St. Anthony's house, London, afterwards bishop of Worcester, was also named as proctor; for this information (from the cartulary of Reading Abbey) I am obliged to Miss Pamela Stewart, Assistant Diocesan Archivist at Salisbury.

^{page 46 note 5} CB., ii. 365.

^{page 46 note 6} The Register of John Stafford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1425–1443, ed. T. S. Holmes, Somerset Record Soc. xxxi, xxxii, 1915, 1916, ii. 184; on Moleyns see Emden, Oxford, ii. 1289–91; Foedera, V. i. 17.

^{page 46 note 7} Schofield, ‘The First English Delegation …’, 195; Register of Chichele, ii. 532.

^{page 46 note 8} The Register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter (1420–1455), ed. Hingeston-Randolph, F. C., etc., London 1909, 1915, ii. 621Google Scholar; on Webber see also Emden, Oxford, iii. 2005, where his presence at Basel is not mentioned.

^{page 46 note 9} CB., iii. 479; Victoria History of the County of Kent, ed. Page, W., London 1926, ii. 237Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 1} CB., iii. 398. On Keninghale see Emden, Oxford, ii. 1035–6; he preached at Basel on the fourth Sunday of Advent, 1433; there is a copy of this sermon in Douai, Bibliothèque munic. MS. 198 (3), fols. 178–85; it has also been printed in Sacrorum Conciliorum … Collectio, ed. Mansi, , Venice 1792, xxx. 1237Google Scholar. Emmanuel College, Cambridge, MS. 142, fol. 70 contains a copy of an undated letter from Englishmen at Basel to a prelate at home asking for money. Keninghale apparently took this back to England; it is possible that he went there sometime between late 1433 and early 1435.

^{page 47 note 2} CB., iii. 261, 356, 398, 463. The activities of some other unidentified Englishmen can be traced: ibid., 31, 310, 341, 420.

^{page 47 note 3} Ibid., 398.

^{page 47 note 4} Calendar of Papal Letters, viii. 233; cf. ibid., 362, where the name of one William Liddeford, a monk of Glastonbury, occurs.

^{page 47 note 5} His epitaph at Basel has been printed in Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. ix. 274 (from Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MS. B. 155, fol. 16). The epitaph of another, unnamed English ambassador is also given here. On Galyon see Emden, Cambridge, 250; Register of Chichele, ii. 540, 541. In Fitzhugh's will, dated 15 June 1434, Galyon was described as his chancellor; this appears to have been stated also in his epitaph at Basel, but he is not so described in Le Neve, J., Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1300–1541, ed. Horn, J. M., London 1963, v. 19Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 6} Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey, ed. Arnold, T., London 1896, iii. 254–7Google Scholar. The possible date of the letter contained here will be discussed below. See also, Schofield, art. cit, 178.

^{page 47 note 7} CB., iii. 79, 197, 513, 531, 567; see also Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae, ed. H. Cotton, Dublin 1845, i. 7; Calendar of Papal Letters, viii. 77, 150, 354, 610; Proceedings and Ordinances, xi. 379.

^{page 47 note 8} CB., ii. 524; iii. 119, 376; Calendar of Papal Letters, viii. 103, 525, 547, 548.

^{page 50 note 1} MC., ii. 768; the English were probably asking now for one of the new-style ‘nations’ rather than for the readoption of those of the kind known at Constance.

^{page 50 note 2} CB., i. 245.

^{page 50 note 3} Zellfelder, op. cit., 102–6.

^{page 50 note 4} CB., iii. 380.

^{page 50 note 5} Lazarus, op. cit., 161.

^{page 50 note 6} CB., iii. 246, 251, 265, 277, 285, 290, 342.

^{page 50 note 7} Lazarus's work, mentioned above, was published in 1912 and Zellfelder's in 1913, but Lazarus was able to use the latter's doctoral thesis, which was published as a booklet at Erlangen in 1911; it corresponded to the first three chapters of his subsequent book.

