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John Locke on Respiration

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 May 2012

Jonathan Walmsley
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J C Walmsley, AKQA, 175 Varick Street, New York, NY 10014, USA
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Copyright © The Author(s) 2007. Published by Cambridge University Press

References

1 J R Milton, ‘Locke at Oxford’, in G A J Rogers (ed.), Locke's philosophy: content and context, Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 29–47.

2 National Archives, Kew (hereafter NA) PRO 30/24/47/2, fols. 71–74. Printed in K Dewhurst, ‘Locke's essay on respiration’, Bull. Hist. Med., 1960, 24: 257–73. Milton, op. cit., note 1 above, p. 33, n. 13, points out that the present binding of the papers in the Shaftesbury collection has the middle piece of paper bound in back-to-front. Dewhurst's transcription in following the text as it has been bound, not as it was written, completely obscures the structure of the article as intended by Locke. Additionally, Dewhurst makes numerous errors of transcription.

3 K Dewhurst, ‘Locke's contribution to Boyle's researches on the air and on human blood’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 1962, 17: 198–206, and idem, John Locke, 1632–1704, physician and philosopher, London, Wellcome Historical Medical Library, 1963, on pp. 12–17. Detailed corrections of dating are presented below. Dewhurst characterized ‘Respirationis usus’ as follows: “It is not a good essay as [Locke] neglected to support his theories with experimental evidence, and included many out-dated ideas of the classical physicians, together with Swammerdam's notion of respiration serving to cool the blood” (Dewhurst, John Locke, p. 15). This is surprising since in his previous paper he had stated that Locke's theory “is opposite to the teaching of Galen” (Dewhurst, ‘Locke's essay’, op. cit., note 2 above, p. 265, n. 31).

4 R G Frank, Harvey and the Oxford physiologists, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1980.

5 The kernel of Frank's treatment of Locke is presented in Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 186–8, 195–6.

6 For example, Frank omits Locke's reference to J B van Helmont from the note Locke made on “Sanguis” (Bodleian Library (hereafter Bodl.) MS Locke f.19, p. 227, cf. Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 187–8), and omits the following note on “Sal Volatile” which again references Helmont in connection with the volatization due to air (Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 227, 272).

7 See J R Milton, ‘The date and significance of two of Locke's early manuscripts’, Locke Newsletter, 1988, 19: 47–89, and J C Walmsley and J R Milton, ‘Locke's notebook “Adversaria 4” and his early training in chemistry’, Locke Newsletter, 1999, 30: 85–191.

8 Previously unpublished notes will be indicated in their respective footnotes.

9 Variations on this theme have appeared in R I Aaron, John Locke, Oxford University Press, 1937; P Alexander, Ideas, qualities and corpuscles, Cambridge University Press, 1985; and E McCann, ‘Locke's philosophy of body’, in V Chappell (ed.), The Cambridge companion to Locke, Cambridge University Press, 1994, pp. 56–88.

10 See, for example, A Clericuzio, ‘A redefinition of Boyle's chemistry and corpuscular philosophy’, Ann. Sci., 1990, 47: 561–89, on pp. 573–9, and L M Principe, The aspiring adept: Robert Boyle and his alchemical quest, Princeton University Press, 1998.

11 See J Walmsley, ‘Morbus: Locke's early essay on disease’, Early Sci. Med., 2000, 5: 366–93, and J Walmsley, ‘“Morbus,” Locke and Boyle: a response to Peter Anstey’, Early Sci. Med., 2002, 7: 378–97.

12 Bodl. MS Locke e.4, p. 111.

13 There were 196 entries made on Sennert in Bodl. MS Locke f.18, sixty-nine in Bodl. MS Locke d.11, two in Bodl. MS Locke d.9, and about thirty-one entries in Bodl. MS Locke f.21. See G G Meynell, ‘A database for John Locke's medical notebooks and medical reading’, Med. Hist., 1997, 41: 473–86, on p. 483, Table 3.

14 For a discussion of Sennert's thought and his marriage of alchemical corpuscularianism and Galenic doctrine, see W R Newman, ‘The alchemical sources of Robert Boyle's corpuscular philosophy’, Ann. Sci., 1996, 53: 567–85, on pp. 573–6.

