¹ In Furtwängler-Reichhold, iii. p. 229.

² Vases de Leyde, Pl. 19: often reproduced (see p. 88).

³ Aus dem antiken Badewesen: medizinisch-kulturgeschichtliche Studien zu Vasenbildern (Berlin, 1910), pp. 59–61.

⁴ On the architecture see Vallois, in Rev. arch. 1908 (11), pp. 359–90Google Scholar (the Leyden hydria is mentioned on p. 388); Orlandos, in Eph. arch. 1916, pp. 94–7Google Scholar (the Leyden vase, p. 104); Hülsen, Julius, Zur Entwicklung der antiken Brunnenarchitektur in Milet: das Nymphaeum, pp. 72–80Google Scholar, especially p. 77, fig. 7; and Benndorf in Jahreshefte, 2, pp. 16–18. Benndorf calls the central round a phiale, but I see no reason for this.

⁵ The taller of the boys on the right is not powdering as Gardiner, Norman says (Greek Athletic Sports, p. 480)Google Scholar, but oiling.

⁶ As Klein, does (Lieblingsinschriften, p. 48, no. 2).Google Scholar The fifth letter, by the way, is legible. Sudhoff's ‘painted by Automenes’ is a misunderstanding of Klein.

⁷ Klein gives two examples of Philon, as a love-name (Lieblingsinschriften, pp. 116–117)Google Scholar: his No. 2, a bf. cyathos in Cambridge, is of the same period as our vase; his No. 1 is later. Add a bf. hydria of our period in the Peake collection (Herakles and Cerberus: Philon kalos).

⁸ For instance, ‘I like you,’ with a sigma too many.

⁹ Welter, , Aus der Karlsruher Vasensammlung, Pl. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁰ 10. 210. 18: details of the vase, but not the detail we most need, in my Attic Red-figured Vases in American Museums (V.A.), p. 18, and in Alexander, , Greek Athletics, pp. 10, 15, and 31.Google Scholar

¹¹ No. 23 in my list of vases by Oltos, , Attische Vasenmaler, p. 13.Google Scholar

¹² Berichte Sächs. Ges. 1867, Pl. 2: often reproduced (see p. 82).

¹³ P. 176.

¹⁴ Such sticks were called as we know from Pollux (Robert, , Bild und Lied, p. 83Google Scholar).

¹⁵ Walters, (B.M. Cat. ii. p. 147, No. B 226)Google Scholar does not mention the boys' hats, and calls the man's a pilos. Laertes, working in his orchard, wore a cap of goatskin: (Od. 24, 231).

A note on the preservation. Anderson indicated what is missing: part of the boy's stick and of one or two branches, part of 4's hat, nape, and breast. A crack has carried away the lower line of l's knee. Mr. Waterhouse has made one or two trifling corrections in Anderson's drawing, and has restored the boy's stick and the black of the right-hand man's breast.

¹⁶ Modern, most of the fox (restored as a hare), the middle of the hare, most of the tail and rump of Pholos, part of the lines on his man-belly, part of the fawn's eye and of Herakles's eye, small parts of his legs, part of the shoulder of Hermes, part of his left leg between calf and knee, most of the zigzag folds near the right-hand corner of the settle. Pholos and the fawn have a white belly-stripe, which hardly shows in the photograph: the fawn's neck is red with a white stripe in front; on his hindquarters a red line between two incised.

¹⁷ The collar-bone (Pholos's) hardly comes out in the photograph: it is of the second, parallel-line type.

¹⁸ B.M. B 304. Guide to Greek and Roman Life, 1st edition, frontispiece: unfortunately suppressed in the second edition. A general view of the vase is given by Walters, , Ancient Pottery, ii. Pl. 49Google Scholar (frontispiece).

