^{Page 95 note 1} Amílcar Cabral, Princípios do partido e a prática política, 1–6, from the collection, ‘Cabral kamuri’, edition of the Department of Information, Propaganda, and Culture of the Central Committee of the P.A.I.G.C. (Portugal, 1983),Google ScholarUnity and Struggle (London, 1980),Google ScholarUnité et lutte (Paris, 1975),Google ScholarReturn to the Source (New York, 1973),Google Scholar and Revolution in Guinea (London, 1969). See also Carlos Cardoso, ‘Os Fundamentos do Conteúdo e dos Objectivos da Libertacão National no Pensamento de Amílcar Cabral’, International Conference on the Political Personality of Amílcar Cabral, Bissau, 4–7 December 1984.Google Scholar

^{Page 95 note 2} Chabal, Patrick, Amílcar Cabral: revolutionary leadership and people's war (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 175–82,Google Scholar and ‘The Social and Political Thought of Amílcar Cabral: a reassessment’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), 19, 1, 03 1981, pp. 31–56;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Henry Bienen, ‘State and Revolution: the work of Amílcar Cabral’, in ibid. 15, 4, December 1977, pp. 555–68; Ronald Chilcote, ‘The Political Thought of Amílcar Cabral’, in ibid. 6, 3, September 1968, pp. 373–88; and Timothy W. Luke, ‘Cabral's Marxism: an African strategy for socialist development’, Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, 19–21 April 1979.

^{Page 95 note 3} Rudebeck, Lars, Guinea-Bissau: a study of political mobilization (Uppsala, 1974);Google ScholarDavidson, Basil, Growing from the Grassroots: the State of Guinea-Bissau (London, 1969),Google Scholar and No Fist is Big Enough to Hide the Sky: the liberation of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (London, 1981);Google ScholarChaliand, Gerard, Armed Struggle in Africa. With the Guerrillas in ‘Portuguese’ Guinea (New York, 1969),Google Scholar and Mythes révolutionnaires du tiers monde (Paris, 1976).Google Scholar

^{Page 96 note 1} Rudebeck, op. cit.; Moita, Luís and Pereira, Luísa Teotónio, Guiné-Bissau. 3 Anos de Independência (Lisbon, 1976);Google ScholarAaby, Peter, The State of Guinea-Bissau. African Socialism or Socialism in Africa? (Uppsala, 1978);Google ScholarSarrazin, Chantal and Gjerstad, Ole, Sowing the First Harvest. National Reconstruction in Guinea-Bissau (Oakland, Ca., 1978);Google ScholarGoulet, Denis, Looking at Guinea-Bissau: a new nation's development strategy (Washington, D.C., 1978);Google ScholarAndreini, Jean-Claude and Lambert, Marie-Claude, La Guinée-Bissau d'Amílcar Cabral à la reconstruction nationale (Paris, 1978);Google ScholarWashington, Shirley, ‘Some Aspects of Post-War Reconstruction in Guinea-Bissau’, Ph.D. dissertation, Howard University, Washington, D.C., 1978;Google ScholarFreire, Paulo, Pedagogy in Process: the letters to Guinea-Bissau (New York, 1978);Google ScholarUrdang, Stephanie, Fighting Two Colonialisms: women in Guinea-Bissau (New York, 1979);Google Scholar and Hodges, Tony, ‘Guinea-Bissau: five years of independence’, in Africa Report (Washington, D.C.), 01–02 1979, pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

^{Page 97 note 1} Lopes, Carlos, Etnia, Estado e Relações de Poder na Guiné-Bissau [Ethnicity, State and Relations of Power in Guinea-Bissau] (Lisbon, 1982), p. 70;Google Scholar and Bigman, Laura, ‘Revolutionary Democracy in Guinea-Bissau’, M.A. thesis, Howard University, Washington, D.C., 12 1980, pp. 65–6.Google Scholar

^{Page 97 note 2} Ziegler, Jean, ‘Libération et culture: le cas de la Guiné-Bissau’, in Main basse sur l'Afrique: la recolonisation (Paris, 1980), p. 209.Google Scholar

^{Page 97 note 3} Interviews by the author, Bissau, May 1983; Chabal, Patrick, ‘Party, State and Socialism in Guinea-Bissau’, in Canadian Journal of African Studies (Ottawa), 17, 2, 1983, p. 203; Ziegler, loc.cit. p. 209; and Bigman, op.cit. pp. 65–6. P.A.I.G.C. cadres spent the years of the national liberation struggle either in the rural areas, directing the guerrilla war, or engaged in propaganda work abroad. Most of them, therefore, had little or no experience in bureaucratic management when the P.A.I.G.C. took power in 1974.Google Scholar

^{Page 97 note 4} Interviews, Bissau, November 1982; and Lopes, Etnia, pp. 71–5.

