¹ Queller, D. E. and Madden, T. F., The Fourth Crusade: the conquest of Constantinople, 2nd edn, Philadelphia, Pa 1997, 265–6 n. 14Google Scholar. A few essential works on medieval Candia with further bibliography are Jegerlehner, J., ‘Beiträge zur Verwaltungsgeschichte Kandias im xiv. Jahrhundert’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift xiii/2 (1904), 435–79Google Scholar; Borsari, L., Il dominio veneziano a Creta nel XIII secolo, Naples 1963Google Scholar; Christides, V., The conquest of Crete by the Arabs (ca. 824): a turning point in the struggle between Byzantium and Islam, Athens 1984Google Scholar; Tsougarakis, D., Byzantine Crete: from the 5th century to the Venetian conquest, Athens 1988Google Scholar; Ortalli, G. (ed.), Venezia e Creta: atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Iraklion-Chanià, 30 settembre–5 ottobre 1997, Venice 1998Google Scholar; and Jacoby, D., ‘Candia between Venice, Byzantium and the Levant: the rise of a major emporium to the mid-fifteenth century’, in Vassilaki, M. (ed.), The hand of Angelos: an icon painter in Venetian Crete, Burlington, Vt 2010, 38–47Google Scholar.

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³ D. Jacoby, ‘Creta e Venezia nel contesto economico del Mediterraneo orientale sino alla metà del Quattrocento’, in Ortalli, Venezia e Creta, 73–106; McKee, S., Uncommon dominion: Venetian Crete and the myth of ethnic purity, Philadelphia, Pa 2000CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Newall, D., ‘Cultural interaction in Candia: case studies in a developing early modern multi-ethnic community’, in Lymberopoulou, A. (ed.), Cross-cultural interaction between Byzantium and the West: 1204–1669, London 2018, 21–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Holton, D., ‘The Cretan renaissance’, in Holton, D. (ed.), Literature and society in Renaissance Crete, Cambridge 1991, 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Georgopoulou, M., Venice's Mediterranean colonies: architecture and urbanism, Cambridge 2001Google Scholar, and ‘The holy sites of Candia’, in M. Bacci and M. Rohde (eds), The holy Portolano / le Portulan sacré: the sacred geography of navigation in the Middle Ages: Fribourg colloquium 2013 / La géographie religieuse de la navigation au moyen âge, Berlin 2014, 133–58.

⁴ Georgopoulou, M., ‘Late medieval Crete and Venice: an appropriation of Byzantine heritage’, The Art Bulletin lxx/3 (1995), 479–96 at p. 481CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷ O. Gratziou, ‘Venetian monuments in Crete: a controversial heritage’, Μουσείο Μπενάκη [Benaki Museum] viii (2008), 209–22 at pp. 210–12. Gratziou also briefly describes San Salvatore in ‘Cretan architecture and sculpture in the Venetian period’, in A. Dandraki (ed.), The origins of El Greco: icon painting in Venetian Crete, New York 2009, 21–2, and Η Κρήτη στην ύστερη μεσαιωνική εποχή: Η μαρτυρία της εκκλησιαστικής αρχιτεκτονικής [Crete in the later Middle Ages: the testimony of ecclesiastical architecture], Heraklion 2010, 35–6.

⁸ Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 143–5.

⁹ Greene, M., A shared world: Christians and Muslims in the early modern Mediterranean, Princeton 2002, 83Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Usually, Augustinian expansion is limited to one or two short sentences in general histories of the order: Van Luijk, B., Le Monde augustinien du XIIIe au XIXe siècle, Assen 1972, 26, 43–4Google Scholar; Van Luijk, B., L'ordine agostiniano e la riforma monastica dal cinquecento alla vigilia della rivoluzione francese: un sommario cronologico-storico, Heverlee–Louvain 1973, 21, 91Google Scholar; Gutierrez, D., The Augustinians in the Middle Ages, 1256–1356, Villanova 1984, 45Google Scholar; Andrews, F., The other friars: the Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied friars in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge 2006, 99Google Scholar.

