Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
One of the most interesting of the various groups of Orthodox Christians that constituted the Rum Milleti within the Ottoman Empire were the Karamanli Christians of Asia Minor. These Karamanli Christians, or Karamanlides, were a substantial body of Christians Orthodox in religion but Turkish in speech. During the Ottoman period they were largely concentrated in the interior of Asia Minor, although they were also to be found in the Crimea and on the shores of the Sea of Azov. The question of their origin is a matter of controversy and is likely to remain so. Greek scholars incline to the view that the Karamanlides were of Greek descent and adopted Turkish as their vernacular, either by force or as a result of their isolation from the Greek speaking Orthodox Christians of the coastal regions. Turkish scholars regard them as the descendants of Turks who had migrated to Byzantine territories before the conquest or had served as mercenaries in the Byzantine armies and who had adopted the religion but not the language of their new rulers.
page 57 note 1 Greek, Καραμανλδες; Turkish Karamanhlar.
page 57 note 2 In Greek known as Καραμανλδκα; in Turkish as Karamanlica.
page 57 note 3 Salaville, Notably S. and Dalleggio, E., Karamanlidika, Bibliographie analytique d'ouvrages en langue turque imprimés en caractères grecs, i (1584–1850), Athens 1958Google Scholar; ii (1851–1865), Athens 1966. See also Eckmann, J., Die karamanische Literatur in Deny, J. et al. , ed., Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta, ii, Wiesbaden 1964, 819–35Google Scholar; Pamboukis, I. T., Πετεριμζ, λγαι λξεις π τς συνθσεως τν θρησκευτικν βιβλων τς τουρκοφώνου λληνικς φιλολογας, Athens 1961Google Scholar; and Halkin, F., Acolouthies gréco-turques à l'usage des Grecs turcophones d'Asie Mineure, Mémorial Louis Petit (Archives de l'Orient Chrétien, i) Bucharest 1948, 194–202Google Scholar.
page 58 note 1 Canton, W., A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, London 1904, i. 18Google Scholar. Some of the Bible Society's activities in Greece during this period have been discussed recently by Siotes, M., ‘Constantine Oikonomos of the House of Oikonomos and the Operations of the British Bible Society in Greece (1780–1857)’, Greek Orthodox Theological Review, vi (1960), 7–55Google Scholar, originally published as Ὁ Κωνσταντῖνος ξ Οἰκονμων κα αἱ μεταφρσεις τς Ἁγας Γραφς εἰς τν νεοελληνικν, Thessaloniki 1959.
page 58 note 2 See Roe, J. M., A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society 1905–1954, London 1965, 6Google Scholar.
page 58 note 3 Possibly the Ἀζζ Ἀπστολοσλαρην μελερ β μεχτουπλερ (The Acts and Epistles of the Apostles), Venice 1811.
page 58 note 1 British and Foreign Bible Society, 13th Report, 1817, 23.
page 58 note 5 See Owen, J., The History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, London 1820, iii. 13, 14, 211–15Google Scholar; Browne, G., The History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, London 1859, i. 317, 381, 387Google Scholar; ii. 29; W.Canton, op. cit., i. 225–6, 408; ii. 3–5. Pinkerton's own account of his work in Russia (Russia, or, miscellaneous observations on the past and present state of that country and its inhabitants …, London 1833Google Scholar) contains no reference to his activities among the Turkish-speaking Orthodox of the Crimea.
page 59 note 1 For the Greeks of Mariupol see: Lagos, G., Περ τν Ἑλλνων τς μεσημβρινς Ρωσσας, Athens 1853, 44–5Google Scholar; P.M.K., , Περ Μαριανουπλεως, Πανδώρα xvi (1866), 533–5Google Scholar; Grigorovich, V., Zapiska antikvara o poezdke ego na Kalku i Kalmius, v Korsunskuyu Zemliu i na yuzhnuiya pobere zhʼya Dnipra i Dnistra, Odessa 1874, 8–11Google Scholar; Palaiologos, K. A., Ὁ ν τῇ νοτῳ Ῥωσσᾳ Ἑλληνισμς, Παρνασσς v (1881), 613Google Scholar; Braun, F. A., ‘Mariupol'skie greki’, Zhivaya Starina, i. pt. ii (1890), 78–92Google Scholar; and Pallas, P. S., Bemerkungen auf einer Reise …, Leipzig 1799, i. 488–9Google Scholar. Two valuable recent studies are Spiridonov, D., ‘Istorichny interes vivchennya govirok Mariyupil'sʼkikh grekiv. Skhidny Svit, Vostochnuy Mir xii. pt. 3 (1930), 171–81Google Scholar and Sokolov, I. I., ‘O yazuike grekov Mariupol'skogo i Stalinskogo okrugov’, Yazuik i Literatura, vi (1930), 49–67Google Scholar.
