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³ Every, G., ‘Syrian Christians in Palestine in the early Middle Ages’, Eastern Churches Quarterly, vi (1946), 363Google Scholar.

⁴ Cf. the remarks of Blake, R. P., ‘La Littérature grecque en Palestine au viiie siècle’, Le Muséon, lxxviii (1965), 376–8Google Scholar.

⁵ For a sketch of the Byzantine re-assertions of power in the East in the century prior to the crusades, Prawer, J., Histoire du royaume latin de Jérusalem (trans. G. Nahon), 2 vols., Paris 1969 and 1970, i. 89–120Google Scholar.

⁶ Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 32.

⁷ Runciman, S., ‘Charlemagne and Palestine’, English Historical Review, 1 (1935), 606–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘dem, ‘The Byzantine “Protectorate” in the Holy Land in the XI century’, Byzantion, xviii (1948), 207–15Google Scholar; idem, The Historic Role of the Christian Arabs of Palestine (Carreras Arab Lecture, 1968), London 1970Google Scholar, text in English and Arabic.

⁸ E.g. Vailhe, S., ‘Saint Michel le syncelle et les deux frères Grapti, saint Théodore et saint Théophane’, Revue de l'Orient Chrétien, ix (1901), 313–32, 610–42Google Scholar; Peeters, P., ‘La Passion de S. Michel le sabaïte’, Analecta Bollandiana, xlviii (1930), 65–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vasiliev, A., ‘The Life of St. Theodore of Edessa’, Byzantion, xvi (1942–3), 165–225Google Scholar; Featherstone, J., ‘Theophane of Caesarea, Encomium of Theodore Graptos’, Analecta Bollandiana, xcviii (1980), 93–150CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also n. 38 below.

⁹ See the discussion of these issues in Griffith, S. H., ‘Eutychius of Alexandria on the Emperor Theophilus and Iconoclasm in Byzantium: a tenth century moment in Christian apologetics in Arabic’, Byzantion, lii (1982), 154–90Google Scholar.

¹⁰ The evidence for the Umayyad programme for the Islamicisation of public life is discussed in S. H. Griffith, ‘Theodore Abū Qurrah's Arabic tract on the Christian practice of venerating images’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, forthcoming.

¹¹ Cheikho, L. et al. (eds.), Eutychii Patriarchal Alexandrini Annales (CSCO, vols I and 11.), Beirut and Paris 1906 and 1909, li. 49Google Scholar.

¹² Ibid., 87–8.

¹³ Krachkovsky, I. and Vasiliev, A., ‘Histoire de Yahya-ibn-Sa'ïd d'Antioche, continuateur de Sa'ïd-ibn-Bitriq’, Patrologia Orientalis, xviii (1924), 706–9Google Scholar. On al-Anṭākī and his sources, cf. now Forsyth, J. H., ‘The Byzantine-Arab Chronicle (938–1034) of Yaḥya b. Sa'īd al-Anṭākī’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan 1977), Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms International 1978Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Hah, J. Nasra, Saint Jean de Damas, son époque, sa vie, son oeuvre, Harissa 1950Google Scholar; Hoeck, J. M., ‘Stand und Aufgaben der Damaskenos Forschung’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, xvii (1951), 5–60Google Scholar. Full bibliography in Geerad, M. (ed.), Clavis Patrum Graecorum, Turnout 1979, iii. 511–36Google Scholar. On John Damascene and the Muslims, Sahas, D.J., John of Damascus on Islam, the ‘Heresy of the Ishmaelites’, Leiden 1972Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Studer, B., Die theologische Arbcitsweise des Johannes von Damaskus, Ettal 1956, 132Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Only such a role can explain the extraordinarily large number of MSS of this work and of its several parts which have survived to modern times. Kotter, B., Die Überlieferung der Pege Gnoseos des h. Johannes von Damaskos, Ettal 1959Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Georg Graf, Geschichle der christlichen arabischcn Literatur (hereafter cited as GCAL) (5 vols.), Vatican City 1944–53, i. 377–9; Nasrallah, Saint Jean de Damas, 179–89; Kotter, op. cit., 217–18; Atiya, A. S., ‘St. John Damascene: survey of the unpublished Arabic versions of his works in Sinai’, in Makdisi, G. (ed.), Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honor of Hamilton A. R. Gibb, Cambridge, Mass. 1965, 73–83Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Blake, ‘La Littérature grecque’, and the works cited in n. 8 above. Also Ehrhard, A., ‘Das griechische Kloster Mar-Saba in Palaestina, seine Geschichte und seine litterarischen Denkmäler’, Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Alterthumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte, vii (1893), 32–79Google Scholar; Vailhé, S., ‘Les Écrivains de Mar-Saba’, Échos d'Orient, ii (1898–9), 1–11, 33–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One should also note the work of Anastasius of Sinai, now being brought to the attention of scholars by Uthemann, Karl-Heinz, Anastasii Sinailae Viae Dux, Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 8, Leuven 1981Google Scholar: and J. Munitz, who is at work on a critical edition of Anastasius's Quaestiones et Responsiones, Uthemann, op. cit., p. ccxiii, n. 56. On Anastasius and the Muslims, Griffith, S. H., ‘Anastasius of Sinai and the Muslims’, forthcoming publication; see abstract in Byzantine Studies Conference: Abstracts of Papers, vii (1982), 13Google Scholar.