¹¹ Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 143. Sometimes 1972 is mentioned as the date of demolition: Gratziou, ‘Venetian monuments’, 211.

¹² Thys-ŞŞenocak, L., Ottoman women builders: the architectural patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan, Aldershot 2006, 276Google Scholar.

¹³ Ibid. 276–7.

¹⁴ Gerola, G., I monumenti veneti nell'isola di Creta, Venice 1908, 120Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Photographs from around 1970 were published in Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 146; and Gratziou, ‘Venetian monuments’, 209–22, 210–12. By this time, the building had already stood abandoned for a decade.

¹⁶ Gratziou, ‘Venetian monuments’, 212–13.

¹⁷ Ibid. 213.

¹⁸ Two detailed introductions to the Augustinian order are Gutierrez, Augustinians in the Middle Ages, and Andrews, The other friars, 69–172. On the beginnings of the Franciscans’ eastern province see A. Derbes and A. Neff, ‘Italy, the mendicant orders, and the Byzantine sphere’, in H. Evans (ed.), Byzantium: faith and power (1261–1557), New York 2004, 450.

¹⁹ Tsougarakis, N. I., The Latin religious orders in medieval Greece, 1204–1500, Turnhout 2012, 103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Charalampakis, ‘Some notes’, 43.

²⁰ On the Dominicans’ mission in Greece see Delacroix-Bresnier, C., Les Dominicains et la chrétienté grecque aux XIVe et XVe siècles, Rome 1997Google Scholar. On their church in Candia see Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 140.

²¹ AGA, Cc 19, p. 12. Previous scholars only suggested that the province was established sometime before 1317: Tsougarakis, Latin religious orders, 234.

²² E. Estéban, ‘Catalogus conventuum O.E.S. Augustini tempore prioris generalis Hieronymi Seripandi (1953–1551)’, Analecta Augustiniana vi (1915–16), 66–70 at p. 68.

²³ Lanteri, G., Additamenta ad Crusenii Augustinianum Monasticon, Valladolid 1890, 293Google Scholar; Pringle, D., The churches of the Crusader kingdom of Jerusalem: a corpus, iv, Cambridge 2010, 50Google Scholar.

²⁴ Claster, J. N., Sacred violence: the European crusades to the Middle East, 1095–1396, Toronto 2009, 286–7Google Scholar.

²⁵ de Rosario, A. and Alonso, C., ‘Actas inéditas de diez capitulos generales: 1419–1460’, Analecta Augustiniana xlii (1979), 7–133 at p. 8Google Scholar; Estéban, ‘Catalogus conventuum’, 68; Lubin, A., Orbis Augustinianus sive conventuum Ordinis Eremitarum Sancti Augustini chronographica et topographica descriptio, Paris 1659, 302–6Google Scholar.

²⁶ The most relevant lists of convents were compiled by Van Luijk, whose mistakes were corrected by Tsougarakis: Van Luijk, Le Monde augustinien, 26, 43–4, and L'ordine agostiniano, 21; Tsougarakis, Latin religious orders, 239–40.

²⁷ While the majority of the Latin religious orders focused on establishing male convents, the Cistercians, Benedictines, Dominicans and Franciscans also had female houses: Tsougarakis, Latin religious orders, p. xx.

²⁸ For example, the isolated hermitages scattered in the Sienese countryside: Lecceto, Rosia, San Leonardo al Lago and Montespecchio had flourishing communities: Hackett, B., ‘Cinque eremi agostiniani nei dintorni di Siena’, in Lecceto e gli eremi agostiniani in terra di Siena, Siena 1990, 45–72Google Scholar.