page 59 note 2 Letter of 8 June 1816, B.F.B.S., 13th Report, 1817, 70.
page 59 note 3 Whittington, Account of a Journey through Part of Little Tartary …, in Walpole, R., Travels …, London 1820, 464Google Scholar. See also P.M.K., op. cit., 533: ‘… οἰκοσιν … Γραικο, ὧν οἱ μν λλουν γπαικιστ, οἱ δ τ γε πλεῖστον ταταριατ’. According to P.M.K., 9 of the 24 Greek villages in the region of Mariupol were Turkish speaking.
page 59 note 4 Doerfer, G., ‘Das Krimosmanische’, P.T.F., Wiesbaden 1959, i. 272Google Scholar.
page 59 note 5 Becattini, F., Storia della Crimea, piccola Tartaria …, Venice 1785, 28Google Scholar.
page 59 note 6 The inhabitants of Anadol in the Mariupol district migrated from Pontus in 1826 and retained the Pontic dialect, see Sergievsky, M. V., ‘Mariupol'skie grecheskie govorui. Opuit kpatkoi kharakteristiki’, Izvestiya Akademii Nauk S.S.S.R., vii (1934), 535Google Scholar. The presence of so many Anatolian Greeks in the Crimea is further evidence of the strong tendency on the part of the Greeks of the interior to emigrate, if only temporarily, throughout the period of the Tourkokratia, see, for example, Rizos, N. S.Καππαδοκικ, Constantinople 1856, 76, 78, 85Google Scholar; Balabanis, I., Μικρασιατικ, Athens 1891, 170Google Scholar; and Naumann, E., Vom Goldnen Horn zu den Quellen des Euphrat, Leipzig 1893, 208Google Scholar.
page 60 note 1 This legend is frequently met with as a popular explanation of the reason for the adoption of Turkish as the vernacular among the Karamanlides. See Bowen, G. F., Mount Athos, Thessaly and Epirus, London 1852, 41Google Scholar; and E. Naumann, op. cit., 207. See also Hypsilantis, A. K., Τ μετ τν Ἁλωσιν, Constantinople 1870, 117Google Scholar.
page 63 note 1 B.F.B.S., 13th Report, 1817, 76–7.
page 63 note 2 Most Karamanli works were translations of Greek originals, but I have been unable to discover the Greek original of this work. It is possible that the author was Anastasios the Sinaite.
page 63 note 3 Walsh, R., A Residence at Constantinople, London 1836, ii. 487–9Google Scholar. This interesting list is not included among the publishers' and booksellers' catalogues in Phousaras's, G. I. useful recent publication, Βιβλιογραφα τν λληικν βιβλιογραφιν 1791–1947, Athens 1961Google Scholar.
page 63 note 4 The Life of William Kelly was apparently translated via the French.
page 63 note 5 See Gkinis, D. and Mexas, B., Ἑλληνικ Βιβλιογραφα 1800–1839, i. Athens 1939Google Scholar, nos. 1103, 1129, 1019, 1075.
page 64 note 1 Missionary Herald, xvii (1821), 79Google Scholar.
page 64 note 2 Loukopoulos, D. and Petropoulos, D., Ἡ λαῑκ λατρεἰα τν Φαρσων, Athens 1949, 114Google Scholar, and Kostakis, T., Ἡ Ἀνακο, Athens 1963, 212Google Scholar. See also M(ystakidis), B. A., Καππαδοκικ, Παρνασσς, xv (1893) 456–7Google Scholar, Chikhachev, P. A., Klein-Asien, Leipzig 1887, 179Google Scholar, and B.F.B.S., 20th Report, 1824, 80. The MSS. of the Gospels seen by Pinkerton were doubtless intended for liturgical use.