^{Page 97 note 5} Lopes, Etnia, pp. 70–5 and 78.

^{Page 98 note 1} Interviews, Bissau, January and May 1983, and Dakar, November 1983.

^{Page 98 note 2} Lopes, Etnia, pp. 71–4 and 78.

^{Page 98 note 3} Ibid. p. 75.

^{Page 98 note 4} Interviews, Bissau, May 1983; Carlo Lopes, ‘A Transição Histórica na Guiné-Bissau: do movimento de libertação nacional ao estado’ [‘The Historical Transition in Guinea-Bissau: from the national liberation movement to the state’], Institut universitaire d'études du développement, Geneva, November 1982, p. 225; and Makedowsky, Eric, L'Année politique africaine (Paris, 1981), p. 10.Google Scholar

^{Page 98 note 5} Fifteen of the 19 members of the 1979 Cabinet were party officials.

^{Page 98 note 6} Lopes, Etnia, p. 73; Andreini and Lambert, op.cit. p. 53; Washington, op. cit. p. 217; and Makedonsky, Jeanne, ‘Guinée-Bissau premières élections du temps de paix’, in Africa (Dakar), 86, 12 1976, p. 53.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 1} Lopes, Etnia, p. 73.

^{Page 99 note 2} Interviews, Ziguinchor, January 1984, and Dakar, September and October 1983;Google ScholarValimamad, E. D., ‘Nationalist Politics, War and Statehood: Guinea-Bissau, 1953–1973’, Ph.D. dissertation, St Catherine's College, Oxford, 1984, p. 227; Chabal, Amícar Cabral, pp. 142–3; and Lopes, A Transição Histórica, pp. 25, 105, 138, 152, 263 and 321.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 3} Interviews, Bissau, May 1983, and Dakar, September–October 1983; and Sarrazin and Gjerstad, op. cit. p. 32.

^{Page 99 note 4} Interviews, Dakar, September 1983;Google Scholarde Dianoux, Huges Jean, ‘Études. La Guinée-Bissau et les iles du Cap-Vert’, in Afrique contempraine (Paris), 107 (01–02 1980), p. 7;Google Scholar Speech by President Vieira, in O Militante (Bissau), 11–12 1981, p. 22; Ziegler, loc. cit. p. 209; and Makedowsky, loc. cit. p. 51.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 5} Interviews, Bissau, January 1983; Lopes, A Transição Histórica, pp. 263–4; Nyangoma, Ndiane, as quoted by Ndiaye, Momar Seyni in ‘La Guinée-Bissau: sept ans après, une situation difficile’, in Le Soleil (Dakar), 1980.Google Scholar

^{Page 100 note 1} Interviews, Bissau, May 1983; Hochet, Anne-Marie, Paysanneries en attente: Guinée–Bissau (Dakar, 1983), pp. 44–5;Google ScholarRudebeck, Lars, Problèmes de pouvoir et de dévelopment: transition difficile en Guinée–Bissau (Uppsala, 1982), pp. 40–1 and 64;Google ScholarLopes, A Transição Histórica, pp. 223–4 and 248–50; and Dianoux, loc. cit. p. 7.Google Scholar

^{Page 100 note 2} Bollinger, Virginia L., ‘Development Strategy's Impact on Ethnically-Based Political Violence: a theoretical framework with comparative applications to Zambia, Guinea-Bissau and Moçambique’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, Boulder, 1984, pp. 190–1;Google Scholar and Barbara Harrell-Bond, ‘Guinea-Bissau. Part III, Independent Development’, American University Field Staff Report No. 22, Hanover, N.H., 1981, p. 14.

^{Page 100 note 3} The six men who founded the P.A.I.G.C. were all from Cape Verde or of related lineage: Amílcar Cabral, Luiz Cabral, Aristides Pereira, Fernando Fortes, Julio de Almeida, and Eliseu Turpin.