^{page 51 note 1} Cf. Sacrorum Conciliorum … collectio, Venice 1784, xxvii. 1022–31, 1058–70. On this controversy see Zellfelder, op. cit., 97–9, 107–8, 112–19; de Heredia, V. Beltrán, ‘La Embajada de Castilla en el Concilio de Basilea y su Discusión con los Ingleses Acerca de la Precedencia’, Hispania Sacra, x (1957), 12–15Google Scholar. Zellfelder published an important series of documents from Sprever's copies that throw light on the dispute, op. cit., Beilage 6–12, 260–95.

^{page 51 note 2} MC. ii. 57–62.

^{page 51 note 3} Haller, J., England und Rom unter Martin V, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienschen Archiven und Bibliotheken, Rome 1905, viii. 15 (259), 49–50 (293–4), 51–2 (295–6)Google Scholar; Beltrán de Heredia, art. cit., 25.

^{page 51 note 4} Zellfelder, op. cit., Beilage 7, 264, para. (1): ‘… locus primus et immediatus post dominos ambassiatores Francie in honore et voce’.

^{page 51 note 5} Ibid., para. (2), where the date is 6 September; CB., iv. 225 gives the date as 9 September.

^{page 51 note 6} Ibid., Beilage 8, 269, para. (6). A letter dated 14 February 1435, British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra E.III. fol. 69, from Henry VI to the German ‘nation’, thanking the members of the latter for their support at Basel, possibly relates to their activities during the Anglo-Castilian controversy; cf. 48 n.3, above.

^{page 51 note 7} CB., iii. 199.

^{page 51 note 8} On this speech see Beltrán de Heredia, art. cit., 12–15; Serrano, R. P. Luciano, Los Conversos D. Pablo de Santa Maria y D. Alfonso de Cartagena, Madrid 1942, 140–3Google Scholar; a contemporary Castilian version was printed in La Cuidad de Dios (subsequently Rivista Agustiniana), xxxv (1894), 122–9, 211–7, 337–53, 523–42; other Spanish copies, in Castilian and Latin, are cited in the above works; there is a later Latin copy in the British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra F. VII. fols. 2–15; MS.973b in the Bodleian Library contains what is, presumably, a Castilian version of the same (cf. F. Madan, A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, Oxford 1905, v. 425, under MS.28278.) The superscription of the Cotton MS. states that the persons appointed by the Council to seek a settlement of the Castilian-English dispute were the presidents and twelve prelates and doctors, three from each deputation.

^{page 52 note 1} CB., iii. 207.

^{page 52 note 2} Zellfelder, op. cit., Beilage 11, 284–92; CB., iii. 401–2.

^{page 52 note 3} This document contains references to king Lucius's request to pope Eleutharius for missionaries, to the existence of Christianity in England at the time of Diocletian's persecutions, which drove some of the English to Wales, to Joseph of Arimathea's introduction of the Christian faith to Glastonbury—attested by ancient records which were still preserved there: cf. J. Armitage Robinson, Two Glastonbury Legends, Cambridge 1926, 40–1. There is also interesting and probably rare evidence concerning the practice of touching for the ‘king's evil’ at this period: cf. Todd, J., ‘Touching for the King's Evil’, The Modern Churchman, xxxii (1943), 298–307Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 4} British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra F.VII, fols. 33ab, contains yet another, undated, speech expounding the English case.

^{page 52 note 5} CB., iii. 216–17.

^{page 53 note 1} CB., iii. 232; MC., ii. 765; Zellfelder, op. cit., Beilage 6, 260–3. This did not amount to the implementation of the two deputations' resolutions of September; those resolutions had stipulated simply that the Castilians should have the places first in precedence after the French, without mentioning any specific seats in the cathedral, although the English, no doubt, had then seen the implied threat to their traditional places on the left.

^{page 53 note 2} See Cesarini's comment on 14 January 1436 which is referred to below, 57.