page 64 note 3 Didot, A. Firmin, Notes d'un Voyage fait dans le Levant …, Paris 1826, 398Google Scholar.
page 64 note 4 , Venice 1782, 54. This section, the Gospel in Greek and Turkish, in Professor Dawkins's copy (now in the Taylor Institution, Oxford) is heavily stained with candle wax; evidence perhaps of its frequent liturgical use! See also Salaville and Dalleggio, i. 69.
page 65 note 1 Danieloglu, D. E., Σεραφεμ μητροπολτης Ἀγκρας Ἀτταλλες, Constantinople 1865, 4Google Scholar. Salaville and Dalleggio, i. 14.
page 65 note 2 Dawkins, R. M., ‘The Recent Study of Folklore in Greece,’ Papers and Transactions … Folk-Lore Society, London 1930, 132Google Scholar; and Grégoire, H., Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, xxxiii (1909), 148Google Scholar.
page 65 note 3 Lagarde, P., ‘Neugriechisches aus Kleinasien’, Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, xxxiii (1886), 8–14Google Scholar.
page 65 note 4 B.F.B.S. 20th Report, 1824, 147.
page 65 note 5 The following note is appended at the end of the passage; ‘Tous ces passages de l'Evangile ont été écrits par le père Gery Desirs de Cambray. Le turcq est un turcq choisi, et quʼun chacun comprend aisément’. I owe this reference to Mr. J. R. Walsh.
page 66 note 1 Alexander Helladius, Status praesens Ecclesiae Graecae, Nürnberg?, Altdorf? 1714, 137.
page 66 note 2 Leake, W. M., Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, London 1824, 46Google Scholar.
page 66 note 3 Leake, W. M., Researches in Greece, London 1814, 87, 228.Google Scholar
page 66 note 4 Niebuhr, C., Reisebeschreibung, iii: Reisen … durch Kleinasien …, Hamburg 1837, 128Google Scholar.
page 66 note 5 Kyrillos, Archbishop, Ἱστορικ Περιγραφ, Constantinople 1815, 44Google Scholar.
page 66 note 6 B.F.B.S. 24th Report, 1828, 89.
page 66 note 7 See Eyice, S., ‘Konya ile Sille arasinda Ak Manastir, Manākib al-‘ārifin’ deki Deyr-i Eflâtun’, Sarkiyat Mecmuast, vi (1966), 158Google Scholar. A corrupt Greek (μποζοὺκ ῥομτζα) was, however, still spoken in Sille at this time, as throughout the nineteenth century. See Moysis, of Adana, , Μουτενεβ ἰλιμλερν ἰτζμαλ, Smyrna 1836, 156Google Scholar.
page 67 note 1 Ἐν Ἀνδαβλ, ὅπου πρ λγου ἔτι χρνου λαλεῖτο Ἑλληνικ, νν τελεως σχεδν ξλιπε τοτο δ κινδυνεει ν συμβῇ θττον ἤ βρδιον εἰς πσας τς Ἑλληνοφώνους κώμας, Karolidis, P., Γλωσσριον Συγκριτικν …, Smyrna 1885, 37Google Scholar.
page 67 note 2 See above, 60. Pinkerton, however, did not actually travel in Asia Minor.
page 67 note 3 Poujoulat, B., Voyage à Constantinople, dans l'Asie Mineure …, Paris 1840, i. 126Google Scholar. See also G. Bowen, op. cit., 41, ‘in the interior … there are … Christian villages where … the ritual of the Church has been translated into Turkish for their use.’ Bowen also did not travel in the interior, hence no great weight can be attached to his evidence.
page 67 note 4 E. Naumann, op. cit., 208.
page 67 note 5 Jacob, G., ‘Zur Grammatik des Vulgar-Türkischen,’ Z.D.M.G., lii (1898) 696Google Scholar.
page 67 note 6 Kiepert, H., P. v. Tschihatscheff's Reisen in Kleinasien und Armenien 1847–1863, Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft Nr. 20, Gotha 1867, 4Google Scholar.