^{Page 100 note 4} Cape Verdians occupied four of the seven seats on the Executive Committee of the Struggle, the nation's ruling political organ at that time, and held most of the 15,000 public-sector positions. Bollinger, op. cit. pp. 189–92 and 338–42; Chabal, Amílcar Cabral, pp. 202–3; Dianoux, loc. cit. p. 9; Goulet, op. cit. p. 35; and de Braga Dias, José Manuel, Mudança Sócio-Cultural na Guiné Portuguesa [Socio-Cultural Change in Portuguese Guinea], Ph.D. dissertation, Universidade Tecnica de Lisboa, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Política Ultramarina, Lisbon, 1974, pp. 207–8.Google Scholar

^{Page 100 note 5} Interviews, Ziguinchor, January 1984, and Portugal, March 1984; and Chaliand, Armed Struggle, p. 74.

^{Page 101 note 1} Interviews, Casamancian villages and Ziguinchor, January 1984; Davidson, No Fist, p. 42; Dianoux, loc. cit. p. 4; Dias, op. cit. p. 205; and Chaliand, Armed Struggle, p. 14.

^{Page 101 note 2} Interviews, Casamancian villages, January–February 1984, and Dakar, October 1983.

^{Page 101 note 3} Chabal, Amílcar Cabral, p. 80; and Davidson, Growing from the Grassroots, p. 102.

^{Page 101 note 4} Lopes, A Transicão Histórica, p. 257;Google ScholarAlmada, Fidelis, ‘Let Us Restructure Our Party – the PAIGC’, in Nô Pintcha (Bissau), 10 11 1981; and President Vieira's speech in O Militante, November–December 1981.Google Scholar

^{Page 101 note 5} Interviews, Ziguinchor, January 1984; Bollinger, op. cit. p. 211; and Lopes, A Transição Histórica, p. 252.

^{Page 102 note 1} de Silva, Babtista, ‘Guiné-Bissau: o instável poder’ [Guinea-Bissau: unstable power’], in Terceiro Mundo (Lisbon), 84, 12 1985, p. 35.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 2} Rudebeck, Problèmes, p. 21; and Odou, René, ‘Guinée-Bissau: un coup d'état pour rien’, in Afrique Nouvelle (Dakar), 1637, 19–25 11 1980, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 3} Forrest, Joshua B., ‘State, Peasant and National Power Struggles in Contemporary Guinea-Bissau’, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1987, ch. 5, ‘State vs. the Peasant Mode of Production in Guinea-Bissau’.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 4} Andreini and Lambert, op. cit. p. 56.

^{Page 102 note 5} Forrest, op. cit.

^{Page 102 note 6} Makedowsky, op. cit. pp. 149–50.

^{Page 103 note 1} Ibid. p. 150; and Urdang, op. cit. p. 120.

^{Page 103 note 2} Interviews, Ziguinchor, January 1984, and Lisbon, MArch 1984.

^{Page 103 note 3} Makedowsky, op. cit. p. 150; and Documents from Caixas 1–25, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon.

^{Page 103 note 4} Makedowsky, op. cit. p. 150.

^{Page 103 note 5} Lopes, A Transição Histórica, p. 225.

^{Page 104 note 1} Interviews, Bissau, December 1982.

^{Page 104 note 2} Ibid.

^{Page 104 note 3} Lopes, Etnia, p. 75.

^{Page 104 note 4} Lopes, A Transição Histórica, pp. 255 and 257.

^{Page 104 note 5} Account written expressly for the author by a Guinean historian in January 1984.

^{Page 104 note 6} Lopes, A Transtção Histórica, p. 257.

^{Page 104 note 7} Ibid.

^{Page 104 note 8} The New York Times, 16 November 1980.

^{Page 104 note 9} Lopes, A Transição Histórica p. 255.

^{Page 105 note 1} Makedowsky, op. cit. p. 150.

^{Page 105 note 2} Interviews, Casamance, January 1984; and Ndiaye, loc. cit.

^{Page 105 note 3} Afterwards the new Guinean leaders explained the instigation of the coup in terms of their determination to prevent the élite from the Cape Verde Islands from dominating the power-sharing arrangement that had worked successfully with Guinea-Bissau after the independence of the two countries in 1974. My own interpretation is that this domestic factor was quite secondary in relation to the much more significant institutional, ethnic, and interpersonal struggles.

^{Page 105 note 4} Makedowsky, op. cit. p. 149.

^{Page 105 note 5} Bollinger, op. cit. p. 192. The new Revolutionary Council was composed of Vieira, Commander Iafai Camará, Captain Paulo Correia, Commander Manuel Saturnino da Costa, Samba Lamine Mané, Victor Saude Maria, Commander Bjota N'Ambatcha, Captain Bheghatba Na Reate, and Commander João Silva.

^{Page 106 note 1} Christian Sigrist, ‘The Case of Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde Islands’, ‘Workshop. Traditional Societies and Western Colonialism’, Bielefeld, Federal Republic of Germany, 22–3 June 1979, pp. 2–3.