^{page 53 note 3} Segovia (MC., ii. 765) described the order of voting and the arrangement of an Ash Wednesday procession; from these the Castilians might have been justified in concluding that their places on the right ranked before those of the English on the left; but Segovia commented: ‘… et tunc praeeminencia non apparuit velut dato honore loco, non vero determinate principibus per suos representatis oratores’: cf. Zellfelder, op. cit., 98–9. The English had obtained an instrument of their own and of the Castilians' incorporation; this was signed by an apostolic protonotary and one notary from each of the four deputations and described the English position in the Council as ‘… prima loca ad latus sinistrum ante omnium aliorum regum et principum ambassiatores’: ibid., Beilage 6, 260–3 (Sprever's copy, which was dated 13 April 1435). Zellfelder was correct in saying that this document did not state on behalf of the Council that the English seats were of greater precedence; it simply records that the English accepted them as such. But the English, henceforth, had a powerful weapon at their disposal in this document: cf. ibid., Beilage 12, (c), 295. See also the bishop of London's protestation of 23 February 1435, which demonstrates the English conviction that their seats were first in precedence after the French: ibid., Beilage 8, 266, para. 1.

^{page 53 note 4} It was perhaps re-opened by a clash on 20 November 1434 between the bishop of London and the archbishop of Lyons, who was supported by the dean of Compostella : CB., iii. 256.

^{page 53 note 5} Zellfelder, op. cit., 264, para. 3.

^{page 53 note 6} Cf. the English view that all four deputations had to be in agreement before a decree could be submitted to a general congregation: ibid., Beilage 12 (b), 293–5, para. 3.

^{page 54 note 1} Zellfelder, op. cit., Beilage 10, 278, para. 4 and 279, para. 6.

^{page 54 note 2} Ibid., 265–71, 276–7, 293–5. Concerning the debate in the deputation for reform on 10 February the English view appears to have been that the archbishop of Tours's proposal, which attracted most votes, was inadmissible because it recommended alternatives, but that the common feature of all three resolutions voted on during that meeting was that to some extent they envisaged the maintenance of the existing arrangement of seats and this had therefore been approved.

^{page 54 note 3} CB., iii. 310, 312–13, 320–1.

^{page 54 note 4} Ibid., 341–2; MC., ii. 782–3; the text of the protest made by the bishop of London on this occasion is not extant; his protestation from 23 February is given by Zellfelder, op. cit., Beilage 8, 265–71; there is another copy of this, without any superscription, in British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra F.VII, fol. 26–9b; see also, Zellfelder, op. cit., 265, para. 4a, 272–3.

^{page 54 note 5} The bishop of London had already complained of the number of partial persons in the deputations: this was an additional ground for his objection to the council's further discussion of the seating question: ibid., 271, para. 9.

^{page 55 note 1} CB., iii. 354–5; MC., ii. 783; Zellfelder, op. cit, Beilage 10, 274–83; of these three versions of the events at this general congregation the last-mentioned was signed by a papal protonotary and one notary from each of the four deputations; it is the fullest account and differs in some particulars from the other two.

^{page 55 note 2} Ibid., Beilage 12 (a), 292–3.

^{page 55 note 3} On this occasion Cesarini apparently secured acceptance for a simpler, less controversial system of seating but this was not implemented: CB., iii. 355; MC., ii. 783.

^{page 55 note 4} CB., v. 127.

^{page 55 note 5} Ibid., iii. 401–2; Zellfelder identified this statement with the memorandum he printed in his Beilage 11.

^{page 55 note 6} CB., iii. 413.

^{page 55 note 7} Ibid., 416; v. 137.

^{page 56 note 1} Beltrán de Heredia (art. cit., 26–7) gives the text of this protestation from a Spanish MS.

^{page 56 note 2} CB., iii. 565.

^{page 56 note 3} MC., ii. 833.

^{page 56 note 4} Segovia, ibid., referred to ‘alter ambassiatorum regis Anglie ordinis cruciferorum barbatus’; this was probably the turcopolier of Rhodes but in the context of Segovia's reference it is not clear if the turcopolier was still at the Council. The ‘magister Anglicus’ whom he mentioned afterwards was probably a different person.