page 67 note 7 P. A. Chikhachev, op. cit., 179.
page 67 note 8 von der Nahmer, E., Vom Mittelmeer zum Pontus, Berlin 1904, 166Google Scholar. See also von Schweinitz, H. H., In Kleinasien. Ein Reitausflug durch das innere Kleinasiens …, Berlin 1906, 110–11Google Scholar; ‘selbst der Gottesdienst wurde in türkischer Sprache abgehalten’.
page 68 note 1 Baumstark, A., Die Messe im Morgenland, Kempten 1906, 61Google Scholar, cited in W. Heffening and Peters, C., ‘Spuren des Diatessaron in liturgischer Überlieferung. Ein türkischer und ein Karšūni-Text’. Oriens Christianus, 3rd Series, x (1935), 226Google Scholar. Baumstark was presumably referring to the larger of the two islands in the lake, Nis adasi (Νησ, the present-day Yeşil adasi).
page 68 note 2 Hogarth, D. G., A Wandering Scholar in the Levant, London 1896, 83–4.Google Scholar
page 68 note 3 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, a.d. 1325–1354, ed. Gibb, H. A. R., Cambridge 1962, ii. 422Google Scholar.
page 69 note 1 ‘… insula … alia & majori, ubi circiter 200 domicilia, eaque culta partim Muslemiis, partim Infidelibus, qui sunt nautae, quorumque mulieres telam texunt,’ Kâtib Çelebi (Haci Khalifa), Gihan Numa, geographia orientalis, ed. Norberg, M., Londini Gothorum 1818, ii. 435Google Scholar.
page 69 note 2 Lucas, P., Voyage … dans la Grèce, l'Asie Mineure …, Paris, 1712, i. 325–6Google Scholar. Lucas' account of his second visit to ‘Igridy’ in 1714 makes no mention of Christians, Voyage … en 1714 … dans la Turquie …, Amsterdam 1720, i. 184Google Scholar.
page 69 note 3 … Wallfahrten im Morgenlande, ed. Ewers, J. P. G., Berlin 1822, 362Google Scholar.
page 69 note 4 Arundell, F. V. J., Discoveries in Asia Minor …, London 1834, i. 334, 350, ii. 165.Google Scholar
page 69 note 5 Hamilton, W. J., Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia …, London 1842, i. 481–2Google Scholar. Although uninformative about the Greek community Hamilton did record the curious local tradition that, until some 800 years previously, Lake EǦridir had been dry land until a river running through it had been blocked ‘by a magician named Eflat,’ i.e. Eflatun or Plato; see Hasluck, F. W., ‘Plato in the Folk-Lore of the Konya Plain’, Annual of the British School at Athens, xviii (1911–12), 266Google Scholar.
page 69 note 6 ‘Doch wurde in des Reisenden Gegenwart ein totes Kind vor die Thüre gelegt, damit der Papas es einsegne, was wie bei dem Gottesdienst in griechischer Sprache geschah, die aber Niemand verstand, selbst der Papas nicht, da alle nur türkisch redeten …’: A. Schönborn, whose MS. account of his visit in 1841 was used by Ritter, C., Vergleichende Erdkunde des Halbinsellandes Klein-Asien, Berlin 1859, ii. 486Google Scholar. Only a few merchants who had traded on the coast knew their native tongue.
page 70 note 1 Sarre, F., Reise in Kleinasien, Berlin 1896, 149–55.Google Scholar
page 70 note 2 For an illustration of bowls of this type, of sixteenth or seventeenth-century date and originating from Augsburg or Nürnburg, see Otte, H. and Wernicke, E., Handbuch der kirklichen Kunst-Archäologie des deutschen Mittelalters, Leipzig 1883, i. 434–5.Google Scholar
page 70 note 3 F. Sarre, op. cit., 152–3.
page 70 note 4 Rott, H., Kleinasiatische Denkmäler …, Leipzig 1908, 86Google Scholar.
page 70 note 5 O. Blau, ‘Griechisch-türkische Sprachproben’, op. cit., 571.