²⁹ On the Augustinians’ claim for St Augustine as their mythical founder see Elm, K., ‘Elias, Paulus von Theben und Augustinus als Ordensgründer: ein Beitrag zur Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtsdeutung der Eremiten- und Bettelorden des 13. Jahrhunderts’, Vorträge und Forschungen xxxi (1987), 371–97 at pp. 384–90Google Scholar, and Saak, E. L., High way to heaven: the Augustinian platform between reform and reformation, 1292–1524, Leiden 1997, 187–234Google Scholar, and Creating Augustine: interpreting Augustine and Augustinianism in the later Middle Ages, Oxford 2012, esp. pp. 81–138.

³⁰ Namely Corfu, Chanea, Suda-Skopelos, Rethymno, Mylopotamos, Nicosia and Famagusta.

³¹ Tsougarakis, Latin religious orders, esp. p. 120 (Candia).

³² Vassilaki-Mavrakis, M., ‘Western influences on the fourteenth century art of Crete’, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik xxxii/6 (1982), 301–11 at p. 304Google Scholar; M. Vassilaki, ‘Καθημερινή ζωή και πραγματικότητα στη βενετοκρατούμενη Κρήτη: η μαρτυρία των τοιχογραφημένων εκκλησιών’ [‘Everyday life and reality in Venetian-occupied Crete: the testimony of the frescoed churches’], in S. Kaklamanes, A. Markopoulos and G. Mauromates (eds), Ἐνθύμησις Νικολάου Μ. Παναγιωτáκη [Festschrift for Nikolaos M. Panagiotakis], Heraklion 2000, 75–6; Bacci, M., ‘The holy name of Jesus in Venetian-ruled Crete’, Convivium i (2014), 190–205 at p. 191CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁴ Hussey, J. M., The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire, Oxford 1986, 3Google Scholar.

³⁵ O. Redon, ‘L'eremo, la città e la foresta’, in Lecceto e gli eremi agostiniani, 9–44.

³⁶ ‘fratres Augustinienses conventum habent pulchrum’: Felix Faber, Evagatorium in Terræ Sanctæ, Arabiæ et Egypti peregrinationem, Stuttgart 1849, 282. For his description see below.

³⁷ ‘Secundum, locum obtinet Augustinianorum De Salvatori dicatum, peramplum et idquidem atque egregii operis aedificium’: J. Cootwijk, Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum et Syriacum, Antwerp 1619, 67. Another description: ‘Près de cette derniere étoit celle des Augustins, qui étoit consacrée à nôtre Sauveur, et qui étoit ungrand et superbe édifice’: Dapper, O., Description exacte des isles de l'Archipel et de quelques autres adjacentes, Amsterdam 1703, 407Google Scholar.

³⁸ Gerola, I monumenti veneti, 120–4; Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 146–7.

³⁹ Georgopoulou, Venice's mediterranean colonies, 144; Tsougarakis, Latin religious orders, 244.

⁴⁰ ‘ecclesia Sancti Salvatoris de burgo Candide’: Stahl, A., The documents of Angelo de Cartura and Donato Fontanella: Venetian notaries in fourteenth-century Crete, Washington, DC 2000, 10Google Scholar.

⁴¹ ‘Item dimitto yperpera triginta que predicti mei commissarii debeant ponere in laborerio ecclesie nove Fratrum Heremitarum de burgo Candide pro anima mea’: Herigina, wife of ser Nicolaus Piçamano of Venice, 30 Mar. 1348, ASVe, NC, busta 10, fasc. 2, fo. 10r; Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 316 n. 58 (partial quotation). The will is published in Wills from late medieval Venetian Crete: 1312–1420, ed. S. McKee, Washington, DC 1998, 53.

