¹ Research into these individuals’ ideas and aspirations was undertaken through a search of the literature on epidemics, medical meteorology and medical topography, which included sixty-five reports on raging acute epidemics in the Danish kingdom including the colonies in the North Atlantic and the Caribbean. The principal journals used are: Bibliotek for Læger (hereafter BFL) 1809–1875, Ugeskrift for Læger (hereafter UFL) 1839–1875, and Hospitals Tidende (hereafter HT) 1858–1875. This study does not analyse differences between reports from the colonies and the Danish mainland.

² See, for example, Roy Porter, The greatest benefit to mankind, London, Harper Collins, 1997, pp. 410–15, 428–42; W F Bynum, Science and the practice of medicine in the nineteenth century, Cambridge University Press, 1994, pp. 59–60, 66–91, 127–32; the absence of medical meteorology is also evident in Erwin Ackerknecht’s famous and often cited article ‘Anticontagionism between 1821 and 1867’, Bull. Hist. Med., 1948, 22: 562–93, p. 568.

³ Most scholars conceive the concept of “medical geography” in a broad sense as “the study of large-scale distribution patterns of human diseases as a function of environmental conditions”. See Ronald L Numbers, ‘Medical science before scientific medicine: reflections on the history of medical geography’, in Nicolaas A Rupke (ed.), Medical geography in historical perspective, Med. Hist., Supplement No. 20, 2000, pp. 217–20, on p. 217.

⁴ See, for example, Nicolaas A Rupke, ‘Humboldtian medicine’, Med. Hist., 1996, 40: 293–310, pp. 297–9, 307–9; Michael Osborne, ‘The geographical imperative in nineteenth-century French medicine’, in Rupke (ed.), op. cit., note 3 above, pp. 1–50, on pp. 37–43.

⁵ See, for example, Annemarie de Knecht-van Eekelen, ‘The debate about acclimatization in the Dutch East Indies (1840–1860)’, in Rupke (ed.), op. cit., note 3 above, pp. 70–85; Mark Harrison, ‘Differences of degree: representations of India in British medical topography, 1820–c.1870’, in Rupke (ed.), op. cit., note 3 above, pp. 51–69.

⁶ Conevery Bolton Valenčius, The health of the country, New York, Basic Books, 2002, pp. 74–8, 109–32, on p. 168; John Harley Warner, writing from the perspective of the medical profession, shows how interest in the weather flourished among private practitioners, at hospitals and in medical societies in the second third of the nineteenth century and how medical meteorology helped to cultivate regional medicines that were different from the universal systems of medicine invented by Europeans, see The therapeutic perspective: medical practice, knowledge, and identity in America, 1820–1885, Princeton University Press, 1997, pp. 72–8.

⁷ James R Fleming, Meteorology in America, 1800–1870, Baltimore and London, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990, pp. 13–16, 68–73; see also Edgar Hume, ‘The foundation of American meteorology by the United States Army Medical Department’, Bull. Hist. Med., 1940, 8: 202–38. Although medical meteorology is not part of Katharine Anderson’s broad history about British meteorology, science and the public sphere in the nineteenth century, she does mention that astrological almanacs included weather predictions as well as comments on health issues: Predicting the weather, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 2005, p. 76.

⁸ Huib J Zuidervaart, ‘An eighteenth-century medical-meteorological society in the Netherlands: an investigation of early organization, instrumentation and quantification’, Part 1, Br. J. Hist. Sci., 2005, 38 (4): 379–410, and Part 2, ibid., 2006, 39 (1): 49–66; concerning British medical meteorology, see Andrea Rusnock, ‘Hippocrates, Bacon, and medical meteorology at the Royal Society, 1700–1750’, in David Cantor (ed.), Reinventing Hippocrates, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2002, pp. 136–53; Jan Golinski, ‘Sensibility and climatic pathology’, in idem, British weather and the climate of Enlightenment, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 2007, pp. 137–69; for France, see Caroline Hannaway, ‘The Société Royale de Médecine and epidemics in the ancien régime’, Bull. Hist. Med., 1972, 46: 257–73. James C Riley is also concerned with medical meteorology in his broad survey of a medicine of the environment: The eighteenth-century campaign to avoid disease, New York, St Martin’s Press, 1987, pp. xv, 45–8.

