¹ See Johnson, E. A. J., Predecessors of Adam Smith (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1937)Google Scholar; my French Predecessors of Malthus (Durham: Duke University Press, 1942)Google Scholar; and my essay in Hoselitz, B. F., ed., Theories of Economic Growth (Glencoe: Free Press, 1960), pp. 26–32Google Scholar;Ashton, T. S., An Economic History of England: The Eighteenth Century (London: Methuen, 1955), ch. viiGoogle Scholar;Levasseur, E., Histoire des classes ouvridres et de I'industrie en France avant 1789 (2d ed.; Paris: A. Rousseau, 1901), II, 849–55Google Scholar.

² In the 1780's the agricultural component of the population employed in material production approximated 77 percent in France; in Great Britain in 1801 it was 55 percent. See Marczewski, J., “Le produit physique de l'économie franchise de 1789 a 1913 (comparison avec la Grande-Bretagne),” in Cahiers de l'lnstitute de Science Economique Appliquee, no. 163, 07 1965, p. xlvii.Google Scholar Productivity per worker in industry was more than double that in agriculture. Ibid., p. liv. In 1788, 75 percent of France's labor force was in agriculture and related primary industry, and in 1845, 62 percent. The corresponding figure for England and Wales in 1841 was 23 percent; for Sweden in 1751, 70 percent. See Kuznets, S., “Quantitative Aspects of the Growth of Nations,” Part II, Economic Development and Cultural Change, V (07 1957), Supplement, Appendix Table 4Google Scholar.

³ As Levasseur wrote: “La silence d' l'histoire cachera á la posterité ces miséres muettes.” Histoire, II, 849. On the nature of bias in history see my “Laissez Faire and Intervention: A Potential Source of Historical Error,” Journal of Political Economy, LVII (10 1949), 438–41Google Scholar.

⁴ On these rights see Faucher, Leon, “Droit au travail,” in Dictionnaire de Viconomie politique (3d ed.; Paris, 1864), I, 605–18Google Scholar;Ingram, J. K., “Right to Labour,” Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy (London: Macmillan, 1906), III, 311–13Google Scholar;Brauer, Theodore, Das Recht auf Arbeit (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1919)Google Scholar;Singer, Rudolf, Das Recht auf Arbeit in geschichtlicher Darstellung (Jena, 1895)Google Scholar; also the articles on “Recht auf Arbeit” in the Handworterbuch der Staatswissenschaften (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1925)Google Scholar, the Handworterbuch der Sozialwissenschaften (Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer, 1964)Google Scholar, and earlier dictionaries and encyclopedias.

⁵ Ruggiero, Guido de, The History of European Liberalism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1959), pp. 24–32.Google Scholar Later Jeremy Bentham wrote: “I know of no natural rights except what are created by general utility.” Stark, W., ed., Jeremy Bentham's Economic Writings (London: Allen & Unwin, 1952), I, 333Google Scholar.

⁶ “Economic causes” influence “habits … deeply,” wrote Marshall, Alfred, “though slowly, and in ways some of which are difficult to trace, and impossible to predict.” Principles of Economics (9th ed.; London: Macmillan, 1961), I, 218.Google Scholar V. Pareto ex-pressed a similar opinion. See Cours d'iconomie politique (Paris, 1896-1897), sec. 258Google Scholar.

⁷ See my “Values and Fertility Analysis,” Demography, III (1966), 109–30Google Scholar;Roberts, E. F., “Natural Law Demythologized,” Cornell Law Quarterly, LI (Summer 1966), 656–77, esp. 667–76Google Scholar.

⁸ See Herkner, Heinrich, Die Arbeiterfrage (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1922), I, 394Google Scholar;Dicey, A. V., Lectures on the Relation Between Law and Public Opinion in England (2d ed.; London: Macmillan, 1926), p. xxxviiiGoogle Scholar;Commons, John R., Institutional Economics (New York: Macmillan, 1934), pp. 680 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁹ See Barker's, Ernest introduction to his translation of Otto Gierke's Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500–1800 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), pp. xxxvi ff., xxxix-xlGoogle Scholar; also Strauss, Leo, Natural Right and History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), chs. iii-ivGoogle Scholar;Wright, B. F., American Interpretations of Natural Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), chs. i-viGoogle Scholar;Copleston, Frederick S.J., A His-tory of Phibsophy (Westminster: Newman Press, 1953), III, 112–16, 119, 312–13Google Scholar.

