This article is situated within the recent strand of SLA research which applies variationist sociolinguistic methods to the study of the acquisition of sociolinguistic variation by the L2 speaker. Whilst that research has tended to focus on the study of morphological and morphosyntactic variables, this article aims to investigate a number of acquisitional trends identified in previous research in relation to phonological variation, namely the variable deletion of /l/ by Irish advanced L2 speakers of French in both an instructed and study abroad environment. Based on quantitative results using GoldVarb 2001, the study further illuminates the difficulty that the acquisition of sociolinguistic variation poses to the instructed L2 speaker, who is found to make minimal use of informal sociolinguistic variants. In contrast, contact with native speakers in the native speech community is seen to allow the L2 speaker to make considerable sociolinguistic gains, not only in relation to the acquisition of the informal variant in itself, but also in relation to the underlying native speaker grammatical system as indicated by the constraint ordering at work behind use of the variable.

Anglo-Norman (AN) showed a tendency to lose Old French conjugation and gender inflectional distinctions, but is thought to have largely maintained the syntax of Old French. This study considers whether in the early 14th century AN syntax continued to follow continental French (CF) by moving towards new word-order patterns, namely XSV order and subject-verb inversion after et, which were to typify Middle French. Using corpora of CF and AN historical writing, especially chronicles, it is found that AN to some extent shadowed developments found in later 13th and in 14th century CF. In both AN and CF, XSV order was widespread with time adjuncts, but avoided with place adjuncts and direct and indirect objects. This dissociation was not calqued on Old/Middle English subject-verb inversion, which showed a different dissociation, i.e. inversion of verb and nominal subjects, but not pronominal subjects; AN showed no influence of this contrast. Inversion after et was found in AN, but only with unaccusative verbs, whereas in CF by the late 13th century it was spreading to other verbs as well, having initially shown a similar limitation as in AN. It is concluded that underlying syntactic processes of change began to affect AN as well as CF, but that they were interrupted by the switch away from French in England in the later 14th century.

Dans cet article, nous examinons la structure en de quoi + infinitif qui peut être régie par un verbe:

(i) Il y a de quoi s'interroger!

ou ne pas l'être:

(ii) Jamais la France du très haut ne s'est aussi bien portée que sous Jospin. De quoi irriter l'ex-Premier ministre

Nous envisageons deux possibilités d'analyse, selon la valeur de de. Soit celui-ci est considéré comme un article partitif. Mais alors de quelle façon l'infinitif s'articulet-il à de quoi? Soit il constitue une préposition. On se rapproche alors d'énoncés tels que:

(iii) Il a de qui tenir

mais ici, de quoi prend une fonction inhabituelle, celle de circonstant, alors que dans un exemple tel que (iii), de qui remplit la fonction de complément essentiel indirect par rapport à l'infinitif. Dans un dernier temps, nous avons étudié les emplois en discours de cette structure, selon que la proforme quoi anaphorise ou non une structure prédicative de l'énoncé précédent et selon les infinitifs utilisés.

This article presents a corpus analysis designed to determine the extent to which noun endings in French are reliable predictors of grammatical gender. A corpus of 9,961 nouns appearing in Le Robert Junior Illustré was analysed according to noun endings, which were operationalised as orthographic representations of rhymes, which consist of either a vowel sound (i.e., a nucleus) in the case of vocalic endings or a vowel-plus-consonant blend (i.e., a nucleus and a coda) in the case of consonantal endings. The analysis classified noun endings as reliably masculine, reliably feminine, or ambiguous, by considering as reliable predictors of grammatical gender any noun ending that predicts the gender of least 90 per cent of all nouns in the corpus with that ending. Results reveal that 81 per cent of all feminine nouns and 80 per cent of all masculine nouns in the corpus are rule governed, having endings that systematically predict their gender. These findings, at odds with traditional grammars, are discussed in terms of their pedagogical implications.

Cet article discute la dichotomie cas structural vs non structural par rapport au datif français. Plusieurs faits semblent plaider en faveur du caractère non structural de ce datif, comme le marquage des datifs nominaux par une préposition (cf. cas oblique) et l'existence de datifs non argumentaux (cf. cas sémantique). Néanmoins l'examen des différents types de datif dont dispose le français montre que l'apparition de ce datif est soumise en premier lieu à des facteurs configurationnels. Dans la grande majorité des cas la présence du datif n'est en effet pas possible sans celle d'un autre argument interne dans le VP, qui a un rôle thématique inférieur à celui du datif.