^{Page 106 note 2} Interviews, Bissau, December 1982 and May 1983, Casamancian villages, January and February 1984, and Dakar, October 1983.

^{Page 106 note 3} Interviews, Bissau, April and May 1983, and Dakar, September 1983; Rudebeck, Problémes, pp. 9–10, 18, 41, and 51; and Vieira's speech in O Militante, p. 22.

^{Page 106 note 4} By way of contrast, at the time of the independence struggle, the P.A.I.G.C. was open to virtually all Guineans, without even a functioning system of membership cards or files. See ‘The Party’, ch. 8 of Relatório do Conselho Superior da Luta (Report of the Superior Council of the Struggle), presented to the 3rd Congress of the P.A.I.G.C. by the Secretary-General, Aristides Pereira, Bissau, 1977, pp. 8–12; and Rudebeck, Lars, ‘Development and Class Struggle in Guinea-Bissau’, in Monthly Review (New York), 30, 8 01 1979, p. 21.Google Scholar

^{Page 106 note 5} Bollinger, op. cit. p. 206.

^{Page 107 note 1} O Militante, p. 3.

^{Page 107 note 2} Interviews, Bissau, May 1983, and Dakar, November 1983.

^{Page 107 note 3} Nô Pintcha, 10 November 1981; and personal informants.

^{Page 107 note 4} Le Soleil, 26–7 November 1983.

^{Page 107 note 5} Bollinger, op. cit. p. 206.

^{Page 107 note 6} Conchiglia, Augusta, ‘Coup de barre à droite’, in Afrique–Asie (Paris),269, 21 06–4 07 1982, p. 30;Google ScholarWest Africa, (London), 19 July 1982, p. 1906, 29 August 1983, p. 2030, 26 September 1983, p. 2255 and 24 October 1983, p. 2478; Africa Report, 27, 5, September–October 1982, p. 26, and 28, 6, November–December 1983, p. 31; and Nô Pintcha, 17, and 24 September 1983.Google Scholar

^{Page 108 note 1} Interviews, Bissau, January 1983.

^{Page 108 note 2} Le Soleil, 3–4 December 1983; and Conchiglia, loc. cit. p. 30.

^{Page 108 note 3} Nô Pintcha, 7 September 1983; and West Africa, 24 October 1983, p. 2478.

^{Page 108 note 4} Économist Intelligence Unit, Quarterly Economic Review, Guinea-Bissau (London), 4, 1984, pp. 26–7; and interview, Dakar, September 1983.

^{Page 108 note 5} Patrick Chabal, ‘Coup for Continuity?’, in West Africa, 12 January 1981; and Odou, loc. cit. pp. 6–7.

^{Page 109 note 1} Interview, Ziguinchor, February 1984; and Odou, loc. cit. pp. 6–7.

^{Page 109 note 2} Personal informants in Bissau.

^{Page 109 note 3} Personal observation and informants, Bissau, June 1983, and interview, Dakar, September 1983.

^{Page 109 note 4} The uniforms were provided by South Korea. Interview, Dakar, September 1983; and Nô Pintcha, 7 September 1983.

^{Page 109 note 5} This bears out Patrick Chabal's post-coup suggestion in West Africa, 12 January 1981, that ‘Dependence on the army will inevitably lead the new government to allocate more resources to the armed forces’.

^{Page 110 note 1} Africa Report, 28, 6, November–December 1983, p. 31.

^{Page 110 note 2} Nô Pintcha, 24 August 1984; and West Africa, 5 September 1983, p. 2082.

^{Page 110 note 3} Interview with J.A.A.C. official, Bissau, July 1983; and Nô Pintcha, 14 September 1983.

^{Page 110 note 4} Interview, Dakar, November 1983; and Nô Pintcha, 14 September 1983.

^{Page 110 note 5} Afrique–Asie, 1013, 319, 9–23 April 1984, p. 28.

^{Page 111 note 1} Ibid. and Rudebeck, Problèmes, pp. 58–9.

^{Page 111 note 2} Diario de Noticias (Lisbon), 27 MArch 1984; O Jornal (Lisbon), 5 April 1984; and Afrique–Asie, op. cit.

^{Page 111 note 3} Interviews, Lisbon, MArch 1984; and Bollinger, op. cit. p. 213.