^{page 57 note 1} CB., iii. 565–6, 567, 588–9, 594–5; MC., ii. 833–4; Basler Chroniken, ed. Vischer, W., etc., Leipzig 1872 ff., v. 477Google Scholar. Beltrán de Heredia, art. cit., 19–21, was anxious to defend the bishops of Burgos and Cuenca from the charge of complicity in this violent incident; the chief culprits, clearly, were the Spanish servants but they were possibly acting with the connivance of some, not necessarily all, of the Castilian prelates. He was also distrustful of the accounts of the incident provided in CB., iii. 565 and MC., ii. 833, preferring that in CB., iii. 588. I find this difficult to follow. Segovia may not have been an eye-witness but he was a Castilian and therefore unlikely to exaggerate the guilt of his fellow-countrymen.

^{page 57 note 2} MC., ii. 882–3.

^{page 57 note 3} CB., iv. 18–19, 122, 126–7, 215–16, 225–7; MC., ii. 897. The bishop of Dax retired from the council in May 1436; he returned later and was present during 1438 and 1439. There is an undated memorandum by him on English precedence over the Castilians in British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra F.VII, fols. 31–2b.

^{page 57 note 4} Cf. CB., ii, 358; iii. 263.

^{page 58 note 1} CB., iii. 202, cf. 257, 259, 260, 270. The new bishop of Meath was Thomas Chace, or Chate, on whom see Emden, Oxford, i. 379–80. There is possibly a connexion between this case and the council's decree restoring capitular elections in 1433.

^{page 58 note 2} CB., iii. 385, 407, 457, 464, 475, 476, 480.

^{page 58 note 3} Ibid., 424, 473, 492; 385, 407.

^{page 58 note 4} Ibid., 457, 476.

^{page 58 note 5} Gill, op. cit., 61–3; see also Eugenius's Liber Apologeticus of 1436, Annales Ecclesiastici, ed. Baronius, C., Barni Ducis 1874, xxviii. 199–201Google Scholar. There were further requests for dispensations from England and Ireland in 1436: CB., iv. 147–314 passim.

^{page 58 note 6} Ibid., iii. 414.

^{page 58 note 7} Bullarium Diplomatum et Privilegiorum Sanctorum Romanorum Pontificum, ed. A. Tomassetti, Turin 1860, v. 14–15; CB., iii. 112, 38; The Register of Thomas Spofford, Bishop of Hereford, 1422–48, ed. Bannister, A. T., Canterbury and York Soc. xxiii (1919), 244–5Google Scholar; Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. 0.8.26, fols. 89b–92b.

^{page 59 note 1} Register of Chichele, i. xxxix-xlix; Jacob, , The Fifteenth Century, 1399–1485, Oxford 1961, 267–70Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 2} Register of Chichele, iii. clix-cxi; Jacob, ‘Two Lives of Archbishop Chichele’, 15–16, 18, 19; ‘Some English Documents of the Conciliar Movement’, Bulletin of John Rylands Library, xv (1931), 29Google Scholar; Prague Essays, 103; Chichele and the Ecclesiastical Politics of His Age, 7–12; ‘A Note on the English Concordat of 1418’, Mediaeval Studies presented to Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., ed. Watt, J. A., Morrall, J. B., Martin, F. X., Dublin 1961, 349–58Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 3} Valois, op. cit., i. 371–2.

^{page 59 note 4} Ibid., i. 372–7; Gill, op. cit., 61–2; Waugh, W. T., ‘The Councils of Constance and Basle’, Cambridge Mediaeval History, Cambridge 1936, viii. 34Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 5} CB., iii. 400.

^{page 60 note 1} CB., iii. 408, v. 134–5 (a note added to this account states: ‘Anglicus cum sua cauda contrariatur cum adherentibus pape’—perhaps a reference to the legend that Englishmen had tails; cf. Neilson, G., Caudatus Anglicus: a mediaeval slander, Edinburgh 1896Google Scholar; MC., ii. 800).

^{page 60 note 2} British Museum, Cotton MS. Cleopatra E.III. fols. 72ab.

^{page 60 note 3} Register of Chichele, iv. 194–6, 202–3; see p. 59, n.2 above.

