Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-ndmmz Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-08T10:40:51.793Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Studies in the Roman Province Galatia: X. The Romans in Galatia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Extract

The term Galatia is here used in the widest sense, equivalent to of Γαλατιϰὴ ἐπαρχεία C.I.G. 3991.

It is a remarkable feature that there is hardly any allusion in the inscriptions of Galatia to πραγματευόμενοι ʽΡωμαῖοι or ὁ δῆμος ϰαὶ οί ϰατοιϰοῦντες Ρωμϰῖοι. I do not remember one; but they may occur rarely and have escaped my notice or memory. In the province of Asia these cives qui ibi negotiantur occur very frequently.

The solitary allusion of any approximate character that I know in Galatia is ὁ δῆμος οἵ τε συμπολιτευόμενοι Ρωμαῖοι, which indicates a closer connexion and more equal rights between natives and cives Romani than was the case in Asia. Paul was a Cilician, and the same rule seems to have held there as in Galatia.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © W. M. Ramsay 1926. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

page 201 note 1 Galatia Provincia was the entire kingdom of Amyntas, last king of Galatia in the narrow sense, together with Pisidia, Southern Phrygia and Lycaonia.

page 201 note 2 It occurs at Isaura Palaia (Sterrett, W.E. p. 107, no. 181), and is perhaps later than the organisation of the Triple Eparchy; but social institutions could not be seriously affected by that provincial alteration. Sterrett's copy is better than his transcription in ll. 4–5. Ταρκυνδ Βερραν is the name, not Ταρκυν(α) Βερραν, nor Gurlitt's Ταρ'κυνδερραν (Berl. Phil. Woch. 1889, p. 730).

page 201 note 3 Yet the Capitulations were imposed by the Turkish sultans, who were reluctant to admit foreigners, and kept them as much as possible outside the Turkish law and Empire. The rights of the cives Romani were imposed by the Roman traders forcing the Senate to give them a position outside of and above the Pergamene law.

page 202 note 1 Such comparison of inscriptions and inference from them must always be of the nature of hypothesis based on classification.

page 202 note 2 The copy was made on a separate sheet in the gradual preparation of the whole of the inscriptions gathered by the Asia Minor Exploration Fund, which may perhaps one day appear. It is identical with Professor Calder's copy, as I believe.

page 203 note 1 The only attempt to fix a boundary exactly was that made by Professor W. M. Calder in the Class. Review, 1908, p. 213; he assigned one inscription to the province Asia, and another a few miles distant to Galatia; but he abandoned this view later, when a fresh reading of the inscription, which had seemed to mention a proconsul of Asia, gave a different text. Thus the evidence that one inscription belonged to Asia vanished. He mentioned the correction in Class. Review, 1913, p. 11. ΑΝθΥ was transformed on fresh reading to ΑΝθΥ, the end of a personal name. The error was easily made, and was corrected by the maker of it.

page 204 note 1 Natives in the colonia (incolae) who became cives Romani took the nomen either of the Emperor or of the provincial governor, or in a few cases of some Roman officer with whom they had come into relation; but never of an official of procuratorial rank (so far as my knowledge goes). Doubtless there was some rule regulating the new Roman nomina. The cognomen was often the older native name; or was taken from the provincial governor along with the imperial nomen (this would be the highest grade).

page 204 note 2 It is published in my Bearing of Recent Research, etc. p. 151, but there it is hardly accessible to scholars, as Groag mentions. He makes it the corner-stone of his theory.

page 204 note 3 This arrangement of dedications on adjoining stones in honour of governors of Galatia was common at Antioch.

page 205 note 1 cf. J.R.S. iii, 265. An inscription from Cadyanda (I. G. Rom. iii, 511) mentions C. Caristanius Paulinus who, as Cagnat suggests, was probably his son.

page 205 note 2 Groag's theory is far more marvellous: that a wealthy Graeculus of an obscure provincial colonia passed into high Roman position, and that his son was holding a praetorian governorship in 46 B.C., implies a door so open as to be hardly a door, but rather an open highway for Greeks. In the sequel examples will be given showing that there was a door and a difficult path.