⁴² ‘Item lago al monasterio de Sen Salvador yperperi X per so lavorerio de la glesia’: Iohannes Dandullo, 17 Sept. 1362, ASVe, NC, busta 143, fasc. 5, fo. 5v; Wills from Crete, 389; ‘Item dimitto conventui Fratrum Heremitarum burgi Candide yperpera quindecim pro dispensatione in hedificio ipsorum ecclesie Salvatoris’: Iohannes Cornario, 2 Mar. 1376, ASVe, NC, busta 295, fasc. 7, fo. 5r; Wills from Crete, 741; ‘Item dimitto pro reparatione ecclesie Sancti Salvatoris site in casale suprascripto, in qua sepulti fuerunt filii mei, yperpera cretensia vigintiquinque’: Marcus Vassalo, 2 May 1376, ASVe, NC, busta 295, fasc. 10, fo. 5r; Wills from Crete, 876; ‘Item dimitto monasterio Sancti Salvatoris Fratrum Heremitarum burgi Candide yperpera viginti pro laborerio ecclesie’: Çaninus Manolesso, 14 Sept. 1376, ASVe, NC, busta 295, fasc. 10, fo. 7r; Wills from Crete, 881; ‘Item in monasterio Sancti Salvatoris yperpera decem pro simili causa (pro fabrica dicta ecclesia)’: Presbyter Georgius Caucho, 2 July 1418, ASVe, NC, busta 295, fasc. 4, fo. 7v; Wills from Crete, 589.

⁴³ ‘Item dimito yperpera decem monasterio Salvatoris Heremitarum burgi Candide pro laborerio ecclesie eiusdem monasterii’: Marchesina Tanto, 12 May 1366, ASVe, NC, busta 295, fasc. 12, fo. 4r; Wills from Crete, 923.

⁴⁴ ‘capellam ad portam campanile in loco de dicto more polito agregati’: 8 Mar. 1389, ASVe, NC, busta 24, fo. 170r.

⁴⁵ Maltezou, C. A., ‘Métiers et salaires en Crète vénitienne (xve siècle)’, Byzantinische Forschungen xii (1987), 319–41 at p. 327Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Ibid.

⁴⁷ ASV, SCPVC, v, fos 349r–350r. Nikolaos M. Panagiotakes gives a very useful summary of the church visitation of 1625, with a few quotations transcribed from it: El Greco: the Cretan years, London 2009, 124. In the following, I will provide further passages with my own transcription.

⁴⁸ ASV, SCPVC, v, fos 349r–50r. While the precise date of foundation of these altars or which ones were medieval is not known, occasionally the dedications offer a terminus post quem, i.e. St Charles can most likely be identified with Charles of Borromeo, who was canonised in 1610. The main altar is sometimes mentioned as dedicated to St Augustine, which would be its traditional dedication in the case of Augustinian churches, with some rare exceptions including Candia: Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 145.

⁴⁹ ‘l'Altare di S. Sebastiano … con l'obligo d'una messa ogni p.o del mese di Santi Cosma, et Damiano’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁵⁰ ‘Stalla vel sedilia chori sunt ingenioso artificio de lignis cypressinis facta, ita quod supra quolibet sedile est sculpta imago aliqua Domini Jesu, Beate Virginis, apostolorum omnium, beato Augustini et imagines patronorum ecclesiae’: Faber, Evagatorium, 282.

⁵¹ ‘Perillustris dominus Mapheus Malvezzo hanc aperuit januam postquam ere proprio chorum e medio ecclesiae abstulit et illum post altare situavit maius, tempore provincialatus fratris Vigilii Querini, anno Domini 1616’: Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 316, n. 56. The inscription is now in the collection of the Historical Museum in Crete: S. Alexiou, Οδηγός ιστορικού μουσείου Κρήτη [Guide to the historical museum of Crete], Heraklion 1953, 20–1.

⁵² ‘Dalla destra banda si visitó l'Altare di S. Carlo con diversi miracoli intorno dipinti’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁵³ ‘È mantenuto in tutto dalla Confraternità, la quale paga al Monastero ogni anno Perpese 57 per elemosina, con obligo ogni quarta Domenica del mese di far la Processioni’: ibid.

⁵⁴ ‘pro pictura ecclesie eiusdem monasterii’: 12 Feb. 1350: ASVe, NC, busta 100, fo. 36r; Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 144, 316 n. 59.

