^{Page 512 note 1} Richard Centers is a good example of those who emphasise the ‘essentially subjective’ character of social classes as ‘psycho-social groupings’. Cf. The Psychology of Social Classes (New York, 1961)Google Scholar. On the false dichotomy between ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’ theories, see Dahrendorf, Ralf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (Stanford, 1959), pp. 145–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 512 note 2} Marx, Karl, Capital (1867–1883), vol. III, ch. 52,Google Scholar ‘Classes’.

^{Page 513 note 1} Nzongola, Georges N., ‘Marx's Concept of Labor’ (unpublished seminar paper, Davidson College, Spring 1966, p. 16).Google Scholar

^{Page 513 note 2} Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, The German Ideology (1846Google Scholar; New York edn., 1939), p. 48; my italics.

^{Page 513 note 3} Ibid. p. 49.

^{Page 513 note 4} Marx and Engels, Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy edited by L. S. Feuer (Garden City, N.Y., 1959), pp. 338–9.Google Scholar

^{Page 514 note 1} Aron, Raymond, Les Etapes de la pensée sociologique (Paris, 1967), p. 190.Google Scholar

^{Page 514 note 2} Differences in monetary income, for example, are particularly significant in Africa, where a large part of the economic activity is still of a subsistence nature, and where increments in income open up various opportunities for participation in the modern world.

^{Page 515 note 1} Comeliau, Christian, in Fonctions économiques et pouvoir politique (Kinshasa, 1965)Google Scholar, uses the degree of participation in the money economy as a criterion of group distinction in the Congo. This criterion, which I accept, seems to be in conifict with what Marx says about ‘the size of one's purse [as] a purely quantitative difference by which any two individuals of the same class may be brought inte conflict”. But, if income is not therefore a sufficient condition of class distinction, it is nevertheless a necessary condition. Cf. Marx, , ‘Die moralisierende Kritik und die kritisierende Moral’, in Deutscher-Brusseler Zeitung, 28 10-25 11 1847Google Scholar, in Marx, Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy edited by T. B. Bottomore and M. Rubel (London, 1956), p. 201Google Scholar. Italics in the original.

^{Page 515 note 2} Centers, op. cit. pp. 27–9.

^{Page 515 note 3} The necessity of a revolution arises from Marx's notions of alienation, reification, and the fetishism of commodities; these notions have a rich philosophical content and are too complex to be discussed here.

^{Page 516 note 1} The German Ideology, p. 69. See also The Manftsto of the Communist Party (1848) in Basic Writings, p. 17.

^{Page 516 note 2} Kenneth Boulding defines the field of conflict as ‘that set of relevant variables within which conflict movements may occur that make one party worse off and one better off in their own estimation’. Conflict and Defense (New York, 1963), p. 153Google Scholar. On the variability of attitudes and behaviour among social classes, see Converse, Philip E., ‘The Shifting Role of Class in Political Attitudes and Behavior’, in Maccoby, E. E.et al. (eds.), Readings in Social Psychology (New York, 1958), pp. 338–99.Google Scholar

^{Page 517 note 1} Gurvitch, Georges, ‘Avant-propos’, in Cahiers intrnationaux de sociologie (Paris)Google Scholar, ‘Special Issue on Social Classes in Today's World’, XXXVIII, 1965, p. 6.Google Scholar

^{Page 517 note 2} Lacroix, Jean Louis, Industrialisation au Congo (Paris, 1966), pp. 195–212 and 352.Google Scholar

^{Page 517 note 3} To quote one such definition from the original French, social classes are ‘sur-groupements de vaste envergure, représentant des macrocosmes de groupements particuliers, macrocosmes dont l'unité est fondée sur leur supra-fonctionalité, leur tendance vers une structuration poussée, vers une résistance à la pénétration par la société globale et vers l'incompatibilité avec les autres classes’ (Gurvitch, Op. cit. p. 6).

^{Page 517 note 4} Ginsberg, Morris, Sociology (London, 1953), p. 40Google Scholar, quoted approvingly by Dahrendorf, Op. Cit. p. 180, who equates a quasi-group with a class-in-itself, and a group with a class-for- itself.

