Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-fscjk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T01:16:01.520Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Whither Opposition in Zimbabwe?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Christine Sylvester
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

On 8 and 9 April 1995, Zimbabweans turned out for an election that mostly was not. As many as 55 of the 120 parliamentary seats open for contestation had already been decided for the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), because the six opposition parties of the moment did not put up candidates for them. ZANU PF could also count on another 30 parliamentarians: 12 non-constituency members, to be appointed by the President of Zimbabwe, as well as the eight provincial governors; and ten chiefs elected by local chiefs, all beholden to the ruling party for carrying forward traditional powers to the post- independence era. In other words, ZANU PF was sure of obtaining 85 of the 150 seats in the House of Assembly before a single ballot was cast in the 1995 elections.

Type
Articles
Information
The Journal of Modern African Studies , Volume 33 , Issue 3 , September 1995 , pp. 403 - 423
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Scott, James, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: hidden transcripts (New Haven, 1990).Google Scholar

2 Mandaza, Ibbo, speaking on the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) programme ‘Election 1995’, 7 April 1995. Notes taken by author, as for the other talks in this series hereafter reported.Google Scholar

3 Lawson, Stephanie, ‘Conceptual Issues in the Comparative Study of Regime Change and Democratization’, in Comparative Politics (New York), 25, 2, 01 1993, pp. 292–3.Google Scholar

4 Ibid. p. 193.

5 Okoth-Ogendo, H. W. O., ‘Constitutions Without Constitutionalism: reflections on an African political paradox’, in Shivji, Issa G. (ed.), State and Constitutionalism: an African debate on democracy (Harare, 1991), p. 12.Google Scholar

6 Shamuyarira, Nathan, speaking on ZBC ‘Election 1995’, 7 April 1995.Google Scholar

7 Gramsci, Antonio, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, edited and translated by Hoare, Quintin and Smith, Geoffrey Nowell (London, 1971), pp. 181–2.Google Scholar

8 Shamuyarira said simply: ‘It's difficult to defeat ZANU PF because it's a party that struggled for independence. It will be a long time until that's forgotten’. ZBC ‘Election 1995’, 7 April 1995.

9 Sylvester, Christine, ‘Unities and Disunities in Zimbabwe's 1990 Election’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), 28, 3, 09 1990, pp. 375–400.Google Scholar See a related discussion in Moyo, Jonathan N., Voting for Democracy: electoral politics in Zimbabwe (Harare, 1992), ch. 2.Google Scholar

10 Sylvester, Christine, ‘Zimbabwe's 1985 Elections: a search for national mythology’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 24, 2, 06 1986, pp. 230–1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 Sylvester, loc. cit. 1990.

12 The Minister of Mines, Eddison Zvogbo, speaking on ZBC ‘Election 1995’, 5 April 1995.

13 Ibid. ZANU PF's election manifesto, however, says nothing about Esap.

14 The Deputy Secretary in the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, Sydney Mhishi, reported that 31,000 workers had been retrenched since Esap was launched in 1991, but, intended as a compensation, ‘more than 10,000 retrenchees have been trained to start their own businesses’, and ‘far more new jobs are being created, 66,100 in the formal sector’. See ‘Esap Creates More New Jobs Than Retrenchments’, in The Herald (Harare), 3 04 1995 p. 1.Google Scholar

According to ZANU PF Election Manifesto 1995 (Harare, 1995), p. 1,Google Scholar ‘ZANU PF's ideological position is very clear. At the Central Committee meeting held on September 27th, 1991, it was resolved that socialism remains our guiding philosophy’.

15 Bratton, Michael, ‘Micro-Democracy? The Merger of Farmer Unions in Zimbabwe’, in African Studies Review (Atlanta), 37, 1, 1994, pp. 9–38.Google Scholar

16 Ibid. p. 15.

17 Ibid. p. 18.

18 Ibid. p. 31.

19 Ibid. p. 32.

20 Ibid. p. 9.

21 Ibid. p. 12.

22 Auret, Mike, in Human Rights Bulletin (Harare), 1, 1, 08 1994, p. 7.Google Scholar

23 Bayart, Jean-François, ‘Civil Society in Africa’, in Chabal, Patrick (ed.), Political Domination in Africa: reflections on the limits of power (Cambridge, 1986), p. 212.Google Scholar

24 Makamure, Kempton, ‘The Crisis Point: who finances political parties’, in Sunday Gazette (Harare), 9 04 1995, p. 8.Google Scholar

25 Chabal, Patrick, Power in Africa: an essay in political interpretation (New York, 1992), p. 84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26 Mandaza, Ibbo, ‘The State and Politics in Zimbabwe’, in Southern African Political and Economic Monthly (Harare), 8, 6, 03 1995, p. 32.Google Scholar

27 Scott, op. cit. p. xi.

28 See discussions in Sylvester, Christine, ‘Simultaneous Revolutions: the Zimbabwean case’, in Journal of Southern African Studies (Oxford), 16, 3, 1990, pp. 452–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 See Sylvester, Christine, ‘African and Western Feminisms: world-travelling the tendencies and possibilities’, in Signs: journal of women in culture and society (Chicago), 20, 4, Summer 1995.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 Sylvester, Christine, ‘Simultaneous Revolutions and Exits: a semi-skeptical comment’, in Tetreault, Mary Ann (ed.), Women and Resolution in Africa, Asia, and the New World (Columbia, SC, 1994), pp. 415–25.Google Scholar

31 Munro, William A., ‘Building the Post-Colonial State: villagization and resource management in Zimbabwe’, in Politics and Society (Los Altos, CA), 23, 1, 03 1995, p. 130.Google Scholar

32 Drinkwater, Michael, The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe's Communal Areas (New York, 1991), ch. 4.Google Scholar

33 Gaidzanwa, Rudo, ‘Citizenship, Nationality, Gender, and Class in Southern Africa’, in Alternatives: social transformation and humane governance (Boulder, CO), 18, 1, Winter 1993, pp. 39–59.Google Scholar

34 Kumbirai Kangai, the ZANU PF Manicaland provincial chairman, warned voters in Chipinge what would happen if they did not support the Party. See ‘Vote Zanu (PF) or There will Be No Development’, in The Herald, 25 March 1995, p. 5.