¹⁹ A. Vasiliev, ‘St. Theodore of Edessa’, 171.

²⁰ G. Graf, GCAL, ii. 24.

²¹ Müller, August, Ibn Abī Useibia, ‘Uyūn al-Anbā’ fī Tabaqāt a ṭ-Ṭ ibbā, 2 vols. in 1, Königsberg 1884, ii. 187Google Scholar; Lippert, J., Ibn al-Qifṭi's Ta'rīḩ al-Hukamā’, Leipzig 1903, 174Google Scholar.

²² On this incident cf. Hemmerdinger, B., ‘Ḥunain ibn Isḥāq et l'iconoclasme byzantin’, in Actes du XIIe Congrès International d'Études Byzantines, Belgrade 1964, ii. 467–9Google Scholar; Strohmaier, G., ‘Ḥunain ibn Isḥāq und die Bilder’, Klio, xliii–xlv (1965), 525–33Google Scholar.

²³ G. Strohmaier, ‘Ḥunayn b. Isḥāḳ al-'Ibādī ‘Encyclopedia of Islam (hereafter cited as EI), 2nd edn, hi. 578–81.

²⁴ Griffith, ‘Eutychius of Alexandria’, and, for the earlier period of iconoclasm, Gero, S., Byzantine Iconoclasm during the reign of Leo III, with particular Reference to the Oriental Sources (CSCO, ccclxvi; Louvain, 1973), appendix A, ‘Arab and Syriac accounts of early Iconoclasm', 199–205Google Scholar.

²⁵ Above, and n. 13.

²⁶ Regarding Melkite documents in Syriac, Thompson, R. W., ‘The text of the Syriac Athanasian Corpus“;, in Birdsall, J. N. and Thompson, R. W. (eds.), Biblical and Patristic Studies in Memory of Robert Pierce Casey, Freiburg 1963, 250–64Google Scholar. Melkite liturgical documents have also survived: Brock, S. P., ‘A short Melkite baptismal service in Syriac’, Parole de l'Orient, iii (1972), 119–30Google Scholar. With some documents it is difficult to tell which was their original language, Greek or Syriac. Brock, S. P., ‘A Syriac fragment on the sixth council’, Oriens Christianus, lvii (1973), 63–71Google Scholar; idem, ‘An early Syriac life of Maximus the Confessor’, Analecta Bollandiana, xci (1973), 299–346Google Scholar. See also Fiey, J. M., ‘“Rūm” à l'est de l'Euphrate’, Le Muséon, xc (1977), 365–420Google Scholar, with its rich bibliography. Theodore Abu Qurrah said in one of his Arabic works that he had written some thirty treatises in Syriac. Bacha, C., Les Oeuvres arabes de Théodore Aboucara, évêque d'Haran, Beirut 1904, 60–1Google Scholar.

²⁷ Regarding Palestinian Syriac, see the bibliographic orientation available in Metzger, B. M., The Early Versions of the New Testament, Oxford 1977, 75–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also the comments and bibliography of Goshen-Gottstein, M., The Bible in the Syro-palestinian Version: Part I: Pentateuch and Prophets, Jerusalem 1973, viii–xvGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ P.G. xcix. 1155–74.

²⁹ Grumel, V., Le Patriarcat byzantin; les regestes des actes du patriarcal de Constantinople, 2 vols., Paris 1932–6, i. 88–9Google Scholar; Dvornik, F., The Photian Schism. History and legend, Cambridge 1948, 119 and 193Google Scholar.