^{Page 518 note 1} That is, ‘the unemployed’, ‘intellectuals’, ‘traders’, ‘villagers’, and ‘workers’.

^{Page 518 note 2} Fox, RenÉe C., de Craemer, Willy, and Ribeaucourt, Jean-Marie, ‘The Second Independence: a case study of the Kwilu rebellion in the Congo’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History (Ann Arbor), VIII, I, 10 1965, p. 91.Google Scholar

^{Page 518 note 3} Raymaekers, Paul, L'Organisation des zones de squatting (Paris, 1964), pp. 93–4Google Scholar. Among the unemployed, he found that adults' consciousness of unemployment was weaker than that of young people.

^{Page 518 note 4} Comeliau, op. cit. pp. 71–500, actually lists eight social groups; I have omitted the European minority, although its influence on Congolese politics is of no little importance.

^{Page 518 note 5} Some Africanists question the use of the term lumpenproletariat for the marginally employed and the unemployed urban population. Raymaekers' description of this group, especially the unemployed in Kinshasa, brings out almost all the characteristics of this class as delineated by Marx.

^{Page 519 note 1} Comeliau, Op. Cit. pp. 90–5.

^{Page 519 note 2} This is the view also of Raymaekers, op. cit. pp. 12–31.

^{Page 520 note 1} Willy de Craemer and Fox, Renée C., The Emerging Physician (Stanford, 1968), p. 35.Google Scholar

^{Page 520 note 2} Lacroix, op. cit. p. 211.

^{Page 521 note 1} As Gérard Dupriez points out, it is difficult for a semi-skilled worker to accept the fact that a primary school teacher who is hardly more qualified than himself should earn a salary four or five times greater than his own. ‘Nombre de privilégiés du régime apparaissent aux yeux des masses comme des imposteurs.’ ‘Les Rémunérations dans l'ancienne province de Léopoldville’, in Cahiers économiques et sociaux (Kinshasa), I, 2, 12 1962, p. 3.Google Scholar

^{Page 521 note 2} phrase, Marx's, from The Class Struggles in France (1895)Google Scholar, in Basic Writings, p. 298.

^{Page 521 note 3} The ethnic factor is usually presented as the clearest indicator of the absence of social classes in Africa. Too much emphasis on this may result in a distortion of social reality. It is such an over-emphasis on clan solidarity that leads Martin Kilson to one misleading conclusion and two major fallacies in his discussion of what he calls the ‘asymmetrical’ structure of the national bourgeoisie in Sierra Leone: (1) that this structure may make élites responsive to the needs of the people; (2) that it restricts economic development; and (3) that it is responsible for corruption in government. Political Change in a West African State (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), pp. 87–9.Google Scholar

^{Page 522 note 1} Ziégler, Jean, Ziegler, Sociologie de la nouvelle Afrique (Paris, 1964), pp. 37 and 41.Google Scholar

^{Page 523 note 1} The Class Struggles in France, in Basic Writings, p. 291.

^{Page 523 note 2} This distinction does not exclude the possibility of a revolution that is at the same time national and social (e.g. Vietnam, Algeria, Guinea-Bissau). One of the requisites is that the leaders be ready to break with their bourgeois past and become one with the people–a development that does not seem to be well established in post-colonial Algeria.

^{Page 523 note 3} This account fits the pattern of revolutionary development described by David Thomson for the 1848 national revolutions in Europe: ‘Radical agitators had prepared the revolutions, and nationalist leaders emerged once they had begun; but the initiative in making revolution came not from such leaders but from the masses themselves.’ Cf. Europe since Napoleon (New York, 1964), p. 210.Google ScholarPubMed

^{Page 523 note 4} The first view is found in Gilis, Charles-André, Kasa-Vubu au caur du drame congolais (Brussels, 1964), p. 63Google Scholar; the second view in Lemarchand, René, Political Awakening in the Belgian Congo (Berkeley, 1964), p. 181Google Scholar; and the third view in Artigue, Pierre, Qui sont les leaders congolais? (Brussels, 1965), p. 133.Google Scholar

^{Page 523 note 5} The German Ideology, pp. 39–40.