page 71 note 1 ‘… molitvami na povecherʼe, … molitvui Vasiliya V. protiv zlukh demonov, molitva sedmi otrokov v Efese, sluzhba Blagoveshcheniiu Presv. Bogoroditsui, zakliatiya protiv aurui, pripisuivaemuiya, Grigoriyu chudotvortsu, razreshitelʼnuiya molitvui rodil'nitse, pri razluchenii dushi, na pogbrebenie, na tretii brak, molitva φυλακτριον (po turetski), sinaksar, v kotorom pod 7-m marta stoitʼ pamyatʼ tolʼko sv. Efrema Khersonskago, oglavlenie psalmov i molitva ot golovnoi boli’; Grigorovich, op. cit., 11. For a German translation of this and other passages of Grigorovich's work, see Blau, O., ‘Uber die griechisch-türkische Mischbevölkerung um Mariupol’, Z.D.M.G., xxviii (1874), 577–80Google Scholar.
page 71 note 2 O. Blau, ‘Über Volksthum und Sprache der Kumanen’, op. cit., 568.
page 71 note 3 B. A. Mystakidis, op. cit, 457.
page 71 note 4 See W. Heffening and C. Peters, op. cit., 225–38 and Heffening, W., ‘Liturgische Texte der Nestorianer und Jakobiten in süd-türkischen Mundarten’, Oriens Christianus, series 3, xi (1936), 232–5.Google Scholar
page 71 note 5 W. Heffening, Die türkischen Transkriptionstexte. op. cit., 9. See also Mingana, A., Catalogue of the Mingana Collection of Manuscripts, Cambridge 1933, iGoogle Scholar, Syriac amd Garshūni Manuscripts, 966–7, no. 527 and Korolevsky, C., Living Languages in Catholic Worship, London 1957, 20Google Scholar.
page 71 note 6 Berkers, J. N., ‘Catalogue des manuscrits du fonds patriarcal de Rahmani conservés à Charfet contenant des anaphores’, Proche-Orient Chrétien, xii (1962), 241.Google Scholar
page 72 note 1 See above, 62.
page 72 note 2 See J. Eckmann, op. cit., 830. This was a translation by Aliagiozoglu, S. of Mesoloras's, Ioannis E. detailed explanation of the Liturgy, Έγχɛιριδον λɛιτουργικς τς ρθοδξουνατολικς Έκκληαας Athens 1895.Google Scholar
page 72 note 3 Salaville and Dalleggio, ii. 15. See also the Ίπαδδ ναμ, Constantinople 1852Google Scholar, ibid., ii. 12–13.
page 72 note 4 The Greek text reads as follows: Βαπτζεται δολος το Θεο (…) εἰς τ νομα το Πατρς, Ἀμν κα το ϒἱο, Ἀμν κα το Ἁγᵷου Πνεματος, Ἀμν.
page 72 note 5 , p. 81, quoted in Salaville and Dalleggio, i. 115. see also G. G. Ladas, Ὁ Μητροπολἱτης Ναυπκτου καἰ ῎Αρτης Νɛϕντος Μαυρομμτης…’ Ὁ Συλλκτης i (1947), 44.
page 73 note 1 (Eliot, C.), Turkey in Europe, London 1900, 277Google Scholar.
page 74 note 1 Νος Έλληνομνμων, vii (1910), 366Google Scholar. This document is dated prior to the conquest and thus Turcie refers here to Asia Minor. This often quoted passage is cited by, among others, Dawkins, R. M., Modern Greek in Asia Minor, Cambridge 1916, 1Google Scholar and Wittek, P., Das Fürstentum Mentesche, Studie zur Geschichte Westkleinasiens im 13–15 Jh., Istanbul 1934, 114Google Scholar. Barkan, O. L., in ‘Les déportations comme méthode de peuplement et de colonisation dans l'Empire Ottoman, Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Economiques de l'Université d'Istanbul, II (1949–50), 76Google Scholar, following the Turkish translation of Wittek by Gökyay, O. S., Mente⊡e BeyliǦi, 13–15 inci asirda garbî Küçük Asya tarihine ait tetkik, Ankara 1944, 113Google Scholar, in which is given the Latin text together with a Turkish translation, is not justified in claiming that in certain regions of Asia Minor Christian priests ‘officiaient en turc’.