¹⁰ See Beer, Max, “Communism,” Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1931), IV, 84–86Google Scholar.

¹¹ See , Barker and , Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society 1500–1800, pp. xli ff., 113-14Google Scholar; Cassirer, Ernst, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment (Boston: Beacon Press, 1951), ch. viGoogle Scholar.

¹² See Haines, C. G., The Revival of Natural Law Concepts (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930), ch. iiiGoogle Scholar;Fecher, C. A., The Philosophy of Jacques Maritain (Westminster: Newman, 1953), pp. 206–9Google Scholar.

¹³ , Fecher, Philosophy, p. 250Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Sabine, George H., A History of Political Theory (New York: Henry Holt, 1937), pp. 524–31Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Ibid., pp. 531, 540, 563–67, 569; also , Copleston, A History (1959), IV, 35–36, 39–42, 253–63Google Scholar.

¹⁶ , Strauss, Natural Right, pp. 282–83Google Scholar. See also Ritchie, D. G., Natural Rights (New York: Macmillan, 1903), Part IGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ Max Weber noted this. See Bendix, Reinhard, Max Weber (Garden City: Doubleday, 1962), pp. 420–21.[Google Scholar

¹⁸ , Sabine, A History, pp. 539, 543–47, 551, 597.Google Scholar Even utilitarianism served radical and reformatory purposes in France. Ibid., p. 598.

¹⁹ Ibid., p. 549.

²⁰ On Rousseau see ibid., pp. 579–86.

²¹ Even though the English worker's economic condition did not improve in 1780–1820, it remained quite superior to that of the French worker. On the English worker's condition see Deane, Phyllis, The First Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, [Eng.]: Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 250.Google Scholar In the 1780's, Arthur Young estimated that, on the basis of his travels, the French laboring classes were only about three-fourths as well off as the British. ibid., pp. 10, 142. See also , Marczewski, “Le produit," pp. lvi–lviiGoogle Scholar.

²² See , Levasseur, Histoire, II, 849–55Google Scholar.

²³ Briggs, Asa, The Age of Improvement (London: Longmans, 1959), p. 57Google Scholar;, Ashton, An Economic History, pp. 234–35Google Scholar.

²⁴ On the French system against which the droit de travaiUer was specifically directed see , Levasseur, Histoire, II, 724–61Google Scholar.

²⁵ Grampp, W. G. observes that the “term ‘natural rights’ appears rarely in classical economics except in The Wealth of Nations where, however, it usually applies to economic liberty.” Economic Liberalism (New York: Random House, 1965), II, 46Google Scholar.

²⁶ Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Modem Library Edition; New York: Random House, 1937), pp. 118–22, 651.Google Scholar Smith advocated abolition of the privileges of corporations. “Let the same natural liberty of exercising what species of industry they please, be restored to all of his majesty's subjects …; that is, break down the exclusive privileges of corporations, and repeal the statute of apprenticeship, both which are real encroachments upon natural liberty.” ibid., p. 437. See ibid., Bk. I, ch. x, for Smith's basic argument.

²⁷ Meek, R. N., The Economics of Physiocracy: Essays and Translations (London: Allen & Unwin, 1962), pp. 163, 234, 237, 249–50, 395–96Google Scholar.

²⁸ ibid., pp. 43, 45, 47, 52.

²⁹ ibid., p. 229, also p. 50.

³⁰ ibid., pp. 50–56. The Physiocrats’ “order” is a “given set of principles upon the rejection or acceptance of which will depend the fate of civil society.” They could not, therefore, advocate, as did Leibniz, “a Werkhaus or a Kaufhaus, that is, institutions which imply the right of members of society to work and to the fruits of their work.“See Einaudi, Mario, The Physiocratic Doctrine of Judicial Control (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938), p. 22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Mourant, J. A., The Physiocratic Conception of Natural Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1943), chs. ii-iiiGoogle Scholar;Weulersse, Georges, Le mouvement physiocratique en France (de 1756 a 1770) (Paris: F. Mean, 1910), Bk. IIIGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Abrége des principles de l'économie politiques (1772) in Daire, E., ed., Physiocrates (Paris, 1846), I, 382Google Scholar.