⁵⁵ ‘altri santi nell'istessa pala sono dipinti’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁵⁶ Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 145. For the original source see ‘Georgi Calomati, comandator, refferito de ordine de ser Hieronymo Donato, gastaldo, haver interdito et sequestrato nele man de maistro Zuan Gripioti uno quadro della Passion del nostro Salvator, qual si trova nelle man sue per lui lavorato al reverendo provincial de san Salvator, per la valuta del qual esso reverendo provincial ha promesso pagar a ser Bernardo de Marco, contador della camera phiscal, ducati 5 et yperperi 3 incirca aconto di quello die haver esso ser Bernardo del predetto maistro Zuan per vigor de uno instrumento sottoscritto per il clarissimo executor notato per man de ser Hieronymo Maruliano, notaio greco, sotto di 8 lujo 1545 come in quello et questo ad instantia di esso ser Bernardo creditor’: 18 Aug. 1546, ASVe, NC, busta 34 bis – 35, 18 (1546), fo. 63r; M. Constantoudaki, ‘Ἀνέκδοτα ἔγγραφα γιὰ τὸ ζωγράφο τοῦ 16ου αἰ Ἰωάννη Γριπιώτη’ [Unpublished documents about the 16th-century painter Ioannis Gripiotis], Thesaurismata xiii (1976), 284–95 at p. 292.

⁵⁷ ‘Dalla detta banda si visitò l'Altare della Madonna Sanctissima portata da Rodi, che era nella chiesa di detti Padri, et è antica imagine, et di devotioni. Ha diversi miracoli intorno’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁵⁸ Chatterjee, P., The living icon in Byzantium and Italy: the vita image, eleventh to thirteenth centuries, Cambridge 2014, 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Ševčenko, N. Patterson, ‘The “vita” icon and the painter as hagiographer’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers liii (1999), 149–65 at pp. 151, 153Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ A characteristic Cretan example is an icon in the Kanellopoulos Museum: Vassilaki, M., The painter Angelos and icon-painting in Venetian Crete, Farnham 2009, 245–7Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Folda, J., ‘Crusader art in the kingdom of Cyprus, 1275–1291: reflections on the state of the questions’, in Coureas, N. and Riley-Smith, J. (eds), Cyprus and the crusades, Nicosia 1995, 219–20Google Scholar; Eliades, I., ‘The painting production of the 13th century in Cyprus between two worlds’, in Eliades, I. (ed.), The Cypriot painting of the 13th century between two worlds, Nicosia 2017, 58–9Google Scholar.

⁶² Jotischky, A., The Carmelites and antiquity: mendicants and their pasts in the Middle Ages, Oxford 2002, 8–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Andrews, The other friars, 9–17.

⁶³ Van Luijk, L'ordine agostiniano, 91.

⁶⁴ Gerola, G., ‘Gli oggetti sacri di Candia salvati a Venezia’, Atti dell'I. R. Accademia di Scienza, Lettere ed Arti degli Agiati in Rovereto ix/3–4 (1903), 239–41Google Scholar, and I monumenti veneti, 121.

⁶⁵ Van Luijk, L'ordine agostiniano, 91. According the Gerola, the lectern from Candia first went to San Marco, but the Augustinians successfully re-claimed it later: ‘Gli oggetti sacri di Candia’, 239–41.

⁶⁶ Gerola, ‘Gli oggetti sacri di Candia’, 241.