⁹ Vladimir Jankovic, ‘Gruff boreas, deadly calms: a medical perspective on winds and the Victorians’, J. R. Anthropol. Inst., 2007, 13: 147–64; for medical meteorology in Britain, see also J Burton, ‘Meteorology and the public health movement in London during the late nineteenth century’, Weather, 1990, 45: 300–7.

¹⁰ Jean-Pierre Besancenot states that French medical meteorology of the first half of the nineteenth century was a “fashion” (vogue) and nothing more than a remnant of the ambitious programme at the Société Royale de Médecine in Paris that had taken place before the French Revolution: ‘La climatologie biologique et médicale en France: 1853–2003’, Presse Thermale et Climatique, 2003, 140: 63–84, pp. 65, 63–8. Alexandra Henneberger very briefly lists some of the important German investigators and their works in ‘Einfluss definierter Wetterparameter auf die körperliche Leistungsfähigkeit herzkranker Patienten während standardisierter Belastung’, PhD thesis, Ludwig-Maximilians Universität zu München, 2004, pp. 5–6.

¹¹ For comments upon medical geography, see, for example, Frederik Trier, Undersögelser angaaende den typhoide Febers Udbredning og Oprindelse i Kjøbenhaven i Aarene 1842–1858, Copenhagen, Bing & Sön, 1860, pp. 49–51 (“medicinsk Geographie”); Frederik Bremer, ‘Om Koldfeber-Epidemierne i Danmark i Aarene 1825–34’, in De permanente Comiteers Arbeider i Aarene 1846 og 1847, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1848, pp. 125–38, esp. pp. 125–8.

¹² Joakim Frederik Schouw, ‘Nogle Bemærkninger, henhørende til Meteorologien og sammes Forhold til Lægevidenskaben’, Nye Hygæa, 1826, 7: 235–47, p. 236 (“medicinsk Meteorologie”).

¹³ Helge Kragh, Fra middelalderlærdom til den nye videnskab, Aarhus Universitetsforlag, 2005, pp. 234–8.

¹⁴ A survey of medical meteorology from the late sixteenth century to the early nineteenth century in Denmark appears in Johan Wendt, ‘Bidrag til meteorologiske Bemærkninger, især over den Indflydelse, Vindene i vort Climat have som Sygdoms-Aarsager’, Nye Hygæa, 1826, 8: 79–101, pp. 87–98; see also Anon., Meteorologisk Institut gennem hundrede år 1872–1972, [Copenhagen], Det danske meteorologiske Institut, 1972, pp. 15–16.

¹⁵ In 1803 the Royal College of Medicine and the Royal College of Surgery were amalgamated to create the Royal College of Health. It functioned as an advisory board for the King and had ten members.

¹⁶ Gerda Bonderup, Det medicinske politi: Sundhedspolitikken i Danmark 1750–1860, Aarhus University Press, 2006, pp. 54–9, 69–71; Nick Nyland, De praktiserende læger i Danmark 1800–1910, Odense, Forskningsenheden for Almen Medicin, 2000, pp. 227–9.

¹⁷ Jens Hübertz, ‘Beretning om en Epidemie af Blodgang, observeret i den sydlige Deel af Hornsherred, Frederiksborg Amt, i Vinteren 1826–27’, BFL, 1827, 7 (1): 149–205, p. 174. (“Saameget er imidlertid vist, at saalænge som Veiret med prævalerende Fugtighed kastede sig fra den ene Yderlighed til den anden, saaledes, at vi hver Dag almindeligt havde flere Slags Veir: lind Frost, Solskin—Regn, Storm—Snefog, Frost—Iisslag, Hagel—mildt Veir og Tøe o. s. v., o. s. v. imedens den herskende Vind var sydlig, meest S.V., med smaa, kortvarige Blaf af nordlig, meest N.O. Vind, saalænge dominerede de Blodgangen.”)

¹⁸ Jankovic’s concept of “meteorological reportage” characterizes English writings about meteorology until the late eighteenth century. Meteorological reportage was a qualitative narrative about extraordinary, rare meteorological phenomena. In general such works were produced by upper-class amateurs who wrote in ordinary rather than technical language. See Vladimir Jankovic, Reading the skies: a cultural history of English weather, 1650–1820, Manchester University Press, 2000, pp. 33–6.