^{Page 524 note 1} Young, Crawford, Politics in the Congo (Princeton, 1965), p. 77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{Page 524 note 2} On the intrusion of all kinds of foreign adventurers and show girls in this category of ‘technicians’, see Kalanda, Mabika, La Remise en question (Brussels, 1967), p. 81Google Scholar.

^{Page 524 note 3} The Amicales were Belgo-Congolese associations. Patrice Lumumba, who was vice- president of the Liberal party at Kisangani at the time of Baudouin's Congo Visit, defended Belgian paternalism as being good for the masses and supported the idea of a Belgo-Congolese community in his book Le Congo, terre d'avenir, est-il menacé? (Brussels, 1961), pp. 22 and 203–9Google Scholar. On the élitism of the petite bourgeoisie, or what has been called their universalism, see Jean-Paul, Sartre's preface to La Penséepolitique de Patrice Lumumba edited by van Lierde, J. (Paris, 1963).Google Scholar

^{Page 524 note 4} Brausch, Georges, Belgian Administration in the Congo (London, 1961), p. 35.Google Scholar

^{Page 525 note 1} Gills, , Kasa-Vubu, pp. 79–80.Google Scholar

^{Page 525 note 2} Pierre de Vos, cited by Gills, ibid. pp. 91–2.

^{Page 526 note 1} The most detailed non-official account of the events is Jacques Marres and Pierre de Vos, L'Equinoxe de janvier (Brussels, 1959)Google Scholar. For a slightly different version of the early stages, see Gills, op. cit. pp. 121–4.

^{Page 526 note 2} Weiss, Herbert F., Political Protest in the Congo (Princeton, 1967), p. 17.Google Scholar In The Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx writes that the bourgeoisie ‘is bound to fear the stupidity of the masses as long as they remain conservative and the insight of the masses as soon as they become revolutionary’. Cf. Basic Writings, p. 340.

^{Page 526 note 3} Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth (New York edn, 1966), p. 50.Google Scholar

^{Page 527 note 1} What happened is what Marx calls a partial revolution, or a purely political revolution, ‘which leaves the pillars of the house standing’. Cf. Critique de la philosophie du droit de Hegel (Paris, 1895), pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

^{Page 528 note 1} This is a paraphrase of one sentence from a letter by Congolese soldiers published in Emancipation (Léopoldville), 19 03 1960Google Scholar, and cited in Francis Monheim, Mobutu, l'homme seul (Brussels, 1962), p. 72.Google Scholar

^{Page 528 note 2} Kalanda, Mabika, in Tabalayi (Kinshasa, 1963), pp. 27 ffGoogle Scholar., shows how the politicians were clever enough to take advantage of the people's new equation of ‘talking politics’ and ‘telling lies’ as a way of de-politicising the masses and of silencing political opponents.

^{Page 528 note 3} Kalanda, La Remise en question, 83–4: ‘Mais il semble tout de méme établi que l'évolué congolais estime le moment venu de réaliser un réve vieux de plus de vingt ans et relatif àassimilation des colonisés par les colonisateurs. Il y a la une situation àl stigmatiser.’

^{Page 529 note 1} Fanon, op. cit. p. 143.

^{Page 529 note 2} Baran, Paul A., The Political Economy of Growth (New York, 1968), pp. 234–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 530 note 1} Marx, , The Eighteenth Brumaire, in Basic Writings, pp. 320–3Google Scholar. See also Fanon, , Black Skin, White Masks (New York edn., 1967), passim.Google Scholar

^{Page 530 note 2} Mulopwe was the title of emperors in the old Baluba empires. On the concept of bulopwe, see Vansina, Jan, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, 1966), pp. 71–8Google Scholar. See also Kalanda, A. Mabika, Baluba et Lulua (Brussels, 1959)Google Scholar, on the migrations of Kasai Baluba.

^{Page 530 note 3} Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, Eloge de la philosophic (Paris, 1953), pp. 66–7.Google Scholar