³² The Spirit of the Laws (translated by Nugent, Thomas), (New York: Lamb Publishing Company, 1900), Bk XXIII, ch. xxixGoogle Scholar;Bonar, James, Philosophy and Political Economy (London, 1893), pp. 145, 209Google Scholar. For a modern interpretation of implications of the objective of survival, see Hart, H. L. A., The Concept of Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. 189–95Google Scholar.

³³ In the article “Fondation,” written for the Encyclopedie in 1756, he pointed to the unemployment-creating effect of excessive or poorly administered charity. “What the State owes to all its members is the destruction of the obstacles which impede them in their industry, or which trouble them in the enjoyment of the product which is its recompense.” See Stephens, W. W., The Life and Writings of Turgot (London, 1895), pp. 221, 224–25Google Scholar.

³⁴ It is not clear how well Adam Smith knew Turgot's work, or in what measure Smith drew on Turgot. In his Turgot's Unknown Translator (The Hague: Nijoff, 1964)Google Scholar, I. C. Lundberg suggests that Smith could have been the translator of the first (1793) English rendition of Turgot's Reflexions sur la distribution des richesses (1766). Smith first met Turgot in late 1765. See , Stephens, The Life, p. 60Google Scholar.

³⁵ This edict and the preamble are reprinted in E. Daire, ed., Oeuvres de Turgot (Paris, 1844), II, 302–16. The quotation is from p. 306. On the edicts see Dakin, Douglas, Turgot and the Ancien Regime in France (London: Methuen, 1939), ch. xvGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ E. Levasseur points out that arguments drawn from Turgot's preamble to his edict were incorporated in the report leading to the action of the assembly in 1791. Histoire des classes ouvrieres et de I'industrie en France de 1789 d 1870 (2d ed.; Paris: A. Rousseau, 1903), I, 21–26, 291–96Google Scholar.

³⁷ , Ritchie, Natural Rights, pp. 296, 298Google Scholar, for Article 18 of the 1793 Declaration, and Article 15 of the 1795 Declaration.

³⁸ In Article 6 of the Declaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (1789) it is said that “all … are equally eligible to all … employments (emplois publics) according to their different abilities, without any other distinction than that created by their virtues and talents.” Ritchie, Natural Rights, p. 292.

³⁹ Ruggiero, De, History of European Liberalism, pp. 177–78Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ So wrote Menger, Anton in 1886 in his The Right to the Whole Produce of Labour. Translated by Tanner, M. E. (London, 1899), p. 39Google Scholar. In 1895 Emile Durkheim described eighteenth-century doctrines as “communism,” not yet matured politically into “socialism.” Socialism (New York: Collier, 1962), p. 104Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Lichtenberger, André, Le socialisme au XVIII^o siècle (Paris, 1895), p. 369Google Scholar. E. Schwiedland, commenting on A. Menger's book, declares “le droit au travail” to be only a modification of the “droit à l'existence” since assuring work was another way of assuring existence. “A propos d'un livre sur le socialisme,” Revue d'économie politique (1888), II, 133Google Scholar.

⁴² , Lichtenberger, Le socialisme au XVII^e siècle, pp. 67–68, 91, 228, 398, 456Google Scholar;, Lichtenberger, Le socialisme et la Revolution Frangaise (Paris, 1899), pp. 33, 40, 107, 111, 209, 263Google Scholar;Lecoq, Marcel, L'assistance par le travail en France (Paris: Giard & E. Briere, 1900), p. 94Google Scholar; my French Predecessors of Malthus, pp. 307–15, 340–51, 368; , Menger, The Right, pp. 62–64Google Scholar.

⁴³ “Les secours publics sont une dette sacr6e. La societe doit la subsistance aux citoyens malheureux, soit en leur procurant du travail, soit en assurant les moyens d'exister à ceux qui sont hors d'état de travailler.” Ritchie, Natural Rights, p. 296.

⁴⁴ , Menger, The Right, pp. 8–15Google Scholar;Marriott, J. A. R., “The ‘Right to Work,’” Nineteenth Century LXIII (06 1908), 1002Google Scholar;, Faucher, “Droit au travail,” p. 605Google Scholar.“The right to subsistence and the right to work were both inscribed in English law at the end of the eighteenth century,” wrote Halevy, E. in The Growth of Philosophic Radicalism (New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1949), p. 205Google Scholar. See also ibid., pp. 207–48 for the views of William Godwin, Thomas Paine, and others who asserted man's right to assistance in a world that gave rise to poverty. Fray Domigo de Soto had asserted that beggars had a natural right to beg. See article, “Medina,” in Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy, II, 723.