page 206 note 1 She was certainly a generation older than the consul, and is probably the same Sergia Paullina whose estates are mentioned in the inscription on a tile dated 134 (C.I.L. xv, 516) and whose name occurs on several inscriptions in Rome (C.I.L. vi, Index (1926), p. 169, P.I.R. iii, 223; cf. Dessau, 7333–5). Borghesi's theory was that Sergia Paullina was daughter of the consul II of 168: but Dessau's view was in itself far more probable, that she was his sister or his aunt.

page 206 note 2 The stone published by Cheesman, in J.R.S. xiii, 262Google Scholar, was still in its old place in 1926. The cursus honorum of Caristanius, erected in 81, while he was governing Lycia-Pamphylia, has not been seen in recent years.

page 207 note 1 Dessau, Inscr. Sel. 2696.

page 207 note 2 Pliny, Ep. Traj. 112, 2Google Scholar. A. Stem, Der römuche Ritterstand (1927), p. 335, makes the Proconsul of Bithynia the grandson of the Praef. exercitui qui est in Aegypto. The sons or equites illustres were often admitted to the senatorial cursus honorum by permission of the emperor.

page 207 note 3 Pamphylia in this period was separate from Lycia (which was governed by a prætorian legatus), and was administered by a procurator, C.I.L. iii, 6737; is the sole authority for its status. I published the inscription in B.C.H. 1883, p. 259, having copied it along with Sir Charles Wilson in 1881. Naturally I ascribed it to him, under whose orders I was. (I mention this as it does not appear in his notebooks sent me by Lady Wilson after his death.)

page 208 note 1 Arriving at Amasia before noon, we started at sunset, riding two nights to the coast. I was travelling with an official (a vice-consul), who was in a hurry to reach samsun. Only the need of hiring three horses and a guide allowed the delay in Amasia.

page 208 note 2 I presume that is the meaing of aenulis aureis. [It may be suggested, however, that aenulis aureis is an error for anulis aureis. — Ed.]

page 208 note 3 Lentulus was serving in an ala either as a soldier or as an officer in equestris militia. The latter is more probable, as he appears to have been a high Pontic rank, and unlikey to have been a common soldier.

page 209 note 1 We purchased at Dorla an embroidery dated by an expert in the fifteenth or sixteenth century: it is stiff with gold work.

page 209 note 2 The H in ligature N-H was misunderstood and entirely omitted in my attempted transcription of 1882: but is quite clear.

page 209 note 3 Taken into the Province Galatia-Cappadocia 74, later belonging to the Province Cappadocia (after A.D. 115). Bosporus was added to it by conquest.

page 208 note 4 See Waddington, Rev. Num. 1866, p. 429; Mommsen, , Eph. Epigr. i, p. 275Google Scholar, ii, p. 263, also C. B. Phr. i, p. 42 ff. Dessau, in Eph. Ep. ix, p. 691Google Scholar ff. controverts Mommsen's view.

page 210 note 1 I quoted in a footnote a very great scholar, whose authority seemed to me decisive; but evidently it is unparalleled that a Greek title should be expressed by the Greek spelling of its Latin translation (not elsewhere found).

page 210 note 2 In my text, p. 57, I mention that ‘the formula with διά does not imply a magistracy, but merely undera voluntary expense’; but I failed to draw the same inference as M. Imhoof-Blumer.

page 210 note 3 Paul uses the more formal name Prisca, whereas Luke uses the more familiar Priscilla. It is characteristic of the man of higher rank like Paul to prefer the more formal method of designation.

page 210 note 4 This connexion would be tempting, if it could be maintained.

page 210 note 5 His expression ‘always’ is a slight exaggeration, as the article appeared while he was an undergraduate, before he had begun to take the slightest interest in Anatolian matters, and three years before he had seen any part of Asia Minor.

page 211 note 1 Isara for Isavra, Isaura.

page 212 note 1 There was great doubt whether Isaurica was a district (see Strabo) or two separate townships. Diñorna, the modern name of Korna, as I think I have argued in a study of Lycaonia, may well have been another Isaurican town.

page 212 note 2 Published by Miss Ramsay in Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, 1906, p. 47.

page 213 note 1 Often mentioned as Dr. Diamantides. His name was Saba among the Greeks. Diamantides was an ornamental name assumed by him.

page 214 note 1 The text is given differently in B.C.H. 1899, p. 593; but not from the writer's copy, only from that of Saba Diamantides.