35 Makumbe, John, ‘Are Primary Elections Democratic?’, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

36 Makumbe, John, ‘Democracy in Zimbabwe’, in Human Rights Bulletin, 1, 1, 08 1994, p. 1.Google Scholar

37 The day before the 1995 elections commenced, 5,000 people attended a rally in Bulawayo, where Mugabe spoke. ZANU PF was obviously expecting a better showing having booked the 25,000-seat Barbourfields Stadium.

38 Mandaza, loc. cit. p. 32, emphasis in original.

39 Makumbe, ‘Are Primary Elections Democratic?’, pp. 6–7.

40 Joshua Nkomo decided not to run for a constituency-based parliamentary seat, and Simon Muzenda was unopposed in Gutu North.

41 ‘Zimbabwe: beyond the elections’, in Southern African Political and Economic Monthly, 8, 6, 03 1995, p. 5–6.Google Scholar

42 ‘Warning to Party Leaders’, in The Herald, 30 March 1995.Google Scholar

43 ‘Zimbabwe: beyond the elections’, loc. cit. p. 6.

44 Stan Mudenge was appointed to the Cabinet after the elections as Minister of Foreign Affairs, replacing Nathan Shamuyarira who was made Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare.

45 ‘Zimbabwe: no democracy at the top’, in Southern African Economist (Harare), 8, 1, 02–03 1995, p. 17.Google Scholar

46 Dhliwayo, Dominic, ‘Elections’, in The Northern News (Harare), 04 1995, p. 2.Google Scholar ‘Young Members Fed Up with Impotent Politics’ by Makumbe, John had earlier offered a slightly different interpretation of the Masvingo affair in The People (Harare), 03–04 1995, p. 5: ‘Political tactician, Zvogbo, obviously sees that if there is going to be a challenge to him for the political leadership in Masvingo, it is going to come from the military elements within Zanu (PF). Tungamirai must therefore be “destroyed” by embracing him warmly and giving him the impression that the Zvogbo faction was the only way forward for him as a politician. Tungamirai dutifully swallows the bait and is hauled in, supposedly, to receive support in the fight against Muzenda. Little is it known to Tungamirai that he is simply being used as a buffer in the Muzenda-Zvogbo struggle for Masvingo. At the end of it all, Zvogbo won the battle because Muzenda is bound to bow out of politics sooner rather than later than Tungamirai’.Google Scholar

47 Dhliwayo, ‘Elections’, loc. cit. p. 2.

48 Chigudu, Hope and Tichagwa, Wilfred, ‘Participation of Women in Party Politics’, Zimbabwe Women's Resource Centre and Network, Harare, Discussion Paper No. 8, 02 1995.Google Scholar

49 Upon the appointment of the ‘new’ Cabinet following the elections, an editorial in The Financial Gazette (Harare), 21 04 1995, p. 4, charged that Mugabe ‘let a great chance go begging. He has kept faith with his old team, comprising mostly friends he is unwilling to disappoint…He has missed an opportunity to inject fresh blood into his team’.Google Scholar

50 ‘Zimbabwe: beyond the elections’, loc. cit. p. 9.

51 ‘Tekere: change the constitution’, in Southern African Political and Economic Monthly, 8, 5, 03 1995, p. 17.Google Scholar

52 ‘Zanu (PF) Keen to Study Opposition Views, but…’, in The Herald, 24 March 1995, p. 5.Google Scholar

53 ZANU PF Election Manifesto, p. 3.

54 ‘Zvogbo Asks Voters to Give ZANU (PF) a “Thunderous Victory”’, in The Herald, 7 April 1995, p. 4.

55 ‘The Zimbabwe General Election 1995’, editorial in the Southern African Political and Economic Monthly, 8, 6, 03 1995, p. 3.Google Scholar

56 Shamuyarira, and Zvogbo, loc. cit.

57 Dumbutshena, Enock, speaking on ZBC ‘Election 1995’, 30 March 1995.Google Scholar

58 Nadabaningi Sithole, ibid. 28 March 1995.

59 Mandaza, loc. cit. p. 32.

60 ‘Editorial: retrospect to prospect’, in The People, April 1995, p. 1.Google Scholar

61 Scott, op. cit. p. 74.

62 Ibid. p. 82.

63 Ibid. p. 79. Emphasis in original.

64 Brown, Wendy, ‘Feminist Hesitations, Postmodern Exposures’, in Differences: a journal of feminist cultural studies (Providence, RI), 3, 1, Spring, 1991, p. 68.Google Scholar

65 Scott, op. cit. p. 136.

66 According to The Chronicle (Bulawayo), 13 04 1995, p. 8, ‘The Electoral Supervisory Commission, with the agreement of major civic and human rights organisations, has declared the general election as “free and substantially fair” although acknowledging that there were some problems’.Google Scholar