⁴⁵ , Levasseur, Histoire de 1789 a 1870, 1, 57–76, 103–11Google Scholar. According to one estimate, on the eve of the French Revolution there were about 500,000 vagabonds in France. See Jaszi, Oscar, “Socialism,” Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1934), XIV, 192Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See HaleVy, The Growth, Part II, ch. ii.

⁴⁷ Singer, Das Recht, chs. i-ii.

⁴⁸ , Lecoq, L'assistance, pp. 99 ff., 194Google Scholar;Cauwes, Paul, Cours d'Sconomie politique (Paris, 1893), I, 159Google Scholar and note; , Faucher, “Droit au travail,” pp. 605–6Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ This passage, appearing in the second edition of the Essay and much garbled by critics, did not appear in later editions. See Bonar, James, Malthus and His Work (London: Macmillan, 1924), pp. 304–5Google Scholar. See also Beales, H. L., “The Historical Con-text of the Essay on Population,” in Glass, D. V., ed., Introduction to Malthus (London: Watts, 1953), pp. 1–24Google Scholar; and my essay, “Malthus's Total Population Theory: A Restatement and Reappraisal,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, XI (02, 05 1945), 234–64Google Scholar. See , Brauer, Das Recht, pp. 44–45Google Scholar, for later opinion.

⁵⁰ , Meek, Economics, p. 46Google Scholar, also pp. 50, 51, 55. Quesnay refers critically to Thomas Hobbes, presumably to his solution rather than to his posing of the problem which was somewhat similar to Malthus’. On French Malthusianism see my “French Population Theory Since 1800,” Journal of Political Economy, XLIV (10, 12 1936), 577–611, 743–66Google Scholar.

⁵¹ The Growth, p. 179, also pp. 174–75, 180–81, 194. See also Stark, , ed., Jeremy Bentham's Economic Writings, I, 332–37Google Scholar.

⁵² See , Jaszi, “Socialism,” Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (1934), XIV, 192–93Google Scholar;Höffding, Harold, A History of Modern Philosophy (New York: Dover, 1955), II, 160–61, 186–89Google Scholar;Stace, W. T., The Philosophy of Hegel (New York: Dover, 1955)Google Scholar, paragraphs 535, 592, 626.

⁵³ Gray, Alexander, The Socialist Tradition: Moses to Lenin (New York: Longmans, 1946), ch. viii.Google Scholar Owen defended the eight-hour day not on the basis of the droit au travail but on that of the right to exist, since a longer day was unfavorable to the health of weaker workers. See Woytinsky, W., “Hours of Labor,” Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (1932), VII, 490Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ , Gray, The Socialist Tradition, p. 149Google Scholar;Saint-Simon, Henri de, Du systime indus-triel (Paris, 1821), PrefaceGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ ibid., pp. 264–67; Manuel, F. E., The New World of Henri Saint-Simon (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956)Google Scholar;, Gray, The Socialist, pp. 148–60Google Scholar, also pp. 163–68, on the state socialism of Saint-Simon's followers. See also , Singer, Das Recht, ch. ivGoogle Scholar;, Brauer, Das Recht, pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ See Buret, Eugene, De la misdre des classes laborieuses en Angleterre et en France (Paris, 1840).Google Scholar If one described the condition of the greater number of the inhabitants in two words, Buret asserted, that of the French was pauvre, that of the English, miserable. Ibid., I, 237. At the beginning of the nineteenth century “starvation and disease ran riot in the land.” So wrote Marshall, Alfred in 1885. See his Principles of Economics (9th ed., with annotations by Guillebaud, C. W.; London: Macmillan, 1961), II, 600Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ See Gide's, Charles introduction to his Selections from the Works of Fourier. Translated from the French by Franklin, Julia. (London: Sonnenschein, 1901), 17, 25–30, 39–40, 137–54.Google Scholar See also , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 11–12Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 10–12Google Scholar.

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⁶⁰ Bourgin, Hubert, Fourier: Contribution a I'itude du socialisme frangais (Paris: Societe nouvelle de librairie, 1905), pp. 242, 299–301, 563–64, 577–78Google Scholar. The droit au travail implied freedom of choice of employment and means to exercise it. ibid., p. 300. See also “droit au travail” in Grand dictionnaire national (Paris, n.d.), VI, 1256–57Google Scholar.