³⁰ Duchesne, L., ‘L'Iconographie byzantine dans un document grec du ixe siècle’, Roma e l'Oriente, v (1912–13), 222–39, 273–85, 349, 366Google Scholar.

³¹ Griffith, ‘Eutychius of Alexandria’.

³² The remarks of Ševčenko, Ihor, ‘Constantinople viewed from the eastern provinces in the middle Byzantine period’, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, iii–iv (1979–80), 735 n. 36Google Scholar.

³³ Quoted from Henry, P., ‘Initial eastern assessments of the seventh oecumenical council’, JTS, 2nd ser., xxv (1974), 77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁵ Gouillard, J., ‘Un ‘Quartier’ d'émigrés palestiniens à Constantinople au ixe siècle?’, Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes, vii (1969), 73–6Google Scholar.

³⁶ Shboul, Ahmad M. H., Al-Mas ‘ūdī and His World; a Muslim Humanist and his Interest in Non-Muslims, London 1979, 227Google Scholar. Cf. also this author's rich documentation for the state of affairs between the caliphate and Byzantium between the years 813 and 959, in his chapter, ‘Al-Mas'ūdī on the Byzantines’, 227–84. Also Gibb, H. A. R., ‘Arab-Byzantine relations under the Umayyad caliphate’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xii (1958), 221–33Google Scholar; Vasiliev, A. A., Byzance el les Arabes, 4 vols., Brussels 1935–68Google Scholar; Christides, V., ‘The raids of the Moslems of Crete in the Aegean Sea, piracy and conquest’, Byzantion, li (1981), 76–111Google Scholar.

³⁷ Donner, H., ‘Die Pälastinabeschreibung des Epiphanius Monachus Hagiopolita’, Zeitschnfl des deutschen Palästina-Vereins, lxxxvii (1971), 71Google Scholar; comment in Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 11 and 119.

³⁸ Peeters, P., ‘S. Romain le néomartyr (1 mai 780), d'après un document géorgien’, Analecta Bollandiana, xxx (1911), 393–427CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the remarks of Ševˇenko, Ihor, ‘Hagiography of the Iconoclast period’, in Bryer, A. and Herrin, J. (eds.), Iconoclasm, Birmingham 1977, 114–15Google Scholar.

³⁹ On the terms mutakallim and kalām, Niewöhner, F., ‘Die Diskussion urn den Kalām und die Mutakallimūn in der europäischen Philosophiegeschichtsschreibung’, Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte, xviii (1974), 7–34Google Scholar; Ess, J. Van, ‘Disputationspraxis in der islamischen Theologie, eine vorläufige Skizze’, Revue des Études Islamiques, xliv (1976), 23–60Google Scholar; Cook, M. A., ‘The Origins of Kalam’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, xliii (1980), 32–43Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Dick, I., ‘Un Continuateur arabe de saint Jean Damascène: Théodore Abuqurra, évêque melkite de Ḥarran’, Proche-Orient Chrétien, xii (1962), 209–23, 319–32; xiii (1963), 114–29Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Griffith, S. H., ‘The controversial theology of Theodore Abū Qurrah (c. 750–c. 820 A.D.), a methodological comparative study in Christian Arabic literature’, (Ph.D. dissertation; The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C., 1978)Google Scholar, Ann Arbor, Michigan University Microfilms International, no. 7819874. Cf. abstract in Dissertation Abstracts International, xxxix, (1978), 2992–3Google Scholar. The influence of the apologetic dimension can also be discerned in early Islamic religious writing. See Wansbrough, J., The Sectarian Milieu, content and composition of Islamic salvation history, Oxford 1978Google Scholar.

⁴² Bacha, Les Oeuvres arabes de Théodore Aboucara, 60–1.

⁴³ Graf, GCAL, ii. 20–1; Gvaramia, R., ‘Bibliographic du dialogue islamo-chrétien: auteurs chrétiens de langue géorgienne’, Islamochristiana, vi (1980). 290–1Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Tarchnišvili, M., Geschichte der kirchlichen georgischen Literatur (Studi e Testi, no. 185), Vatican City 1955, 208–9, 370–1Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ibid., 129, and Graf, GCAL, n, 21.

⁴⁶ Peeters, ‘S. Romain’, 403–9.