⁶⁷ ‘Si visitò l'Altare, che la pittura è greca et antica di Christo, della Madonna et di S. Zorzi’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁶⁸ Hemmerdinger-Iliadou, D., ‘La Crété sous la domination vénetienne et turque (1322–1684): renseignements nouveaux ou peu connus d'après les pélérins et les voyageurs’, Studi veneziani ix (1967), 535–623 at p. 597Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ ‘Sopra un'Altare si videro esposte diverse reliquie; et lavendosi trovato una cassodia di cristallo di montagna antica, che per non esser al proposito’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁷⁰ Zuan Matteo Bembo's interest in antique statuary is most well-known for his excavation and exhibition of the alleged tomb of Venus between two columns in the main square of Famagusta in Cyprus in 1548. For Bembo's career and interest in antiquities see Brown, P. Fortini, Venice and antiquity: the Venetian sense of the past, New Haven 1996, 285–6Google Scholar, and Calvelli, L., ‘Archaeology in the service of the Dominante: Giovanni Matteo Bembo and the antiquities of Cyprus’, in Arbel, B., Chayes, E. and Hendrix, H. (eds), Cyprus and the Renaissance (1450–1650), Turnhout 2012, 19–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷² On Venice's claimed antique origins see Muir, E., Civic ritual in Renaissance Venice, Princeton 1981, 65–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and a more detailed overview in Fortini Brown, Venice and antiquity.

⁷³ ‘In front of the church of San Salvatore in the city of Candia is a fountain, which Giovanni Matteo Bembo erected when he was captain of Candia, and here is a beautiful ancient statue without a hand. This is the stone where public announcements are made. It was a most beautiful ancient octagonal altar of white marble’: Onorio Belli in the Description of Crete: Calvelli, ‘Archaeology’, 52.

⁷⁴ ‘Primo quidem eligo meam sepulturam apud ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris Fratrum Hermeitarum burgi Candide’: ASVe, ND, busta 295, fasc. 10, fo. 1r; Wills from Crete, 862. ‘Item eligo meam sepulturam apud ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris Fratrum Heremitarum burgi Candide. Item dimitto conventui Fratrum Heremitarum /Burgi Candide/ yperpera cretensia viginti pro missis celebrandis pro anima mea’: ASVe, ND, busta 295, fasc. 10, fo. 1r; Wills from Crete, 868.

⁷⁵ ‘Item volo quod de tella et lino dimuto que habeo fiat unum par paramentorum et detur in ecclesia Sancti Salvatoris de burgo Candide’: ASVe, NC, busta 295, fasc. 6, fo. 1r; Wills from Crete, 675.

⁷⁶ ‘Sed imagines illae passae sunt injuriam, quae etiam usque in contumeliam imaginatorum pertingit; quidam enim graecus haereticus, occulte ingressus ecclesiam, abscidit nasos omnium imaginum et opus egregium et devotum confudit’: Faber, Evagatorium, 282.

⁷⁷ McKee, Uncommon dominion, esp. pp. 168–79.

⁷⁸ ‘Item dimitto ecclesie Sancti Salvatoris burgi Candide yperpera quinque’: Antonius Greco, 9 June 1362, ASVe, ND, busta 295, fasc. 7, fo. 8r; Wills from Crete, 806.

⁷⁹ Hemmerdinger-Iliadou, La Crété, 597.

⁸⁰ Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 188.

⁸¹ Ibid.

⁸² Ibid.

⁸³ ‘Eodem die. Plenam et irrevocabilem securitatem facio ego frater Georgius Faletro, prior conventus fratrum Heremitarum Candide, cum meis successoribus, tibi yconomo Synaitorum, habitatori Candide, et tuis successoribus, de libro uno nominato Vulgari et uno alio libro psaltereo scriptis in lingua grecorum, que mihi dedisti et restituisti. Qui libri fuerunt tibi pignorati pro grossis decemnovem quod quidam tibi dederit dictos libros ad vendendum et dictos grossos xviiii tibi dedi et persolvi. Nunc autem quia dictos libros mihi dedisti et deliberasti amodo in antea te securum reddo pariter et quietum et promitto cum meis successoribus te extrahere ab omni dampno expenssis et interesse que possent tibi occurere dictorum librorum occasione. Quia etc. Testes presbyter Marchus Durcios et Franciscus Coppe. Complere et dare?’: 11 May 1370, ASVe, ND, busta 13, fo. 23v; McKee, Uncommon dominion, 121, 229–30 n. 101.