^{Page 111 note 4} da Silva, Babtista, ‘Guiné-Bissau: o instável poder’ (‘Guinea-Bissau: unstable power’), in Terceiro Mundo (Lisbon), 84, 12 1985, p. 35;Google ScholarAfrica Report, 27, 3, May–June 1982, p. 25; and Economic Quarterly Review, Guinea–Bissau. Annual Supplement, 1983, p. 28.Google Scholar

^{Page 111 note 5} Africa Report, 27, 4, July–August 1982, p. 29; and Quarterly Economic Report, Guinea–Bissau, 3, 1982, p. 18.

^{Page 111 note 6} Confession by Viriato Pan in Nô Pintcha, 12 March 1986.

^{Page 112 note 1} Interview, Lisbon, March 1984; and Da Silva, loc. cit. pp. 34–5.

^{Page 112 note 2} Pan's confession, loc. cit.

^{Page 112 note 3} Christian Science Monitor (Boston), 23 July 1986, and personal sources. Additionally, six of those arrested soon died in jail as a result of what the Government described as ‘health reasons’.

^{Page 112 note 4} Rudebeck, Guinea–Bissau, p. 159.

^{Page 112 note 5} Interview, Bissau, May 1983.

^{Page 112 note 6} Chabal, Amílcar Cabral, p. 159; Rudebeck, Guinea–Bissau; and Davidson, No Fist.

^{Page 112 note 7} Interview, Bissau, May 1983; and Valimamad, op. cit. pp. 237–40.

^{Page 113 note 1} Rudebeck, Problèmes, p. 53.

^{Page 113 note 2} Tony Hodges, ‘Five Years of Independence’, in Africa Report, January–February 1979, pp. 4–5.

^{Page 113 note 3} Interview, Lisbon, March 1984; and Nô Pintcha, 25 and 29 February, and 10 and 24 March 1984.

^{Page 113 note 4} Nô Pintcha, 10 and 24 March 1984; and Rudebeck, Guinea–Bissau, p. 156.

^{Page 113 note 5} Interview, Lisbon, March 1984; and Nô Pintcha, 29 MArch 1984.

^{Page 113 note 6} Interview, Lisbon, March 1984; and Nô Pintcha, 24 March 1984.Diario de Noticias, 1 April 1984; and Quarterly Economic Review, Guinea–Bissau, 3, 1984, p. 27. The voting was held on 31 March and 18 April 1984.

^{Page 113 note 7} Interview, Lisbon, March 1984; and Nô Pintcha, 24 March 1984.

^{Page 113 note 8} Interview, Lisbon, March 1984.

^{Page 114 note 1} Africa News (Durham, N.C.), XII, 22, 28 May 1984, p. 12.

^{Page 114 note 2} Interviews, Bissau, April 1983; Lopes, A Transição Histórica, p. 259; and Hochet, op. cit. p. 45.

^{Page 114 note 3} Interviews, Casamance, January 1984, and United States, November 1985.

^{Page 114 note 4} Balanta participation in the 1976 elections was relatively weak, reflecting their lack of support for President Luiz Cabral. Interviews, Ziguinchor, January 1984, and Casamance, February 1984. Also written correspondence received July 1984; and Lopes, A Transição Histórica, p. 92.

^{Page 115 note 1} Nô Pintcha, 24 March 1984.

^{Page 115 note 2} The Council of State was ‘elected’ on 16 May 1984, the new constitution having been ratified two days previously, albeit hardly differing in substance from what existed during Cabral's era, since the dominance of the Party over the Government continues to be stressed. The difference is in the context of its promulgation: the constitutional emphasis on party supremacy is meaningful now, because the P.A.I.G.C. really has consolidated its political hegemony. Thus, the official approval of the new constitution may be viewed as part of the institutionalisation process. See Africa News, 22, 28 May 1984, p. 12, and Quarterly Economic Review, Guinea–Bissau, 4, 1984, p. 26.

^{Page 115 note 3} In addition to Vieira, the members of the 1984 Council of State included Paulo Correia, Iafai Camará, Batua Na Batcha, and Bengate Na Beate (all military officers), Vasco Cabral (Director-General of Economic Planning in the President's Office and party theoretician), Carlos Correia (Minister of Rural Development and Fisheries, military officer and party leader), Filinto Barros (Minister of Natural Resources), José Pereira (Minister of National Security and party cadre), Julio Semede (Minister of Foreign Affairs and head of the P.A.I.G.C.'s workers' movement), Tiago Alelua Lopes, Mario Mendes, and Bana Matche (party cadres), Teoboldo Barboza and Francisca Pereira (head of the P.A.I.G.C.'s youth and women's organisations, respectively).