page 74 note 2 Babinger, F., ed., Hans Dernschwam's Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553–55), Munich 1923, 52Google Scholar.
page 74 note 3 Stephan Gerlachs des Aeltem Tage-Buch der … an die Ottotnannische Pfortezu Constantinopel abgefertigten und durch … David Ungnad … vollbrachter Gesandtschafft, Frankfurt 1674, 372Google Scholar.
page 74 note 4 Spon, J., Voyage d'Italie, de Dalmatic, de Grèce et du Levant, fait aux années 1675 & 1676, Amsterdam 1679, i. 216Google Scholar.
page 75 note 1 Chandler, R., Travels in Asia Minor …, Oxford 1775, 250Google Scholar.
page 75 note 2 For an interesting account of Barker's activities in Rumania, see Tappe, E. D., ‘A Bible Society Agent in the Rumanian Principalities’, The Slavonic and East European Review, xlii (1963–4), 388–402Google Scholar.
page 75 note 3 B.F.B.S., 20th Report, 1824, 79–80.
page 75 note 4 Texier, C. F. M., Description de l'Asie Mineure …, Paris 1839–49, ii. 82Google Scholar and the same author's Asie Mineure …, Paris 1862, 554Google Scholar.
page 75 note 5 K. A. Palaiologos, op. cit., 613 and G. Lagos, op. cit., 45.
page 75 note 6 I. Balabanis, op. cit., 11.
page 75 note 7 Oberhummer, R. and Zimmerer, H., Durch Syrien und Kleinasien, Berlin 1899, 116Google Scholar. See also Bore, E., Correspondance et mémoires d'un voyageur en Orient, Paris 1840, i. 212Google Scholar.
page 75 note 8 ‘Die Griechen des Innern hatten ihre eigene Sprache fast aller Orten vergessen, lasen Bücher in türkischer Sprache, aber mit griechischen Lettern, verstanden so wenig wie ihre Priester die Gebete, welche sie mechanisch in ihrer verlorenen Muttersprache hersagten’: Hirschfeld, G., Aus dem Orient, Berlin 1897, 313Google Scholar.
page 75 note 9 E. Naumann, op. cit., 208.
page 75 note 10 Keppel, G. T., Narrative of a Journey across the Balcan …, London 1831, ii. 331Google Scholar.
page 76 note 1 Covel, J., Some Account of the Present Greek Church …, Cambridge 1722, 380Google Scholar.
page 76 note 2 J. Spon, op. cit., i. 157. See also Salomon Schweigger, ‘all ir Gottesdienst wird in pur oder fein Griechisch verricht/welches der Gemein Poesel nicht/oder doch gar wenig daraus versteht …,’ Ein newe Reyssbeschreibtmg … nach Constantinopel und Jerusalem …, Nürnberg 1608, 213. In modern times liturgical Greek seems to have remained largely unintelligible in the Greek-speaking villages of Asia Minor; see Danguitsis, C., Dialectologie néo-hellénique. Étude descriptive du dialecte de Démirdési-Brousse, Ash Mineure, Paris 1943, 27Google Scholar and Danielidis, , Έντὐπωαɛιςκ τς Μικρς Άαας, Ξɛνοψνης, vii (1910), 314Google Scholar.
page 76 note 3 See Psomiades, H. J., ‘The Oecumenical Patriarchate under the Turkish Republic: The First Ten Years’, Greek Orthodox Theological Review, vi (1960), 62Google Scholar. See also Échos d'Orient, xx (1921), 364Google Scholar.
page 76 note 4 Mauropolos, D., Πατριαρξχικα σɛλδɛς. ΤΟκονμɛνικν Πατριαρχɛῖον π 1878–1949, Athens 1960, 280Google Scholar.