⁴⁷ The published works of Abū Qurrah in Arabic are: Arendzen, I., Theodori Abu Kurra de Cultu Imaginum Libellus e Codice Arabico nunc Primum Editus Latine Versus Illustratus, Bonn 1897Google Scholar; Bacha, Les Oeuvres arabes de Théodore Aboucara; idem, Un Traité des oeuvres arabes de Théodore Abou-Kurra, évêque de Haran, Tripoli, Syria and Rome 1905Google Scholar; Graf, G., Die arabischen Schriflen des Theodor Ibu Qurra, Bischqfs von Ḥarran (ca. 740–820) (Forschungen zur christlichen Literatur- und Dogmengeschichte, Band X, Heft 3/4, Paderborn 1910)Google Scholar; Cheikho, Louis, ‘Mïmar li Tadürüs Abï Qurrah fï Wuğūd al-Ḫāliq wa d-Dīn al-Qawīm’, al-Machriq, xv (1919), 757–74Google Scholar; 825–42; Graf, G., Des Theodor Abu Kurra Traktat über den Schö'pfer und die wahre Religion (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittelalters. Texte und Untersuchungen, Band XIV, Heft 1), Münster, Westphalia 1913Google Scholar; Dick, I., ‘Deux écrits inédits de Théodore Abuqurra’, Le Muséon, Ixxii (1959), 53–67Google Scholar; Griffith, S. H., ‘Some unpublished Arabic sayings attributed to Theodore Abū Qurrah’, Le Muséon, xcii (1979), 29–35Google Scholar. For Abū Qurrah's works preserved only in Greek, see P.G. xcvii. 1461–610. For the MSS of unpublished works attributed to Abū Qurrah, cf. Graf, GCAL, ii. 7–16 and Nasrallah, J., ‘Dialogue islamo-chrétien à propos de publications récentes’, Revue des Études Islamiques, xlvi (1978), 129–32Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Dick, , ‘Un Continuateur arabe, xiii (1963), 121–2Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Graf, Die arabischen Schriften, 20–5.

⁵⁰ Chabot, J.-B., Chnnique de Michel le syrien; patriarche Jacobite d'Antioche (1166–1199) (4 vols.), Paris 1899–1910, iii. 32Google Scholar (French), iv. 495–6 (Syriac).

⁵¹ P.G. xcvii. 1504D.

⁵² Vailhé, ‘Saint Michel le syncelle’; Ševčenko, ‘Hagiography of the Iconoclast period’, 116, esp. n. 19.

⁵³ Griffith, ‘Some unpublished sayings’.

⁵⁴ P.G. xcvii. 1601–10.

⁵⁵ Grafs analysis, Die arabischen Schriften, 67–77.

⁵⁶ Ibid., esp. 71.

⁵⁷ Khoury, A. T., Les Thiologitns byzantins et l'Islam, Louvain and Paris 1969, 86–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Graf, Die arabischen Schriftm, 71–7. Regarding the ‘debate’ reports preserved in Arabic MSS, concerning which Graf had doubts about their authenticity, cf. Graf, GCAL, ii. 21–3.

⁵⁹ British Library Oriental MS 4950, fo. 119r–119v. On this MS see below.

⁶⁰ Khoury, Les Théologiens byzantins, 83–105; idem, Polémique byzantine contre l'Islam, Leiden 1972Google Scholar; idem, ‘Apologétique byzantine contre islam (viiie–xiiie siècle)’, Proche Orient Chétien, xxix (1979), 242–300Google Scholar; xxx (1980), 132–74; xxxii (1981), 14–47.

⁶¹ Vailhé, S., ‘Le Monastère de saint-Sabas’, Echos d'Onent, iii (1899–1900), 22Google Scholar. Cf. also Every, ‘Syrian Christians in Palestine’.

⁶² Dick, ‘Un Continuateur arabe', 328–30; Vasiliev, ‘St. Theodore of Edessa’.

⁶³ Nn. 8 and 38 above. The original, Arabic vita of John Damascene was also written in this period, cf. Sahas, John of Damascus, 32–5. Peeters and Sahas ascribe the author's motive for using Arabic to his presumed fear of the iconoclastic authorities in Byzantium.

⁶⁴ Cf. the passage quoted and discussed in Sahas, op. cit., 47 n. 1.