15 Sennert's Institutionum medicinae was first published in 1611, but Locke made a detailed study of it as part of Sennert's Opera omnia, Lyons, Joannis Antonii Huguetan, & Marci Antonii Ravaud, 1654–1656. Quotations derive from the first English translation: The institutions or fundamentals of the whole art, both of physick and chirurgery, divided into five books, London, L Lloyd, 1656.

16 Ibid., bk 1, ch. vi, p. 13.

17 Ibid., bk 1, ch. xi, p. 25.

18 Ibid., bk 1, ch. vi, p. 13.

19 For more detail, see Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 2–9.

20 “Chymistry” is used in the broad seventeenth-century meaning of the term, see W R Newman and L M Principe, ‘Alchemy vs. chemistry: the etymological origins of a historiographic mistake’, Early Sci. Med., 1998, 3: 32–65.

21 The standard reference on Helmont is W Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont, Cambridge University Press, 1982.

22 For Helmont's physiology, see Pagel, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 88–92.

23 J B van Helmont, Oriatrike or, Physick refined, London, Lodowick Loyd, 1662, p. 182.

24 Ibid., p. 184.

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid., p. 179.

27 For Locke's study of the 1648 edition of Helmont's Ortus medicinae c. 1660–1, see British Library (hereafter BL) Add. MS 32554, fol. 42r, and of the 1652 edition at points between 1665 and 1667, see Bodl. MS Locke f.22, p. 109. Cf. other references in Bodl. MSS Locke f.14, d.9, d.11, f.25, and Locke's Memorandum book for 1667, Bodl. MS Film 79. Locke also made notes in his copy of the 1652 edition (J Harrison and P Laslett, The library of John Locke, Oxford University Press, 1971 (hereafter H&L), item 1417, Appendix IIC, p. 282).

28 R Boyle, New experiments physico-mechanicall, touching the spring of the air, and its effects, Oxford, H Hall, for T Robinson, 1660.

29 R Boyle, The works of Robert Boyle, ed. M Hunter and E B Davis, 10 vols, London, Pickering & Chatto, 1999–2000, vol. 1, pp. 184–8.

30 Ibid., pp. 273–6, quote on p. 275.

31 Ibid., pp. 276–95, quote on pp. 281–2.

32 Ibid., p. 283.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid., p. 287.

35 Ibid.

36 For further detail on Boyle's New experiments, see Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 142–8.

37 See for example, notes on “Aer” and “Aqua” in BL Add. MS 32554, fol. 9r and fol. 20r, respectively. John Locke, The correspondence of John Locke, ed. E S de Beer, 9 vols, Oxford University Press, 1976– (hereafter Corr.), Letter 97, vol. 1, pp. 146–7.

38 R Boyle, Certain physiological essays, written at distant times, and on several occasions, London, Henry Herringman, 1661. See Bodl. MS Locke f.14, pp. 22–3.

39 Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 121–8.

40 Ent's views are discussed in Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 22–5, 106–13.

41 G Ent, Apologia pro circulatione sanguinis, London, Young & Hope, 1641. Cf. Bodl. MS Locke f.20, p. 174, and listed in the index on p. 265. For the dating of this MS, see J R Milton, ‘John Locke's medical notebooks’, Locke Newsletter, 1997, 28: 135–56, on p. 142. On niter, see Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 110–11.

42 T Willis, Diatribæ duæ medico-philosophicæ, London, Martin, Allestry, & Dicas, 1660.

43 Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 167–9.

44 The two halves being De fermentatione (Bodl. MS Locke e.4, pp. 97–104) and De febribus (Bodl. MS Locke d.11, fols. 91v, 270r–269v rev., cf. Bodl. MS Locke c.29, fols. 11v–12r, 17v–18r).

45Respiratio ejus causa et finis. Ent: p.96. Boyl. op: ex: 40.41.”, Bodl. MS Locke d.11, fol. 73v. Not previously published.