^{page 61 note 1} Cusanus Codex 168, fols. 148a–50b, 151ab; CB., viii. (ed. H. Dannenbauer, etc.) 181–2.

^{page 61 note 2} On Beaupère, see de Beaurepaire, C., Notes sur les Juges et les Assesseurs du Procès de Condemnation de Jeanne d'Arc, Rouen 1890, 27–30Google Scholar; Allmand, C. T., ‘Un Conciliariste nivernais du XVe siècle; Jean Beaupère’, Annales de Bourgogne, xxxv (1963), 145–54Google Scholar. On Beaupère and the mendicants at Basel and on related topics, see also CB., iii. 91, 130, 137, iv. 158, 201, 206, 214; MC., ii. 701–4; Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio, xxx. 824–5, 845–6.

^{page 61 note 3} Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey, iii. 252–4.

^{page 61 note 4} Ibid., 254–7.

^{page 61 note 5} Torelli, L., Secoli Agostini, Bologna 1680, vi. 665–9Google Scholar; Bughetti, B., ‘Statutum Concordiae Inter Quatuor Ordines Mendicantes Annis 1435, 1458 et 1475 Sancitum’, Archivum Franciscum Historicum, Ann. xxv (1932), 241–56Google Scholar; Meerseman, A, ‘Concordia inter Quatuor Ordines Mendicantes’, Archivum Fratrum Predicatorum 1934, iv. 75–97Google Scholar; Roth, F., The English Austin Friars, 1249–1538, New York 1961, ii. 317^*Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 1} Fornsete said that his letter was written on Trinity Sunday but despatched only on 14 June.

^{page 62 note 2} CB., iii. 455, 483.

^{page 62 note 3} Cf. my article, ‘England, the Pope, and the Council of Basel, 1435–1449’, 7, and the sources cited there at n. 36.

^{page 62 note 4} CB., iii. 463.

^{page 62 note 5} Ibid., iv. 71.

^{page 62 note 6} Ibid., 281, 285; vi. 111.

^{page 62 note 7} Schofield, art. cit., n. 39.

^{page 62 note 8} An account of this mission is contained in Douai, Bibliothèque munic. MS. 198 (2), fols. 459b–60b; see also, CB., iii. 497, 560; MC., ii. 824–5; Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Historicum, Dogmaticorum Moralium Amplissima Collectio, ed. Martène, E. and Durand, U., Paris 1733, viii. 815–18Google Scholar; Sacrorum Conciliorum … Collectio, xxx. 918–21; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, ii. 461, cf. 489; Foedera, V. i. 17.

^{page 63 note 1} Dickinson, op. cit., 40–8.

^{page 63 note 2} Zellfelder, op. cit, 100, 106, 108, 110.

^{page 63 note 3} Jacob, , Henry VI and the Invasion of France, London 1947, 147–59Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 4} Dickinson, op. cit., 131: ‘The subject of a royal minority is not one which has been explored in relation to diplomacy’; cf. 142–3, 145, 146–9.

^{page 64 note 1} Dickinson, op. cit., 27, 118–19; Jacob, Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, 56, 245.

^{page 64 note 2} Ibid., 56; Deutsche Reichstagsakten, Gotha 1898, xi. 406–8, 533–4, 538–9, 539–40.

^{page 64 note 3} Dickinson, op. cit., 121–5, 132, 163–9.

^{page 64 note 4} Jacob, Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, 245; Schofield, ‘The First English Delegation …’, 184–93.

^{page 64 note 5} Zellfelder, op. cit., 145–6 n.22; Dickinson, op. cit., 122; Toussaint, op. cit., 81 n.3; Zellfelder's reference to Sacrorum Conciliorum … Collectio is erroneous. I am obliged to Dr. C. T. Allmand for the following references to MS. sources: Douai, Bibliothèque munic. MS. 198 (2), fols. 324b–5; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. lat. 1502, fol. 9. I have not been able to consult Stouff, L., Contribution à l'histoire de la Bourgogne du Concile de Basel, Dijon-Paris 1928Google Scholar.