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2. Goldman, Eric, The Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson (New York, 1969), 195–96.Google Scholar

3. Nokken, Timothy P. and Poole, Keith T., “Congressional Party Defection in American History,” Legislative Studies Quarterly 29 (2004): 545–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schwartz, Mildred A., Party Movements in the United States and Canada (Lanham, Md., 2006).Google Scholar

4. Nichols, Ralph W., “Factions: A Comparative Analysis,” in Political Systems and the Distribution of Power, ed. Banton, Michael (London, 1965), 21–61.Google Scholar

5. See, for example, Dittmer, Lowell and Wu, You-Shan, “The Modernization of Factionalism in Chinese Politics,” World Politics 47 (1995): 467–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ross, Dennis, “Coalitional Maintenance in the Soviet Union,” World Politics 32 (1980): 258–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Compare Nicholson, Norman K., “Factionalism and Public Policy in India: The Vertical Dimension,” in Factional Politics: Political Parties and Factionalism in Comparative Perspective, ed. Belloni, Frank P. and Beller, Denis C. (Santa Barbara, 1978), 161–88Google Scholar; Nathan, Andrew J., “An Analysis of Factionalism of Chinese Communist Party Politics,” in Factional Politics: ed. Belloni, and Beller, , 387–416.Google Scholar

7. Disalvo, David, “The Party as a Political Faction: The Liberal-Labor Alliance in the Democratic Party, 1948–197,” Journal of Policy History 22 (2010): 271–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar I use this definition throughout, although I have not included the criterion of “ideological consistency” since, while it fits the test case, it has less relevance to interest- and clientele-based factions. For a narrower definition, see Nathan, “An Analysis of Factionalism of Chinese Communist Party Politics,” in Factional Politics, ed. Belloni and Beller, 388–89. For a broader one, see Mitchell, Christopher, “Factionalism and Political Change in Bolivia,” in Factional Politics, ed Belloni, and Beller, , 265.Google Scholar

8. See Richard Rose’s attempt to identify “tendencies” in the British Conservative Party as opposed to factions in Labour, in “Parties, Factions, and Tendencies in Britain,” Political Studies 12 (1964): 33–46.

9. Belloni, Frank P. and Beller, Denis C., “The Study of Party Factions as Competitive Organizations,” Western Political Quarterly 29 (1976): 531–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. In Great Britain, by the 1750s, factions began to be distinguished from parties with the latter defined as organizations devoted to the public good. See, for example, Ruffhead, Owen, “The Con–Test” (1756) in Factions No More: Attitudes to Party in Government and Opposition in Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Gunn, J. A. W. (London, 1972), 171–73.Google Scholar Antipathy to factions, though not parties, has continued as a common approach among political scientists. See Belloni and Beller, “The Study of Party Factions as Competitive Organizations,” 531–49; Schwartz, Party Movements in the United States and Canada, 53–77. For an exception, see Disalvo, “The Party as a Political Faction,” 292.

11. “Farewell Address,” in George Washington, George Washington: Writings (New York, 1997), 968.Google Scholar

12. As the leader of the Tirtium Quids, Randolph was able to delay an offer to purchase West Florida. His faction supported James Monroe for the presidency in 1808 since they regarded Madison as a republican revisionist. Cunningham, Noble E., “Who Were the Quids?” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 50 (1965): 252–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar When President Lincoln pocket-vetoed the Congressional Reconstruction Act of 1864, Benjamin Wade and Henry Winter Davis issued a manifesto accusing the president of “dictatorial usurpation.” They warned Lincoln that “our support is of a cause and not of a man.” Some attempts were made by radical republicans to replace Lincoln as presidential nominee. See Trefosse, Hans Louis, Benjamin Wade, Radical Republican from Ohio (New York, 1963).Google Scholar

13. See Chambers, William Nisbet, Politics Parties in a New Nation: The American Experience, 1776–1809 (New York, 1963).Google Scholar