46 Letter from Richard Lower to Robert Boyle, 24 Jun. 1664, in R Boyle, The correspondence of Robert Boyle, ed. M Hunter, A Clericuzio and L M Principe, 6 vols, London, Pickering & Chatto, 2001, vol. 2, p. 288.

47 Milton, op. cit., note 1 above, p. 32.

48 T Willis, Thomas Wills's Oxford lectures, ed. K Dewhurst, Oxford, Sandford Publications, 1980.

49 Locke in 1663, Lower at some point between 1659 and 1662. See A Clark (ed.), The life and times of Anthony Wood, 1632–1695, 5 vols, Oxford Historical Society at the Clarendon Press, 1891–1900, vol. 1, pp. 472–3.

50 Bodl. MS Locke f.27, p. 13a, cf. Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 158.

51 Henry Power, Experimental philosophy, in three books: containing new experiments microscopical, mercurial, magnetical, London, Martin & Allestry, 1664. Power's Experimental philosophy was the first English publication on microscopy, preceding Hooke's Micrographia by a year, containing several observations on the air, spontaneous generation and the numerous other phenomena under discussion by the early Royal Society. The standard reference is C Webster, ‘Henry Power's experimental philosophy’, Ambix, 1967, 14: 150–78.

52 BL Add. MS 32554, fols. 48r, 49r. Not previously published in full. The last sentence, “Cut a hole in each side of a dog”, was apparently copied from the note in Locke's memorandum book, suggesting this speculation was later than the first note.

53 Boyle, op. cit., note 29 above, vol. 2, pp. 238–9.

54 Ibid., p. 239.

55 BL Add. MS 32554, fol. 108v. Not previously published.

56 Boyle, op. cit., note 29 above, vol. 2, p. 234.

57 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 224–6. These extracts not previously published.

58 Ibid., p. 224.

59 Ibid., p. 225.

60 Boyle, op. cit., note 29 above, vol. 2, p. 302.

61 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 226, cf. Boyle, op. cit., note 29 above, vol. 2, pp. 314–15.

62 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 226.

63 Bodl. MS Locke f. 27, pp. 168–7 rev. (under the heading “64”).

64 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 158. In this commonplace book, the note was succeeded by that from Lower on “Opening” each side of a dog, almost certainly in 1664.

65 Bodl. MS Locke f.27, pp. 156–7 rev. (under the heading “Q.65”). Not previously published. Cf. Bodl. MS Locke d.9, p. 90, under the heading “Volatizatio”. Cf. Boyle, op. cit., note 29 above, vol. 2, p. 107.

66 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 212–13.

67 Ibid., p. 226. This note immediately followed that titled “Sal Volatile” concerning the creation of volatility from fermentation, salts and air noted above.

68 Locke's interest in the role of fermentation in volatization is shown by the fact that he followed the note on “Sanguis” with an extract from Martin Kerger's De fermentatione (Wittenberg, J Borckard for Heirs of T Moevius & E Schumacher, 1663) under the heading “Fermentatio” (Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 226). In Locke's system, entries were ordered according to the first letter and first successive vowel. Adding “Fermentatio” under the “Sa” heading was quite out of order. Cf. Milton, op. cit., note 7 above.

69 Locke here used an alchemical symbol to indicate the phrase. Literally “death's head”, “caput mortuum” denotes the residue after a chymical operation such as a distillation or sublimation; anything from which all that made it valuable has been removed.

70 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 226–7. Not previously published.

71 Willis, op. cit., note 48 above, pp. 61–5, cf. Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 18–22.

72 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 232: “Nutritionem solum fieri a sanguine arterioso videtur, quia cor arteriam coronariam et pulmones arteriam a sinistro ventriculo sanguinem devolantem habet. JL”. Not previously published.

73 “An equal quantity or number” in Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford University Press, 1961, vol. 1, p. 299.

74 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 227. Not previously published in full.

75 Robert Hooke, Micrographia: or, Some physiological descriptions of minute bodies made by magnifying glasses, London, Martyn and Allestry, 1665, p. 103.