⁸⁴ Gutierrez, Augustinians in the Middle Ages, 156; Zumkeller, A., Theology and history of the Augustinian school in the Middle Ages, Villanova 1996, 195–206Google Scholar.

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⁸⁶ For an introduction to Nicholas of Tolentino see Trapè, A., ‘La figura e la santità di San Nicola come emergono nel processo’, in Egidiana, Biblioteca (ed.), San Nicola, Tolentino, le Marche: contributi e ricerche sul processo (a. 1325) per la canonizzazione di San Nicola da Tolentino, Tolentino 1985, 183–96Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Lett, D., Un Procès de canonisation au moyen âge: essai d'histoire sociale; Nicolas de Tolentino, 1325, Paris 2008Google Scholar; Katajala-Peltomaa, S., Gender, miracles, and daily life: the evidence of fourteenth-century canonization processes, Turnhout 2009CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The canonisation acts are edited by Occhioni, N. in Il processo per la canonizzazione di S. Nicola da Tolentino, Rome 1984Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Trélat, P., ‘L'Ordre des frères ermites de saint-Augustin en Méditerranée orientale et leur couvent nicosiate (xiiie–xvie siècles)’, Augustiniana lxii (2012), 265–90 at pp. 284–6Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ ‘l'Altare dedicato a S. Nicolò di Tolentini … lasciati per vestamento del illustrissimo signor Nicolo Tagliapietra con obligo d'una messa alla settimana’: ASV, SCPVC, v, fo. 349v.

⁹⁰ ‘Tagliapetra’ is listed in the Concessio insulae cretensis from 1211: Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, i, ed. G. L. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, repr. Amsterdam 1964, 135. Men named Nicolò from the Tagliapietra family occur in sources, for example in 1381 and 1490: Hazlitt, W. Carew, The Venetian Republic: its rise, its growth, and its fall, 421–1797, Venice 1900, 715Google Scholar; O'Connell, M., Men of empire: power and negotiation in Venice's maritime state, Baltimore, Md 2009, 92Google Scholar.

⁹¹ For the fresco cycle see Romano, S., ‘Gli affreschi del Cappellone: il programma’, in Campisano, G. (ed.), Arte e spiritualità negli ordini mendicanti: gli agostiniani e il Cappellone di S. Nicola a Tolentino, Tolentino 1992, 257–70Google Scholar.

⁹² Dunlop, A., ‘Black humour: the Cappellone at Tolentino’, in Bourdua, L. and Dunlop, A. (eds), Art and the Augustinian order in early Renaissance Italy, Abingdon 2007, 79–98 at p. 88Google Scholar.

⁹³ Cohn, S. K., The cult of remembrance and the Black Death: six Renaissance cities in central Italy, Baltimore, Md 1992, 5Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Petrus de Monte Rubiano, Historia beati Nicolai de Tolentino, ed. F. Santi, Tolentino 2007, 172–6.

⁹⁵ Jacoby. ‘Candia between Venice, Byzantium and the Levant’, 38–9.

⁹⁶ Registrum Bartholomei Veneti O.S.A. 1389–1393, ed. A. Hartmann, Rome 1999, 305–6.

⁹⁷ Las primitivas constituciones de los Agustinos: Ratisbonenses del año 1290, ed. I. Arámburu Cendoya, Valladolid 1968, 84–99.

⁹⁸ Registrum Bartholomei Veneti, 411.

⁹⁹ Hoffmann, ‘La biblioteca scientifica’, 321, 357.

¹⁰⁰ On Marian icons in Candia see Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean colonies, 217–23, and Bacci, M., Campobasso, G., Dermitzaki, A. and others, ‘Marian cult-sites along the Venetian sea-routes to the Holy Land in the late Middle Ages’, in Mariani, M. S. Calò and Trono, A. (eds), The ways of mercy: arts, culture and Marian routes between east and west, Lecce 2017, 81–106 at p. 96Google Scholar.