¹⁹ May-Brith Ohman Nielsen, Mennesker, makt og mikrober, Bergen, Fakbokforlaget, 2008, pp. 113–14; Fleming, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 13.

²⁰ Carl Ørnstrup, ‘Den herskende Sygdomstilstand i Svendborg og Distrikt i Aarene 1826, 27, 28 og 29 …’, BFL, 1830, 12 (1): 1–69, p. 47; Peter Barclay, ‘Bidrag til Kundskab om vestindiske Sygdomme med didhørende Bemærkninger, samlede paa St. Thomas i Aarene 1823–1826’, BFL, 1830, 12 (1): 70–135, p. 84.

²¹ Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 54; Hübertz, op. cit., note 17 above, p. 171.

²² Jacob Mikisch, ‘Beskrivelse over et eget slags Hikkesyge’, BFL, 1823, 3 (1): 11–19, p. 16 (“… Sygdommens første Aarsag nok ene og allene maatte tilskrives Dunstkredsens saa pludselig forandrede Temperatur, og især den vedholdende, ildelugtenede Taage, og at der mueligen ved Absorptionen gjennem Huden var optaget skadelige Stoffer …”).

²³ Benjamin Gartner, ‘Nogle practiske Bemærkninger om den saakaldte gule Feber’, BFL, 1825, 5 (1): 270–96, p. 274; Poul Schlegel, ‘Om den vestindiske Climat-Feber eller saakaldte gule Feber’, BFL, 1822, 2 (1): 12–25, p. 14; Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 8.

²⁴ See Morten A Skydsgaard, Ole Bang og en brydningstid i dansk medicin, Aarhus University Press, 2006, p. 150. The epidemic constitution also functioned as a merely descriptive concept concerned with all prevailing epidemics at a time and was, for example, listed in the minutes of the Royal Medical Society. Jørgen Genner, The Medical Society of Copenhagen 1772–1972, Odense University Press, 1972, pp. 129–41.

²⁵ Thomas Sydenham, Medical observations concerning the history and cure of acute diseases, in The works of Thomas Sydenham, MD, 2 vols, London, Sydenham Society, 1848–1850, vol. 1, pp. 34, 39, 33.

²⁶ Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, pp. 2, 9.

²⁷ Barclay, op. cit., note 20 above, pp. 75–6; Claus Manicus, ‘Om den ondartede Catarrhalfeber, i flere nordiske Lande kaldet Landfarsot’, BFL, 1828, 8 (1): 207–33, pp. 207–9, 218–20.

²⁸ Valenčius, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 91, 98–100.

²⁹ Mikisch, op. cit., note 22 above, p. 16; Schlegel, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 14–15; Svend Svendsen, ‘Om en inflammatorisk Feber af en egen Art, som i de sidste fem Aar har jævnligen indfundet sig blandt det 2det Jydske Infanterieregiments Mandskab’, BFL, 1825, 5 (1): 113–60, p. 150; Manicus, op. cit., note 27 above, p. 220; Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 2; Carl Ørnstrup, ‘Sygdomstilstanden i Svendborg District i Aarene 1830 og 1831’, BFL, 1832, 16 (1): 216–41, pp. 216, 221; Christian Leth, ‘Den epidemiske Feber i det søndre-sjællandske Landphysicat’, BFL, 1832, 17 (1): 79–98, pp. 93–4; J Voigt, ‘Medicinsk topographisk Beskrivelse af det danske Etablissement Frederiksnagor (Serampore) og Bemærkninger om de der herskende Sygdomme’, BFL, 1833, 18 (1): 1–66, pp. 12–21; Johan Clemensen, ‘Sygdoms-Tilstanden i Aalborg og tildels i dens nærmeste Omegn’, BFL, 1837, 27(1): 39–117, p. 40.

³⁰ Gartner, op. cit., note 23 above, p. 274; Hübertz, op. cit., note 17 above, pp. 171–6; Peter Dons, ‘Kortfattet Beskrivelse af en Feber-Epidemi i St. Thomæ Havn i Aaret 1833 …’, BFL, 1834, 21 (1): 1–113, p. 4; Anon., ‘Den epidemiske Cholera i Etablissementet i Tranqvebar i Aarene 1818 og 1819’, BFL, 1831, 15 (1): 63–72, pp. 69, 71–2; Eiler Kongsted, ‘Nogle Bemærkninger om Epidemien 1831, saaledes som den viste sig i Ods-Herred’, BFL, 1832, 17 (1): 275–84, p. 276.