14. Both Richard Hofstadter and Roy F. Nichols place this development well into the Jacksonian period. Despite Van Buren’s successful transposition of the Albany Regency to national politics, according to Hofstadter, traditional Whigs tended still to employ antiparty rhetoric, if not practice, which was abandoned by leaders of the new Republican Party. The Idea of a Party System (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), 238–39; 268–69. Nichols, who emphasizes party machinery as the most important variable, contends that the party system was complete by 1856. The Invention of the American Political Parties (New York, 1967), 377. Paley, Jeffrey L.places emphasis on the role of the press in reassembling the second party system after the collapse of the Federalists, in“The Tyranny of the Printers”: Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic (Charlottesville, Va., 2001), 348–97.Google Scholar

15. I have not included the Buchanan challenge to Bush in 1992. Undoubtedly Buchanan was a troublesome presence at the convention but was never a serious threat to the president’s nomination despite his surprise showing in New Hampshire.

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32. This is Richard J. Walton’s point: Henry Wallace, Harry Truman, and the Cold War (New York, 1976), 118. For a differing view, see Dallek, Robert, Harry S. Truman (New York, 2008), 48.Google Scholar

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40. David Shrum, on the other hand, reports that he practiced the raised hand gesture several times with a reluctant Kennedy before Carter’s acceptance speech. No Excuses (New York, 2008), 127.

41. Kennedy, True Compass, 381.

42. Skowronek, Stephen, The Politics Presidents Make (Cambridge, Mass., 1993), 41–43.Google Scholar

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47. Henry Wallace, “Report from Britain,” New Republic, 28 April 1947, 45.

48. On this point, see, especially, Moe, Terry, “The Politicized Presidency,” in The New Direction in American Politics, ed. Chubb, John E. and Peterson, Paul (Washington, D.C., 1993), 235–71.Google ScholarMoe attributes this “quest for control” to bureaucratization of the office, but Daniel Gavin and Colleen Shogan have shown that this behavior predates the modern presidency. “Presidential Politicization and Centralization Across the Modern-Traditional Divide,” Polity 34 (2004): 479–504.

49. A Reagan nomination would likely have met with stiff Democratic opposition. Ford did receive advice urging him to nominate a “responsible southern Democrat” in order to signal “re-structuring a party of Republicans and conservative Democrats” that would “forge a ‘new majority.’” Representative E. G. Schuster, 5 August 1974, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library (GFPL). Representative Hugh Carey urged Ford to create a “coalitional government” by nominating someone “outside political boundary lines” such as John Garner, Vernon Jordon, Cyrus Vance, or George Ball (7 August 1974, GFPL).

50. Smith, The Presidency of James Buchanan, 20.

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53. Doris Kearns Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream, 343.

54. Kaufman, Burton I., The Presidency of James Earl Carter, Jr. (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 126Google Scholar; Carter, Keeping Faith, 55.

55. Carter minimizes the incident in his memoir (Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President, 464), but White House aides, with the president’s consent, made a concerted effort to inform the media. Clymer, Edward M. Kennedy, 280–81.

56. Thomas M. DeFrank, Write It When I’m Gone, 109–10; Carter, Keeping Faith, 553.

57. Although Buchanan stated in his inaugural address that he would only serve a single term, both his supporters, as well as Douglas’s, thought otherwise even after he released a letter during the Charleston convention insisting he would not accept renomination “under any contingency.” Klein, Philip, President James Buchanan: A Biography (University Park, Pa., 1962), 340–41.Google Scholar

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59. New York Times, 18 March 1948.

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61. The McCain-Bush rivalry appeared to have all the elements of a Bobby problem (personal animosity, signature confrontations, policy disagreements, factional politics, even consideration of the third-party option), but it never materialized. For speculation concerning McCain’s endorsement of the president in 2004, see Alexander, Paul, Man of the People: The Maverick Life and Career of John McCain (Hoboken, N.J., 2008), 176–77.Google Scholar The Barack Obama–Hillary Clinton rivalry has been contained through personnel co-optation and, perhaps like the McCain-Bush case, through the promise of later support.

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63. Shesol, Mutual Contempt, 320, 408.

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