⁶¹ , Bourgin, Fourier, 459, 519–21, 536Google Scholar.

⁶² See , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 10–12Google Scholar.

⁶³ ibid., pp. 13–15.

⁶⁴ , Bourgin, Fourier, pp. 563–64, 606–7Google Scholar;, Singer, Das Recht, ch. viGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁵ Blanqui, M., Des classes ouvrieres en France pendant Vannie 1848 (Paris, 1849)Google Scholar;, Levasseur, Histoire des classes … de 1789 a 1870, II, 253–75, 287.Google Scholar Levasseur indicates that while there had been some improvement in wages between 1830 and the 1840's, they provided little in addition to strict necessaries. ibid., p. 275. Compare , Marczewski, “Le produit,” p. lviiGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ , Levasseur, Histoire de 1789 à 1870, II, 299Google Scholar; also Monnier, Luc, ed., Souvenirs d'Alexis de Tocqueville (Paris: Gallimard, 1942), pp. 25–35Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Thiorie du droit de propri&ti et du droit au travail (1839) (Paris, 1848), pp. 11, 15–17, 24–26, 36Google Scholar;, Singer, Das Recht, pp. 13–15Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ , Gray, The Socialist Tradition, ch. ixGoogle Scholar;Ruggiero, de, The History of European Liberalism, pp. 183–84, 192–94Google Scholar;Marriott, J. A. R., The French Revolution of 1848 in Its Economic Aspect (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), pp. lx-lxi, lxix, Ixxxiii.Google Scholar During the Paris commune in 1871 the right of all to assistance was decreed. See Louis, Paul, Histoire du socialisme en France (Paris: Rivière, 1936), p. 227Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ On the above events and their aftermath see , Levasseur, Histoire de 1780 à 1870, II, 337–466Google Scholar; also Faucher, “Droit au travail”; , Singer, Das Recht, chs. vi-viiiGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ , Ritchie, Natural Rights, p. 300, also p. 231.Google Scholar, Levasseur, Histoire de 1789 à 1870, II, 403–9Google Scholar.

⁷¹ P. J. Proudhon declared: “Donnez-moi le droit au travail, et je vous abandonne la propriété.” See Le droit au travail et le droit de propriété (Paris, 1850), p. 6.Google Scholar On another occasion he said, “Si vous me passez le droit au travail, je vous cede le droit de propriete.” Cited in Gamier, Joseph, ed., Le droit au travail a I'Assemblde Nationale (Paris, 1848), p. xii.Google Scholar This is a collection of the discussions at the Assembly, together with other opinions and Garnier's notes. See also , Singer, Das Recht, ch. vGoogle Scholar.

⁷² Besides the discussions assembled by Gamier, a leading liberal economist, one may consult those gathered by Emile Girardin, well known publicist, legislator, and author of economic and other works, among them L'abolition de la misere par l'elevation des salaires (Paris: 1850).Google Scholar See his Le droit au travail au Luxembourg et à l'Assemblée Nationale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1848).Google Scholar The conferences at the Luxembourg and the Assembly are treated by , Singer, Das Recht, chs. vi-ixGoogle Scholar, and by , Levasseur, Histoire de 1789 à 1870, II, Bk. V, chs. i, ii, iv.Google Scholar See also A. Thiers, De la propriété and Blanc's, Louis reply thereto, Socialisme, Droit au travail (Brussels, 1848)Google Scholar; the two are sometimes bound together. See also Blanc, Louis, Organisation du travail (Paris, 1845)Google Scholar;, Menger, The Right, pp. 11–28Google Scholar; de Tocqueville, Souvenirs; Marriott, The French Revolution. This work consists of translations of the works of Blanc and E. Thomas, on the 1848 experience, and Marriott's introduction. It is of interest that Thomas, director of the Paris workshops, organized them according to Saint-Simonian hierarchical principles. , Menger, The Right, pp. 21–23Google Scholar.

⁷³ “Du droit a l'assistance,” Journal des Sconomistes, XIX (01 1849), pp. 139–55.Google Scholar See also , Villermé'sSocialisme, misère et charité (Paris, 1849)Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ , Levasseur, Histoire de 1789 à 1870, Bk. VI, chs. iii, x, pp. 786–88Google Scholar; also , Marczewski, “Le produit,” p. lviiGoogle Scholar;Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul, Le collectivisme (5th ed.; Paris: F. Alcan, 1909), pp. 311–23Google Scholar.