³¹ Nicolai Møhl, ‘Beretning om den sidste Koppeepidemie i Kjøbenhavn’, BFL, 1825, 5 (1): 161–204, p. 163; Børge Hoppe, ‘Beretning om den i Kjøbenhavn fra Aaret 1828 til 1830 herskende Koppe-Epidemi’, BFL, 1831, 15 (1): 1–25, p. 4; Oluf (“Ole”) L Bang, ‘Om de Febre, som kaldes Galde-Febre, Nerve-Febre, Typhus o. s. v.’, BFL, 1831, 14 (1): 287–310, p. 297; Børge Hoppe, ‘Beretning om den i Kjøbenhavn nu herskende Koppe-Epidemi fra dens Begyndelse 1832 indtil 1 Januar 1835’, BFL, 1835, 22 (1): 411–25: p. 411.

³² Barclay, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 73; Christopher Arends, ‘Den epidemiske Feber i det nordre-sjællandske Landsphysicat’, BFL, 1832, 17 (1): 69–79, pp. 78–9; Vilhelm Willumsen, ‘Om en paa Fregatten Bellona opstaaet Sygdom, formentligen foranlediget af Kobberoxid i det Vand, der anvendtes til Drik’, BFL, 1837, 26 (1): 142–7.

³³ In alphabetical order: Catarrhalfeber (catarrh), Climat-Feber (climate fever), Dysenterie/Blodgang (dysentery), Feber med betydeligt hang til Overgang i Typhus (fevers with tendency to develop into typhus), febris biliosa (bilious fever), Hikkesyge (hiccup-sickness), hydrocephalus acutus (acute hydrocephalus), inflammatorisk Feber (inflammatoric fever), Koldfeber (cold fever), Kopper (smallpox), Nervefeber (nervous fever), rheumatisk Feber (rheumatic fever) Synocha (synocha) and Typhus (typhus).

³⁴ Schlegel, op. cit., note 23 above, pp. 18–19; Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 18.

³⁵ Sydenham, op. cit., note 25, on p. 39.

³⁶ Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, pp. 19–20, 23.

³⁷ Svendsen, op. cit., note 29 above, pp. 148, 151–6.

³⁸ Oluf L Bang, Indlednings-Foredrag til de medicinsk-practiske Forelæsninger og Øvelser, Copenhagen, 1836, p. 10.

³⁹ Valenčius, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 179–81.

⁴⁰ Ørnstrup, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 13 (“Mon ikke ogsaa den Hahnemannske Lægemethode for størstedelen …”). Regarding the diversity of medical theories and their relation to epidemic constitutions, see also Warner, op. cit., note 6 above, pp. 162–84.

⁴¹ Barclay, op. cit., note 20 above, pp. 81–2.

⁴² Claus Manicus, ‘Nogle Iagttagelser over de paa Færøerne herskende og de sammesteds manglende Sygdomme’, BFL, 1824, 4 (1): 15–40, p. 40.

⁴³ Skydsgaard, op. cit., note 24 above, pp. 71–2, 120–4, 171–2.

⁴⁴ Schouw, op. cit., note 12 above, p. 239. Only a few larger medical topographies were published in the next sixty-five years and added nothing new to the field of medical meteorology. See Voigt, op. cit., note 29 above; Peter Panum, ‘Iagttagelser, anstillede under Mæslinge-Epidemien paa Færøerne i Aaret 1846’, BFL, 1847, 1 (3): 270–344; Christian Fibiger, Medicinsk Topographie af Silkeborg og dens Omegn, Copenhagen, Eibes Forlag, 1863.

⁴⁵ Heinrich Callisen, Physisk Medizinske Betragtninger over Kiöbenhavn, 2 vols, Copenhagen, Frederik Brummers, 1807–9, vol. 1, pp. 121–2 (“Hoved-Aarsagen”).

⁴⁶ Ibid., p. 131 (“meget ufuldstændige og lidet oplysende”).

⁴⁷ Ibid., pp. 119–20, 128–30.

⁴⁸ Ibid., pp. 131–2.

