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The English dative alternation: The case for verb sensitivity1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2008

MALKA RAPPAPORT HOVAV*
Affiliation:
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
BETH LEVIN*
Affiliation:
Stanford University
*
Authors' addresses: (Rappaport Hovav) Department of English, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus, 91905 Jerusalem, Israel. E-mail: mhovav@mscc.huji.ac.il
(Levin) Department of Linguistics, Stanford University, Margaret Jacks Hall, Stanford, CA 94305-2150, U.S.A. E-mail: beth.levin@stanford.edu

Abstract

We challenge the predominant view of the English dative alternation, which takes all alternating verbs to have two meanings: a caused possession meaning realized by the double object variant and a caused motion meaning realized by the to variant. Instead, we argue that verbs like give and sell only have a caused possession meaning, while verbs like throw and send have both caused motion and caused possession meanings. We show that the caused possession meaning may be realized by both variants. Concomitantly, we argue that verbs like give, even in the to variant, lack a conceptual path constituent, and instead have a caused possession meaning which can be understood as the bringing about of a ‘have’ relation. We reassess evidence for alternative approaches adduced from inference patterns and verb–argument combinations and demonstrate how our verb-sensitive analysis, when combined with an account of variant choice, provides a more insightful explanation of this data, while having wider coverage. Our investigation affirms proposals that a verb's own meaning plays a key role in determining its argument realization options. To conclude, we consider the crosslinguistic implications of our study, attempting to explain why so many languages lack a true dative alternation.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2008

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Footnotes

[1]

We have had many opportunities to present this material, and we are grateful to the audiences for their comments and questions. We thank all those who have discussed this paper with us or provided extensive comments on earlier versions, including John Beavers, Joan Bresnan, Erin Eaker, Itamar Francez, Adele Goldberg, Martin Haspelmath, Andrew McIntyre, Anita Mittwoch, John Moore, Tanya Nikitina, Steven Pinker, Maria Polinsky, Ivan Sag, Peter Sells, Ivy Sichel, Mandy Simons, and Steve Wechsler. We also thank the referees, whose comments led to significant improvements. This research was supported by Israel Science Foundation Grant 806-03 to Rappaport Hovav.

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