⁶⁵ E.g., Abel, A., ‘La Portée apologyétique de la “vie” de St. Théodore d'Edesse’, Byzantinoslavica, x (1949), 229–40Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Atiya, A. S., The Arabic Manuscripts of Mount Sinai; a handlist of the Arabic manuscripts and scrolls microfilmed at the library of the monastery of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, Baltimore 1955Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Blau, J., A Grammar of Christian Arabic, based mainly on South Palestinian texts from the first millennium, CSCO, cclxvii, cclxxvi, cclxxix, Lou vain 1966–7Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Cf. his recent discussion of his linguistic concerns in Blau, J., ‘The state of research in the field of the linguistic study of middle Arabic’, Arabica, xxviii (1981), 187–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ Blau, Grammar, eclxvii. 21–36.

⁷⁰ On the so-called ‘Christian Arabic’, see the remarks of Kh. Samir, Le Traitidé l'unité de Yahyā ibn ‘Adī (893–974), étude et édition critique, Jounieh and Rome 1980, pp. xv–xvii, 72–91Google Scholar; idem (ed.), Actes du Premier Congres International d'Études Arabes Chrétiennes–Goslar, septembre, 1980 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 218), Rome 1982, 52–9Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Violet, B., ‘Ein zweisprachiges Psalmfragment aus Damaskus’, Berichliger Sonderabzug aus der orientalistischen Litteratur-Zeitung, 1901, Berlin 1902, cols. 1–52Google Scholar. Melkites seem never to have used Karšūnī/Garšūnī, i.e. the system of writing Arabic in Syriac characters. Cf. G. Troupeau, ‘Karsbūnī, El, iv, 671–2.

⁷² Another such scholar-monk of the ninth century is Bišr ibn Sirrī, who wrote the earliest dated MS of the period, Sinai Arabic MS 151, written in A.D. 867. Nasrallah, J., ‘Deux versions melchites partielles de la Bible du ixe et du xe siècles’, Oriens Christianus, lxiv (1980), 203–6Google Scholar.

⁷³ The year A.D. 772 is actually the earliest date mentioned in a documentary source with reference to a Christian text in Arabic, although the MS itself has not yet come to light. Blau, Grammar, eclxvii. n. 7.

⁷⁴ The colophon of Sinai Arabic MS 72 (fo. 118v) is published in Padwick, C. E., ‘Al-Ghazali and the Arabic versions of the Gospels, an unsolved problem’, The Moslem World, xxix (1939), betw. pp. 134Google Scholar and 135; and in Atiya, The Arabic Manuscripts of Mount Sinai, pi. vi. A re-cataloguing of the Sinai MSS has changed their traditional numbers. According to the new system, MS 72 is MS 65. Cf. Kamil, Murad, Catalogue of all Manuscripts in the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, Wiesbaden 1970, 14Google Scholar. The two colophons in British Library MS 4950, one following each of the two works contained in the manuscript, are published in the following places: (fo. 197v), in Lewis, A. S. and Gibson, M. D., Forty-one facsimiles of dated Christian Arabic Manuscripts(Studia Sinaitica, no. 12), Cambridge 1907, 2–4Google Scholar, including a photograph, a transcription and an English version; also in Arendzen, Theodori Abu Kurra, the photograph as a frontispiece for the volume and the transcription and commentary on p. xv; (fo. 237r), in Arendzen, op. cit., 50 (Arabic), 52 (Latin version).

⁷⁵ Fo. 197V, cf. Lewis and Gibson, op. cit. p. 3. The second two ellipses in the quotation indicate the omission of honorific adjectives. The first one marks the omission of the date, which will be supplied below.

⁷⁶ Pad wick, ‘Al-Ghazali’.

⁷⁷ The method of reckoning the years of the world which Stephen used is the one called ‘Alexandrian’, Grumel, V., La Chronologie, Paris 1958, 252Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Ibid., 285.

⁷⁹ Lewis and Gibson, Forty-one Facsimiles, 3.

⁸⁰ Grumel, op. cit., 251.

⁸¹ Ibid., 284.

⁸² Ibid., 124–8.

⁸³ Ibid., 95–7, 126.

⁸⁴ Cf. the Greek text cited in the anonymous article, ‘Les Premiers Monastères de la Palestine’, Bessarione, iii (1897–8), 54Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ For a sketch of the history of the monastery, anon. ‘Les Premiers Monastères, 50–8; and Vailhé, S., ‘Repertoire alphabétique des monistères de Palestine’, Revue d l'Orient Chrétien, iv (1899), 524–5Google Scholar; Leclercq, H., ‘Laures palestiniennes’, DACL, viii, 2, cols. 1970–73Google Scholar. On St Charitōn himself, the brief sketch and bibliography in G. Garitte, ‘Charitōn (Saint)', DHGE, xii, cols. 421–3.