⁴⁹ Anon., ‘Physisk-medicinske Betragtninger over Kiøbenhavn’, BFL, 1809, 1: 151–6, and BFL, 1810, 2: 202–11; Schouw, op. cit., note 12 above, p. 239.

⁵⁰ Meteorologisk Institut, op. cit., note 14 above, pp. 17–18. From the 1770s several European scientific societies had attempted to collect and publish similar meteorological data primarily on national levels. A hundred years later, most European nations had established official weather services. Anderson, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 45–6; James R Fleming, Historical perspectives on climate change, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 33–44.

⁵¹ Schouw, op. cit., note 12 above, p. 236, 238–9; Wendt, op. cit., note 14 above, p. 101.

⁵² Oluf L Bang, ‘Iagttagelser over den epidemiske Constitution i Kjøbenhavn 1824’, BFL, 1825, 5 (1): 22–41, p. 41; see also Bang’s analysis of epidemics of typhus and winters with extreme cold in Oluf L Bang, ‘Typhus i det kgl. Fred. Hospital 1837–39’, BFL, 1840, 3 (2): 97–122, p. 107.

⁵³ As the only one, a rural surgeon reported on his investigations of a meteorological instrument. Emilius Frisch, ‘I Anledning af et i America anbefalet meteorologisk Instrument’, Nye Hygæa, 1826, 8: 142–3.

⁵⁴ Anon., ‘Om den medicinske Litteratur i 1839’, UFL, 1840, 2 (1): 33–41, p. 40.

⁵⁵ Fenger also called the method “statistical”. Carl Emil Fenger, ‘Om den numeriske Methode’, UFL, 1839, 1 (1): 305–15, 321–5, p. 307.

⁵⁶ Ibid., p. 306; Carl Emil Fenger, ‘Modbemærkninger imod Dr. Djørups Critik af den numeriske Methode’, UFL, 1840, 2 (1): 49–64, p. 55.

⁵⁷ Jules Gavarret, Principes généraux de statistique médicale, Paris, 1840, p. 165; Jules Gavarret, Om Lovene for Statistikens Anvendelse i Medicinen, transl. Carl Kayser, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1840.

⁵⁸ Ibid., p. 246 (“peut être tellement éloignée de la verité que, dans aucun cas, elle ne mérit aucune espèce de confiance”).

⁵⁹ Ibid., p. 43.

⁶⁰ Carl Emil Fenger, ‘Hvordan alder og årstid påvirker hyppighed og varighed af sygdomme hos det voksne menneske’, transl. Kirsten Jungersen, 2001, from Quid faciant aetas, annique tempus ad frequentiam et diuturnitatem morborum hominis adulti, disquisitio medico-statistica, Copenhagen, Quist, 1840, pp. 9–10.

⁶¹ Ibid., pp. 59–68.

⁶² Bernard Cohen, ‘Scientific revolutions, revolutions in science, and a probalistic revolution 1800–1930’, in Lorenz Krüger, Lorraine J Daston and Michael Heidelberger (eds), The probabilistic revolution, vol. 1, Ideas in history, Cambridge, MA, and London, MIT Press, 1987, pp. 23–44, on pp. 34–40.

⁶³ Carl Emil Fenger, ‘Første Halvaarsberetning fra det kgl. medicinske Selskabs statistiske Comite’, BFL, 1847, 1 (3): 32–83, p. 40.

⁶⁴ In the epidemic reports from the 1840s and later, the medical practitioners did not draw attention to either changes of the weather or epidemic constitutions that had influenced their specific treatment of epidemic diseases.

⁶⁵ Carl Kayser, ‘Om Maanedernes og Aarstidernes Indflydelse paa Dødeligheden’, in De permanente Comiteers Arbeider i Aarene 1846 og 1847, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1848, pp. 72–124, on p. 72; Ludwig Moser’s study consisted primarily of one table covering 293,000 deaths from Belgium and seven cities in Europe and America. It showed uneven standards of mortality (both relative and absolute) and covered various periods, e.g., “1725–1769” in Padua, “1811” in Turin and “1825–29” in Havana. Quetelet’s investigation of Belgium 1815–26 was included in Moser’s study: Die Gesetze der Lebensdauer, Berlin, Verlag von Veit und Comp., 1839, pp. 245–7. Henri Lombard’s material included 18,000 deaths in Geneva over a period of twenty-four years: ‘De l’influence des saisons sur la mortalité à différens ages’, Annales d’Hygiène Publique et de Médicine Légale, 1833, 10: 93–114.