¹⁹ The shape shows tolerably well in Walters' plate: the white part is concave, spreading downwards; below that a fillet painted black, and red over the black. The base-fillet is as usual red. A red line half-way along the upper side of the foot. I do not know any other hydriai with a foot just like this. The foot of B.M. B 316 (see below, p. 87) is concave, spreading, and white-sided like ours, and in two other bf. hydriai, Munich 1697 (Jahn 44), and Berlin 1896, the shape of the foot is the same (much as in the Amasian neckamphorae in Boston, Gaskey, , Geometry, pp. 44 and 41Google Scholar), but the side the normal black.

²⁰ In Furtwängler-Reiehhold, iii. pp. 230–2. See also Wrede, , Kriegers Abschied und Heimkehr in der gr. Kunst (known to me from the extract in Jahrbuch der philosoph. Fakultät in Marburg), pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

²² Jahn 130: for permission to publish this and other vases in Munich I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Sieveking. Dr. Wrede tells me that he had already assigned the London hydria and the Munich hydria to the same hand, and also the second hydria in Munich, No. 57 in my list (see below, p. 88).

²³ The inscriptions read (retrograde), and … σχ for χς, see Kretschmer, , Vaseninschriften, p. 180Google Scholar, and compare for the horse-name Xanthos on the rf. amphora with the signature of Menon in Philadelphia, (Philadelphia Museum Journal, 5, pp. 34–6).Google Scholar The last letter of the last Munich inscription seems to be Ν; with the last stroke effaced—a sigma written sideways. The name Hippotion occurs elsewhere in a horsey context: on Berlin 1655, the Corinthian vase with the departure of Amphiaraos, the youth at the horses' heads is called Hippotion (F-R., Pl. 121).

²⁴ 1897 (F.-R., Pl. 154, 2). See below, p. 92, No. 8.

²⁵ 1890. Modern, 3's l. wrist and a good bit of her face, 4's eyebrow and the lower line of his chest; on the shoulder, the tail of the left-hand horse and part of his rump and hind-legs, the feet of the right-hand figure. For the attitude of the seated woman, with both feet extended frontal, compare an earlier vase, a panathenaic amphora in the Cabinet des Médailles (243: Salzmann, , Camiros, Pl. 57Google Scholar); and a cup, of about the same time as our vase, in Boulogne (Dionysos seated frontal). Standing figures with similar feet on an earlier neck-amphora in the British Museum (B 49: Gerhard, , A.V., Pl. 241Google Scholar, 1–2), and on a neck-amphora, about contemporary with our hydria, in Detroit (hoplites frontal on either side of a frontal chariot).

²⁶ See p. 80.

²⁷ A very similar composition on another neck-amphora of the same period, Compiègne 977 (C.V.A. Compiègne, Pl. 5, 3 and 9). I have no note ori the vase, and how close the resemblance is in detail one cannot tell from the useful but rather fuliginous photographs in the Corpus. Mrs. Flot calls the chief figure on the obverse Apollo or Orpheus, both with a query. Mr. Philippart is certain that it is not Apollo: ‘le personnage jouant de la lyre n'est certainement pas Apollon’ (Travaux récents sur la céramique grecque in Revue belge de Philologie et d'Histoire, 1926, p. 253). His researches in Daremberg and Saglio have led him to the discovery that lyre and cithara are two different things (ibid., pp. 254–5), and from his italics he would seem to believe that Apollo is never represented with the lyre. I don't think I need bother to quote more. than one instance, Mon. 1, Pl. 46.

²⁸ Santangelo 160. The parts about the infant's ear are modern; a little repainting along fractures.

²⁹ The most circumstantial treatment of this popular subject is on a fragmentary cup by Macron in the Acropolis collection at Athens, B 77¹, mentioned in my Attische Vasenmaler (p. 212, No. 15), but the subject not recognised.

³⁰ The face of Dionysos disfigured by a scratch.

³¹ 103. Drawing in the Berlin apparatus, xi. 98. On B, a wheeling chariot.

³² Catalogue of Greek Vases in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Pl. 15.