page 77 note 1 Jäschke, G., ‘Die Türkisch-Orthodoxe Kirche’, Der Islam, xxxix (1964), 126Google Scholar. The liturgical texts, however, remained typewritten. Gotthard Jäschke's recent and very full account of the Turkish Orthodox Church throws a great deal of light on this curious episode in recent Turkish history. It seems that the Rev. J. A. Douglas's colourful assertion that the ‘Angoran Parliament … bastinadoed poor Papa Eftim’ into leading the Turkish Orthodox Church is very wide of the mark, ‘The “Turkish National Churches”’, The Christian East, iii (1922), 124Google Scholar. For an interesting account from the Turkish Orthodox viewpoint see Ergene, Teoman, Istiklâl Harbinde Türk Ortodokslan, Istanbul 1951Google Scholar and Παπ Ε ὐ θὑμ φνδινιν Ὀρθδοξος χαλι μουραδζαατ β Πατρικχανɛγ καρσ μουδαϕαναμɛσι, Istanbul n.d.
page 77 note 2 H. Berberian, La Litérature Arméno-Turque, P.T.F., ii. 809.
page 77 note 3 Omont, H., Missions archéologiques françaises en Orient, Paris 1902, ii. 688Google Scholar.
page 77 note 4 The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World, 1253–55, ed. Rockhill, W. W., London 1900, 158Google Scholar.
page 77 note 5 C. Korolevsky, op. cit., 91.
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page 78 note 1 R. M. Dawkins The Recent Study of Folklore in Greece, op. cit., 132. See also Huart, C., ‘Notice sur trois ouvrages en turc d'Angora imprimés en caractères grecs’, Journal Asiatique, xvi (1900), 459–60Google Scholar and P. Karolidis, op. cit., 30.
page 78 note 2 See G. I. Phousaras, op. cit., 26–7, for catalogues of Nicholas Glykis for 1798, 1802, 1805, 1806, 1812 and 1818. The 1818 and 1821 catalogues have sections devoted especially to Karamanli books.
page 78 note 3 This was the Ἀζζ Ἀπστολοσλαρην μɛλɛρ β μɛχτονπλɛρ, Venice 1811Google Scholar.
page 78 note 4 Bartholomaeus Kopitar, librarian of the Hofbibliothek in Vienna, was censor of Slavonic and Greek publications printed within the Habsburg Empire, see his ‘Selbstbiographie’ in Barth Kopitars kleinere Schriften, ed. Miklosich, F., Vienna 1857, i. 11Google Scholar. See also von Mosel, I. F., Geschichte der Kaiserl. Königl. Hofbibliothek zu Wien, Vienna 1835, 227–8Google Scholar; and Enepekides, P. K., Kopitar und die Griechen, Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch, iii (1953), 53–70Google Scholar. Kopitar's official title was apparently ‘Censor graeco-slavicus ordinarius’, see Teršakoveć, M., Kopitar und Vuk, Jagić-Festschrift, Berlin 1908, 480Google Scholar. Kopitar's private library was offered for sale to the British Museum in 1843 but declined. The catalogue (British Museum Add. MS. 18277) contains no Karamanli works.
page 78 note 5 Baron Heinrich von Diez, a former Prussian Ambassador to Constantinople and a proficient Orientalist, had been asked by the Bible Society to prepare for publication the Leiden MS. of Albert Bobowski's translation of the Bible into Turkish.
page 79 note 1 Pinkerton again refers to an 1810 edition of the Ἀζζ Ἀπστολοσλαρην μɛλɛρ β μɛχτουπλɛρ, Venice 1811Google Scholar. See above, 60.
page 79 note 2 Letter of 1 September 1816, from Vienna, B.F.B.S., 13th Report, 1817, 98–9.
page 79 note 3 Ibid., 98. It appears that rather more of the Karamanlides could read the Arabic alphabet than this passage would suggest. On this point see pt. II. Pinkerton's 1816 letters are also printed in a pamphlet entitled Letters from R. Pinkerton, on his late tour in Russia …, to promote the object of the British and Foreign Bible Society, London 1817.Google Scholar
page 79 note 4 Missionary Register for 1818, 299.
page 79 note 5 Letter of 7 October 1819, from Constantinople, B.F.B.S., 16th Report, 1820, 17.
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page 79 note 7 de Peysonnel, C. C., An Appendix to the Memoirs of Baron de Tott…, London 1786, 9Google Scholar. For a useful memoir of Ruffin, see Bianchi, T. X., ‘Notice historique sur M. Ruffin’, Journal Asiatique, vi (1825), 283–97Google Scholar, 335–58 and vii (1825), 90–104.
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