⁶⁶ Kayser, op. cit., note 65 above, pp. 93–4.

⁶⁷ Ibid., p. 116; Johan Casper, Denkwürdigkeiten zur medicinischen Statistik, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1846, pp. 23–7.

⁶⁸ Kayser, op. cit., note 65 above, p. 119; Moser, op. cit., note 65 above, pp. 247–50.

⁶⁹ Frederik Bremer, ‘Om Influenza-Epidemierne i Danmark i Aarene 1825 til 1844’, in De permanente Comiteers Arbeider i Aarene 1846 og 1847, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1848, pp. 213–26, on pp. 213–21.

⁷⁰ Kayser, op. cit., note 65 above, p. 124.

⁷¹ Zuidervaard, op. cit., note 8 above, pp. 403–10.

⁷² Carl Emil Fenger, Plan til en Forelæsnings-Cyclus over den almindelige Pathologie, Copenhagen, 1843, pp. 65, 68, 83.

⁷³ Joshua Cole, ‘The chaos of particular facts: statistics, medicine and the social body in early 19th-century France’, Hist. Human Sci., 1994, 7: 1–27, pp. 14–20.

⁷⁴ Michael Djörup, ‘Critik over den numeriske Methode med nærmest Hensyn til dens praktiske Anvendelse i Medicinen’, UFL, 1839, 1 (1): 539–59, p. 542.

⁷⁵ Anderson, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 137.

⁷⁶ See a common textbook of medicine, Oluf L Bang, Haandbog i Therapien, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1852, pp. 100–1, 241–2, 256, 297.

⁷⁷ Adolph Hannover, ‘Sygeligheden i Kjøbenhavn’, in idem, Statistiske Undersøgelser af lægevidenskabeligt Indhold, Copenhagen, Gyldendal, 1858, pp. 177–347, on pp. 285, 192–202, 206, 213, 275, 292. (“Det er en meget Gjængse Mening, at nordlig og østlig Vind, især om Vinteren, fremkalder Brystbetændelser. Denne Anskuelse er ikke begrundet.”)

⁷⁸ Frederik Trier, Undersøgelser angaaende den typhoide Febers Udbredning og Oprindelse i Kjöbenhavn i Aarene 1842–1858, Copenhagen, Bing & Sön, 1860, p. 49 (“De Virkninger, som Veirforholdene udøve paa den paa et bestemt Sted herskende Sygdomsbeskaffenhed, ere i det Hele saa dunkle …”).

⁷⁹ Five epidemics had a mixed aetiology with the weather or sanitary conditions combined with other aetiological factors like contagiosity and/or a bodily disposition. E Haderup, ‘Koldfeberepidemi i Vesterborg og Omegn i 1847–48’, BFL, 1849, 5 (3): 336–61, pp. 337, 339–41; Christian Ditzel, ‘Epidemien af Hydrocephalus acutus i Frysenborg-Lægedistrikt i Aarhus-Stift i Aaret 1845’, BFL, 1846, 44 (2): 314–28, p. 323; Anon., ‘Den epidemisk-catarrhalske Feber i October og November Maaned’, UFL, 1847, 7 (2): 508–10, p. 510; Fenger, op. cit., note 63 above, pp. 61–3; P Schleisner, ‘Om de islandske Epidemier’, BFL, 1849, 5 (3): 276–99, p. 278; Panum, op. cit., note 44 above, pp. 342–4; Carl Kayser, ‘Meddelelse om en Epidemi, som i Sommeren 1844 herskede ved Colonien Jacobshavn i Nordgrönland’, UFL, 1846, 4 (2): 229–43, p. 240; August Manicus, ‘Mæslingerne paa Færøerne i Sommeren 1846’, UFL, 1847, 6 (2): 189–210, pp. 190–7; Heinrich Helweg, ‘En heftig Petechialtyphus i Odense Tugthus i 1843’, BFL, 1845, 13 (2): 12–13; Emil Hornemann, ‘Tilfælde af Kloakmephitisme’, BFL, 1847, 2 (3): 45–60, p. 60; Carl van Deurs, ‘Beretning om den gastrisk-typhøse Feber-Epidemie blandt de Militære i Aalborg’, UFL, 1840, 3 (1): 321–6, pp. 322–3; Johannes Müller, ‘Om den gastrisk-typhøse Feberepidemi, der i Juni, Juli, August, September og October Maaneder 1845 har hersket i den 11te Linieinfanteri-Bataillon’, UFL, 1846, 4 (2): 193–208, pp. 196–8; Bang, ‘Typhus’, op. cit., note 52 above, pp. 106–8; O F Beck, ‘Epidemi af Croup og Angina faucium exsudativa iagttaget i Løgstør og Omegn i Vinteren 1846–67’, BFL, 1849, 5 (3): 257–76, pp. 269–70, 273; Finn Adolph Frydensberg, ‘Praktisk Iagttagelse af vesttropiske Febre’, UFL, 1846, 4 (2): 245–65, p. 246.