³³ Not a satyr, as Walters: for the ears are human. There are neck-amphorae with the same type of decoration in Corneto (R.C. 1804: phot. Alinari 26042, 2), in Munich, (Arch. Anz. 1914, p. 471Google Scholar, and Buschor, , Griechische Vasenmalerei, p. 138)Google Scholar, and in Madrid (10905, Leroux 80, Ossorio, , Vasos griegos, Pl. 7Google Scholar, 1).

³⁴ 1514 (Jahn 535). Repainting along the fractures.

³⁵ B 247. The handles are set off from the body at their lower attachment: otherwise a normal neck-amphora. The white of the women's flesh is repainted; and on B part of the charioteer's forehead and hair, of the right-hand pole-horse's neck, and of the woman's left sleeve at its lower end. The peytrel is black with white florets.

³⁶ Historisches Museum: Schaal, , Griechische Vasen aus Frankfurter Sammlungen, Pl. 8.Google Scholar

³⁷ See, recently, von Massow, in Ath. Mitt. 41, p. 79.Google Scholar

³⁸ Gerhard, , A.V. Pl. 2Google Scholar; A, better, El. cér. 1, Pl. 58; A, after Gerhard, , Walters, , B.M. Cat. ii. p. 11Google Scholar, and Walters, , Ancient Pottery, ii. p. 16.Google Scholar

³⁹ So Furtwängler, Vaaeneammlung im Antiquarium on No. 1842. See also Massow, von in Ath. Mitt. 41, pp. 59–60.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ 1842: A.Z. 1851, Pl. 30 (Overbeck), whence Overbeck, , Gall. her. Bildw. Pl. 22Google Scholar, 3 and Pl. 26, 2 (not 27, 3 as Furtwängler). The numerous restorations are noted by Furtwängler. That the restorer was right in making the last figure beardless, is shown, against Furtwängler, by the replicas.

⁴¹ 15537. Mon. Lince. 24, Pl. 6, 18 (Cultrera); C.V.A. Villa Giulia, iii H e, Pl. 3, 1–3 (Giglioli). The right-hand figure on B is a youth, and not a woman as Giglioli suggests.

⁴² The foot is lost. A good deal of restoration. For instance, the knees of the horseman have suffered; the youth to the right in B had the usual horizontal lines on the body, but the inner end of the upper one is all that remains; the upper part of his ear is also modern; and so on.

⁴³ We find it even in B 274 itself—in a hasty portion, the end of the horseman's chlamys.

⁴⁴ The wavy line is not to be confused with the crinkly line familiar from the Amasis painter.

⁴⁵ A, Walters, , B.M. Cat. ii. p. 13Google Scholar: this drawing is not perfect; for instance, the ankles of Iolaos are omitted, and the right ankle of Herakles misdrawn. On B, a chip has removed part of the left-hand satyr's beard.

⁴⁶ Nos. 8 and 25. Other bf. neckamphorae with white-ground neck: Villa Giulia 1203 (C.V.A., V.G. Pl. 7, 1–2: A, phot. Alinari 41185); B.M. B 215 (recaUa Oltos).

⁴⁷ The same bands on neck-amphorae in the Spencer-Churchill collection (A, Herakles and Athena and Hermes: B, Dionysos between maenads), in Berlin (1835), in Corneto (R.C. 3222, and (phot. Alinari 26042, left) R.C. 2800).

⁴⁸ The rified mouth is well known in ‘Tyrrhenian’ neck-amphorae and in hydriai of the same period as those, and occurs intermittently later (panathenaic amphora in the Cabinet des Médailles, 243, Salzmann, , Camiros, Pl. 57Google Scholar, of the generation previous to our vase; rf. neck-amphora by the Kleophrades painter, B.M. E 270, Mon. Ant. 5, Pl. 10, phot. Mansell).

⁴⁹ E. Gardner says of B: ‘this is a variation on the very common theme of a running or kneeling warrior between two horsemen. Its meaning seems doubtful, and probably confused.’ I see no obscurity, or confusion. The hoplite runs past, like the hoplite on the Penthesilea cup in Munich (F.-R. Pl. 6), or, to cite a work contemporary with the Cambridge vass, like the giant with the kantharos-supported crest on the frieze of the Siphnian Treasury, at Delphi.