⁸⁶ Cf. the passages cited in anon. ‘Les Premiers Monastères’, 54–5.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 56.

⁸⁸ E. Honigmann, ‘Al-Ramla’, El, 1st edn, iii. 1193–5. For a selection of passages in translation from the works of Arab geographers and travellers, pertaining to ar-Ramlah, Strange, Guy Le, Palestine under the Moslems. A description of Syria and the Holy Land from A.D. 650 to 1500, Boston 1890, 303–8Google Scholar; and Marmardji, A. S., Textes géographiques arabes sur la Palestine, Paris 1951, 81–6.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ahmed ibn Abî Jakub ibn Wâdhih al-Kâtib al-Jakûbî, Kitāb al-Boldân, in Goeje, M. J. De (ed.), Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, Leiden 1892, viii. 328Google Scholar. Le Strange presumes too much in translating al-'ağam as ‘Greeks’, op. cit., 303. In the colophon to Sinai Arabic MS 72, Stephen of Ramlah used the term to refer to the usage of Aramaic speakers. Cf. n. 76 above. Al-Ya'qūbī probably means ‘Muslims and non-Muslims’.

⁹⁰ Zayat, H., ‘Šuhadā’ an-Naṣrāniyyah fī l-Islām’, al-Machriq, xxxvi (1938), 459–65Google Scholar.

⁹¹ For bibliography and discussion, S. H. Griffith, ‘The Gospel in Arabic: an inquiry into its appearance in the first Abbasid century’, Oriens Christianus, forthcoming.

⁹² Metzger, Early Versions of the Mew Testament 75–82.

⁹³ Cf. the remark made by the pilgrim Egeria (c. 384), quoted in Metzger, op. cit., 77.

⁹⁴ Baumstark, A., ‘Die sonntägliche Evangelienlesung in vorbysantinischen Jerusalem’, Byzantinishe Zeitschrift, xxx (1929–30), 350–9Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Griffith, ‘The Gospel in Arabic’; Blau, J., ‘Über einige christlich-arabische Manuscripte aus dem 9. und 10. Jahrhundert’, Le Muséon, lxxv (1962), 101–8Google Scholar; Garland, Amy Galli, ‘An Arabic translation of the Gospel according to Mark’, unpublished M.A. thesis, The Catholic University of America; Washington, D.C., 1979Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ S. H. Griffith, ‘Some unpublished sayings’.

⁹⁷ Above, n. 75.

⁹⁸ British Library Oriental MS 4950, fo. 2r.

⁹⁹ Cf. the discussion in Graf, GCAL, ii. 16–19, including a table of contents of the entire Summa.

¹⁰⁰ Nasrallah, ‘Dialogue islamo-chrétien’, 131–2.

¹⁰¹ Samir, Kh., ‘Notes sur Ies citations bibliques chez Abū Qurrah’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, xliv (1983), 184–91Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Blau, J., ‘The importance of Middle Arabic dialects for the history of Arabic’, in Heyd, U. (ed.), Studies in Islamic History and Civilization (Scripta Hierosolymitana, ix), Jerusalem 1961, 208 n. 9Google Scholar; idem, ‘Über einige christlich-arabische Manuscripte’, 102.

¹⁰³ Ma'lūf, L., ‘Aqdam al-Maḫṭūṭāt an-Naṣrāniyyah al-'Arabiyyah’, al-Machriq, vi (1903), 1011–23Google Scholar. The present writer is now preparing Graf's edition of this important treatise for publication.

¹⁰⁴ Cf. Griffith, ‘The controversial theology’, 7–10. I no longer think that the term al-bašar hints at a Monophysite writer. It is simply a lexical difference from Abū Qurrah's usual vocabulary.

¹⁰⁵ Above, n. 59.

¹⁰⁶ Blau, ‘Über einige christlich-arabische Manuscripte’, 102.

¹⁰⁷ Arendzen, Theodori Abu Kurra.

¹⁰⁸ Cheikho et al., Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales, li. 64; Griffith, ‘Eutychius of Alexandria’.

¹⁰⁹ S. H. Griffith, ‘Theodore Abū Qurrah's Arabic tract’, forthcoming.

¹¹⁰ British Library Oriental MS 4950, fo. 237v.