⁸⁰ Four epidemics had a mixed aetiology and five had an unknown aetiology. Frederik Bremer, ‘Febrene paa Augustenborg Lazareth i Feldttoget 1850–51’, BFL, 1855, 7 (4): 47–70, pp. 50–1; Frederik Uldall, ‘Bemærkninger om Diphteritis, med særligt Hensyn til Danmark’, BFL, 1853, 2 (4): 168–77, p. 176; ‘Den epidemiske Öienbetændelse’, in ‘Det kongelige medicinske Selskabs Forhandlinger i Vinteren 1852–53’, BFL, 1853, 2 (4): 445–98, pp. 490–1; H Gradmann, ‘Den militære Øiensygdom i Garnisonen i Altona’, BFL, 1855, 6 (4): 81–210, pp. 202–10; Christian Fibiger, ‘Tyfus’, HT, 1858, 1 (1): 95–6, p. 95; P V Heiberg, ‘Aalborg Lægeforenings Beretning om Skarlagensfeber-Epidemien i Aalborg By 1857–58’, BFL, 1859, 14 (4): 90–148, p. 120; Carl Emil Fenger, ‘Beretning om en Epidemi af Brystbetændelse’, BFL, 1852, 1 (4): 434–7; J Boye, ‘En lille Epidemie af typhoid Feber’, HT, 1859, 2 (1): 26–7; ‘Almindelig Hospitals Lemmeafdeling under Choleraepidemien’ in ‘Det kongelige medicinske Selskabs Forhandlinger i Vinteren 1852–53’, BFL, 1853, 3 (4): 344–404, pp. 382–3, 399, 401; Frederik Bremer, ‘Skarlagensfeberens og Mæslingernes Gang gjennem Danmark fra 1825 til 1853’, BFL, 1856, 9 (4): 99–116, pp. 100, 104–5; Emil Hornemann, ‘Lazarethfeberen på Augustenborg i Sommeren 1849’, BFL, 1850, 8 (3): 195–219, pp. 197–8, 218–19; Daniel Cold, ‘Koldfeberepidemien i 1856 i Frederiksværk og Omegn’, UFL, 1857, 26 (2): 109–14, p. 113; Andreas G Sommer, ‘Om Choleras Udbredelsesmaade i Kongeriget Danmark (med Undtagelse Kjöbenhavn) i 1853’, BFL, 1854, 5 (4): 286–377, pp. 354–68; Carl Kayser, ‘Om de epidemiske Sygdommes Hyppighed i Kjøbenhavn i Aarene 1836–49’, BFL, 1851, 9 (3): 110–20, pp. 113–14; ‘Typhus-Epidemien’ and ‘Choleratilfælde’ in ‘Det kongelige medicinske Selskabs Forhandlinger i Vinteren 1853–54’, BFL, 1853, 3 (4): 344–404, pp. 345–6, 358–9; Samuel Ballin, ‘Statisti[s]ke Opgivelser om Cholerahospitalet i Frue Arbeidshuus’, BFL, 1853, 3 (4): 344–404, pp. 371–4; Anon., HT, 1858, 1 (1): 33.