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⁷⁶ See Dorfman, Joseph, The Economic Mind in American Civilization 1606–1885 (New York: Viking, 1946), IIGoogle Scholar, passim. Albert Brisbane, the leading exponent of Fourierism, vulgarized some of its doctrines and presented what was represented as a “translation,” under the title, Theory of Social Organization (New York, 1876).Google Scholar See also his Social Destiny of Man (Philadelphia, 1840)Google Scholar and his General Introduction to Social Science (New York, 1876)Google Scholar. See also Ware, Norman, The Industrial Worker, 1840–60 (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1924), pp. 164–74Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ The Science of Rights (1796) (London, 1889), translated by Kroeger, A. E.. See p. 169Google Scholar for Kroeger's footnote.

⁷⁸ ibid., p. 160. It was the economic views of A. Smith and the Physiocrats, together with ideas of the French Revolution, rather than opinions such as Fichte's that inspired the liberal reforms of the Prussian statesman, Karl August von Harden-burg (1750–1822), especially in 1810–12.

⁷⁹ , Fichte, The Science, pp. 292–94Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ ibid., pp. 298–300, also 338–40. On Fichte, see Schmoller, Gustav, “Johann Gottlieb Fichte: Eine Studie aus dem Gebiete der Ethik und der Nationalökonomie,” Jahrbiicher fur Nationalokonomie und Statistik, V (1865), 1–61Google Scholar;, Bonar, Philosophy, pp. 285–88, 298, 314Google Scholar;, Menger, The Right, pp. 17, 33–36Google Scholar;Nikisch, Arthur, Arbeitsrecht (Tubingen: Mohr, 1955), pp. 34–36Google Scholar.

⁸¹ , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 53–57.Google Scholar Gall may have influenced Marx, Bottomore, T. B. and Rubel, M. suggest in their introduction to Karl Marx: Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy (London: Watts, 1956), p. 9Google Scholar.

⁸² , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 57–62Google Scholar.

⁸³ See Rosen, George, “Approaches to a Concept of Social Medicine: A Historical Survey,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, XXVI (01 1948), 8Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ A. A. Cournot pointed out that the revolution of 1848, with its eighteenth-century metaphysics and sophistry, was being replaced by another, presumably the Marxian. See his Considerations sur la marche des iddes et des e"vSnements dans le temps moderne (Paris: Boivin, 1934), II, 355Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Socialism Utopian and Scientific (Chicago: Kerr, 1918)Google Scholar;Engels, Friedrich, Anti-Diihring; Herr Eugen Duhring's Revolution in Science (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1962).Google Scholar See also Marx, Karl, The Poverty of Philosophy (New York: International, n.d.).CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 63–70Google Scholar;Chalmley, P., Economie politique et philosophique chez Steuart et Hegel (Paris: Dalloz, 1963), Parts I, IIIGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁶ , Gray, The Socialist Tradition, p. 364Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Gray, ibid., pp. 406–7.

⁸⁸ , Singer, Das Recht, p. 63Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Somerville, John, Soviet Philosophy (New York: Philosophical Library, 1946), p. 53Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ , Commons, Institutional Economics, p. 682.Google Scholar The common-law frame of mind prefers “to go forward cautiously on the basis of experience … instead of seeking to refer everything back to supposed universals.” So wrote Pound, Roscoe, in The Future of the Common Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), pp. 18–19Google Scholar.

⁹¹ See Walras's, Le'on critique of Proudhon's system, Liconomie politique et la justice (Paris, 1860), esp. Sec. IIIGoogle Scholar.

⁹² Ashley, W. J., ed., Principles of Political Economy (New York: Longmans, 1921), pp. 363–64.Google Scholar Mill pointed out, however, that relief for the poor could be administered compatibly with the preservation of habits of work. ibid., p. 366. See also , Ritchie, Natural Rights, p. 231Google Scholar.

⁹³ Manual of Political Economy (London, 1863), pp. 245–47Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ TraitS thdorique et pratique d'économie politique (3d ed.; Paris: Giullaumin et cie, 1900), IV, 505, also 506Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Cours d'éonomie politique (1916) (Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1928), II, 413–16Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Progress and Poverty (1880) (New York: Schalkenbach Foundation, 1951), pp. 274, 334, 336Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Cited by Marriott, in “The ‘Right to Work.’ “

⁹⁹ , Gray, The Socialist Tradition, p. 228.Google Scholar Or, as Commons put it: “Man is not a rational being, as the Eighteenth Century thought; he is a being of stupidity, passion, and ignorance, as Malthus thought.” Institutional Economics, p. 682.