⁵⁰ Mr. Mayence rightly regards the inscriptions as meaningless (Corpus ad v.): not so Panofka, or MrPhilippart, (Rev. de l'Univ. de Bruxelles, 1926, p. 4).Google Scholar ‘On ne se compromettra pas en notant la triple répétition du mot ειλε (cepit).’ And ελετειελν, ελετειεν, ελετελειεν, in the fountain scene on the London hydria B 333?

⁵¹ Theognis 55, see also Ridgeway, , Origin of Tragedy, pp. 89–90Google Scholar, and Jahrbuch, 32, p. 58, note 2 (Bieber).

⁵² The other vase with this name, Klein's No. 2, an ordinary neck-amphora, is now in St. Louis (Furtwängler, , Neue Denkmäler antiker Kunst, iii. p. 242Google Scholar).

⁵³ See p. 67.

⁵⁴ Other bf. hydriai with white mouth: Würzburg 128 (Gerhard, A.V. Pl. 315Google Scholar: key on it), Munich 1703 (net on it), Louvre F 290 (net on it). Inscription on the mouth: hydria in Trieste signed Tychios, epoiesen (Wien. Vorleg. 1889, Pl. 6Google Scholar, 1: phot. Alinari 40210).

⁵⁵ Klein gives another vase with the love-name Euphiletos, the prize panathenaic amphora B.M. B 134 (Walters, , B.M. Cat. ii. Pl. 3Google Scholar; C.V.A. B.M. iii He, Pl. 2, 2: B, J.H.S. 27, Pl. 18): Brauchitsch, von (Preisamphoren, pp. 18–22)Google Scholar collects other panathenaic amphorae by the same hand: his no. 15 is in New York: Graef adds the fragment Athens Acr. 962: add a prize vase in the Hague, Scheurleer, collection (Bulletin van de Vereeniging, 1, p. 22).Google Scholar The oinochoe Klein's No. 2, which bears the name of Euphiletos, but without katos, is now in New York (Sambon, , Coll. Canessa, p. 17Google Scholar). The name of Euphiletos also occurs on a plaque in Eleusis, (Eph. 1888, Pl. 12, 2Google Scholar, whence Hoppin, , B.f. Vases, p. 89Google Scholar), which is a generation earlier than the three vases with the name: here Euphiletos is usually supposed to have been followed by [epoiese]n or [egraphse]n.

⁵⁶ The additional sign given by Ernest Gardner is modern.

⁵⁷ Merkantile Inschriften in Münchener, Arch. Studien, p. 41Google Scholar, No. xlix.

⁵⁸ See Giglioli in the text to the vase.

⁵⁹ Op. cit., Pl. 1, 284.

⁶⁰ Given wrong in Jahn.

⁶¹ Other neck-amphorae with the same type of decoration (the picture on the shoulder, with eyes) in London (B 216), New York (A.J.A. 1916, pp. 314–15), Boston (89.258: shape only, Caskey, , Geometry, p. 48Google Scholar), Mawr, Bryn (A.J.A. 1916, p. 313)Google Scholar, and Copenhagen, , Wandel, collection (Sammlung Vogell, Pl. 2, 9).Google Scholar Miss Swindler calls the Bryn Mawr vase Ionic, but it is Attic like the rest.

⁶³ Nos. 3 and 4 were put together by Buschor, (Griechische Vasenmalerei, p. 152)Google Scholar, No. 2 added by me (V.A. p. 6), No. 1 by Langlotz, (Zeitbestimmung, p. 31, note 8)Google Scholar, No. 10 by Pfuhl, (Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, p. 415)Google Scholar, No. 8 by Zahn (in FR. iii, p. 235), No. 17 by Smith, H. R. W. (A.J.A. 1927, p. 83).Google Scholar 6, 11 and 13 I grouped together, and associated with the Menon painter without definitely attributing them to him, in Att. Vas., pp. 9–10 and 467.