⁸¹ Three had a mixed aetiology and one an unknown aetiology. C Lange, ‘Typhoidfeberepidemierne i Aarene 1864 og 1865 paa Frederiks Hospitals medicinske Afdeling A’, UFL, 1866, 1 (3): 313–30, pp. 325–6; Daniel Cold, ‘Nogle Iagttagelser fra en Landpraxis angaaende den gastrisk-typhoide Feber, navnlig med hensyn til dens Udbredelsesmaade’, UFL, 1860, 33 (2): 357–77, p. 359; Angelo Petersen, ‘Koppeepidemien 1863–65’, BFL, 1867, 14 (5): 1–99, p. 3; Christian Petersen, ‘Skarlagensfeber, meddelt gennem Breve’, UFL, 1871, 11 (3): 309–10; Giersing, ‘En Skarlagensfeberepidemi’, UFL, 1871, 11 (3): 57–76, pp. 70–1; G G Stage, ‘Epidemiologiske Undersøgelser angaaende Mæslinger og Skarlagensfeber’, UFL, 1874, 18 (3): 361–7, p. 366; Edvard Bjering, ‘Til den tyfoide Febers Ætiologi’, HT, 1873, 16 (1): 168–71; Anon., ‘En Epidemi af ondartet Halssyge i Garnisonen i Slesvig’, UFL, 1863, 38 (2): 449–60, pp. 455–6; Michael Djörup, ‘Om de sanitære Forhold ved den danske Armee i 1864’, BFL, 1865, 10 (5): 1–70, p. 19–20; M Gleerup, ‘En Epidemi’, HT, 1866, 9 (1): 27; Daniel Cold, ‘Nogle Strøbemærkninger om den diphtheritiske Halsbetændelse’, UFL, 1867, 3 (3): 433–46, p. 434; P V Heiberg, ‘En lille Epidemi af den epidemiske Meningitis Cerebro-spinalis’, HT, 1874, 1 (2): 737–46, 753–7.

⁸² Emil Hornemann, Den seneste Cholera-Epidemie i England efter Report of the General Board of Health on the epidemic cholera of 1848 & 1849, London 1850, Copenhagen, 1851, pp. 2–3; Dorothy Porter, ‘Public health’, in W F Bynum and Roy Porter (eds), Companion encyclopedia of the history of medicine, 2 vols, London, Routledge, 1993, vol. 2, pp. 1231–61, on pp. 1242–3.

⁸³ Carl Emil Fenger, ‘Om det Virksomme ved Gjæringen, Forraadnelsen og visse Arter af Sygdomssmitte’, Hygieiniske Meddelelser, 1866, 5: 127–230, pp. 228, 230.

⁸⁴ “Fyldekalk”. Peter Panum, Om Fibrinen i Almindelighed og om dens Coagulation i Særdeleshed, Copenhagen, Reitzel, 1851, p. 11. As a very young physician, Panum had dedicated himself to the study of epidemic causes as a true Hippocratic doctor, when he published a medical topography that specifically investigated an epidemic of measles in the Faroe Islands. In this pioneering work of modern epidemiology, Panum showed, by case-tracing the disease from island to island, that measles was contagious and by no means caused by the weather or any kind of miasma, see Panum, op. cit., note 44 above, pp. 342–4.

⁸⁵ P Schleisner, ‘Oversigt over Københavns fornemlig epidemiske Sygdomsforhold i 1874’, UFL, 1875, 20 (3): 81–121, pp. 82–3.

⁸⁶ See the sections ‘Meteorologiske forhold’ and ‘Veirforhold’ in Det kgl. Sundhedskollegiums Aarsberetning, 1860–69.

⁸⁷ August Hirsch, Handbuch der historisch-geographischen Pathologie, 2 vols, Erlangen, F Enke, 1859–64.

⁸⁸ Christian Fibiger, Om Klimaets Virkninger paa Nosogenesen, Copenhagen, Iversens Boghandel, 1870, p. 57. Fibiger was the only doctor who carefully described his meteorological instruments, for example, a Reaumur’s thermometer with mercury column, a barometer and an August’s psychrometer. Fibiger, op. cit., note 44 above, pp. 48, 52, 55.

⁸⁹ Anon., review of Fibiger’s dissertation, UFL, 1870, 9 (3) pp. 286–93.

⁹⁰ For articles about climatic cures, see ‘Klimatiske Kursteder i Udlandet’ and ‘Klimatoterapi’ in Oscar Preisler’s bibliography Bibliotheca medica Danica, 7 vols, Lyngby, 1916–1919, vol. 2, pp. 226–7, vol. 6, pp. 232–3.