¹⁰⁰ See Parsons, Talcott, Structure of Social Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1937)Google Scholar, passim.

¹⁰¹ On the decline of faith in “laissez-faire” and the emergence of the welfare state in the United States see Fine, Sidney, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1964)Google Scholar; also Viner, Jacob, “The United States As a Welfare State,” in Edwards, E. O., ed., National Economic Objectives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), pp. 151–67.Google Scholar Somewhat symbolic of the changes taking place is the shift of John Bascom from the essentially laissez-faire approach in the 1850's and 1860's to an approach emphasizing general welfare in the 1890's. Yet, while he came to favor strengthening labor's bargaining power, he did not refer to a droit au travail. See “The Right to Labor,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, XVIII (08 1904), 499–512Google Scholar; also , Fine, Laissez Faire, pp. 272–75Google Scholar;, Dorfman, The Economic Mind, 1949, III, chs. vii-x, xiii-xivGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰² See Clark, J. M., Social Control of Business (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1939), chs. v-vii, esp. pp. 77–79, 97–100, 118–22Google Scholar;, Commons, Institutional Economics, pp. 680–84Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ See Commons's discussion of “rights” in his The Distribution of Wealth (London, 1893), ch. iiGoogle Scholar, esp. Sees. V-VII. Trade-union members could stipulate with employers for a right to work if suitable jobs were available, but not if jobs were lacking. See Millis, H. A. and Montgomery, R. E., Organized Labor (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1945), pp. 453–59, 639–40Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Paul-Boncour, J., Le federalisme iconomique (2d ed.; Paris: Felix Alcan, 1901)Google Scholar, esp. Bk. I and conclusion; Bowen, Ralph H., German Theories of the Corporative State (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1947)Google Scholar;Elbow, Matthew H., French Corporative Theory, 1789–1948 (New York: Columbia, 1953)Google Scholar;Leroy, Maxime, Les tendances du pouvoir et de la UbertS en France au xx^e siecle (Paris: Receuil Sirey, 1937)Google Scholar;Gide, Charles and Rist, Charles, A History of Economic Doctrines (1909) (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1948), pp. 208, 480–84, 551–70.Google Scholar See also Wulf, M. de, The System of Thomas Aquinas (New York: Dover, 1959), ch. xvGoogle Scholar, wherein a doctrine of inalienable rights is integrated with a kind of corporate doctrine.

¹⁰⁵ See , Singer, Das Recht, pp. 64–84Google Scholar; Herkner, Die Arbeiterfrage; Dicey, Lectures; , Nikisch, Arbeitsrecht, esp. pp. 34–36;Google Scholar, Menger, The Right, pp. 176–78Google Scholar;, Brauer, Das Recht, pp. 15, 17, 27, 29–30, 34–43, 47–49Google Scholar;Schmoller, Gustav, Grundriss der allgemeinen Volkswirtschaftslehre (Munich: Duncker & Humblot, 1919), Part II, chs. vii-viiiGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ America's entry into World War II was accompanied by strengthening of the protest of Negro workers against discrimination and in favor of the “right to work.” See Carter, E. A., “Shadows of the Slave Tradition,” Survey Graphic, XXXI (11 1942), 466Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ French legislation in 1936–1942 gave legal recognition to the “droit au travail” and the obligation of the able-bodied to work. Pic, Paul and Kreher, Jean, Le nouveau droit ouvrier franfais (Paris: Librairie general de droit et de jurisprudence, 1943), pp. 18–19.Google Scholar For similar recognition see Brauer, Das Recht, and the Handworterbuch der Sozialwissenschaften.

¹⁰⁸ Russell, Bertrand, Proposed Roads to Freedom (New York: Holt, 1919), pp. 177, 203, 208–9, 212.Google Scholar Senator A. Ribicoff, on the radio program “Meet the Press,” Jan. 1, 1967, endorsed the government's guaranteeing each able-bodied worker a job but not an income.

¹⁰⁹ Cited by Windolf, F. L., Leviathan and Natural Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), p. 114Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Goode, W. J., “The Protection of the Inept,” American Sociological Review, XXXII (02 1967), 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.