76 “Aer vero quanto frigidior tanto alicujus rei volatilizatione aptior videtur & Boreas Austro. Q an non ab hujusmodi aere acrior ardeat ignis & citius fomitum consumat?” Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 227, 272. Not previously published in full.

77 Helmont, op. cit., note 23 above, p. 187: “But I blame the air, which as oft as it is colder, is also nearer to its own natural quality, and a more potent seperater of the waters: And so, by how much the air is colder, it doth the more volatilize the venal bloud into a Gas”.

78 Bodl. MS Locke d.9, p. 36. Not previously published.

79 Hooke in January 1663 (Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 151–2). Ent in January 1665 (ibid., pp. 160–1).

80 M Cranston, John Locke, London, Longmans, 1957, pp. 81–7.

81 E Meara, Examen diatribae Thomae Willisii doctoris et professoris Oxoniensis de febribus, London, J Flesher, 1665. Locke was aware of this book (Bodl. MS Locke d.11, fol. 52v and Bodl. MS Locke d.9, pp. 3, 36) and knew its author; Meara had treated Locke's father during his final illness (Corr., Letter 110, vol. 1, pp. 162–3, and Letter 111, vol. 1, pp. 163–4). It is also probable that Meara was the source of one of Locke's medical recipes, headed “Dr Meara” (Bodl. MS Locke c.29, fol. 4r).

82 R Lower, Diatribae Thomae Willisii de febribus vindicatio, adversus Edmundum de Meara, London, Martyn & Allestry, 1665. Reprinted with translation in K Dewhurst, Richard Lower's Vindicatio: a defence of the experimental method, Oxford, Sandford Publications, 1983; hereafter Lower, Vindicatio. The dispute between Lower and Meara is detailed in Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 188–92.

83 Lower, Vindicatio, p. 197.

84 Ibid., p. 256.

85 Ibid.

86 Ibid.

87 Ibid., p. 257.

88 Ibid.

89 Ibid., p. 259.

90 Corr., Letter 197, vol. 1, pp. 273–6.

91 Ibid., pp. 274–5.

92 BL Add. MS 32554, fol. 113r. Not previously published.

93 Walmsley and Milton, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 98–101.

94 Bodl. MS Locke f.25, passim.

95 Dewhurst, ‘Locke's contribution’, op. cit., note 3 above, pp. 201–2, erroneously attributes Locke's notes on spirit and tincture of blood (BL MS Locke f.25, pp. 189, 277) to this period. These notes were derived from Locke's 1663 course with Stahl. The note on the tincture of blood is followed by a note on “Sal volatile” which used a single letter “M” to denote the month, characteristic of this first period of the notebook's use. See G G Meynell, ‘Locke as a pupil of Peter Stahl’, Locke Studies, 2001, 1: 221–7.

96 BL MS Locke f.25, pp. 276, 342, cf. Dewhurst, ‘Locke's contribution’, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 202. Dewhurst failed to note that his transcription was a translation from the Latin and misattributes the note to p. 277.

97 BL MS Locke f.25, p. 33, cf. Dewhurst, ‘Locke's contribution’, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 201.

98 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 272–3, 302–3.

99 R Boyle, Memoirs for the natural history of humane blood, especially the spirit of that liquor, London, Samuel Smith, 1684.

100 M Hunter and H Knight (eds), Unpublished material relating to Robert Boyle's Memoirs for the natural history of Human blood, University of London, Robert Boyle Project, 2005. See also Dewhurst, ‘Locke's contribution’, op. cit., note 3 above, on p. 201. Dewhurst mistakenly confines the list to Bodl. MS Locke f.19, pp. 272–3. P Anstey, ‘Locke, Bacon and natural history’, Early Sci. Med., 2002, 7: 65–92, on p. 81 re-states the supposed association and repeats Dewhurst's error of citation.

101 See Hunter and Knight (eds), op. cit., note 100 above, table on pp. 33–50 for details of all related claims below.

102 For example, “Mr Boyle's Scheme of Qualities 68”, in NA PRO 30/24/47/30 fols. 21–23, and numerous chymical notes in Bodl. MS Locke f.25.

103 Hunter and Knight (eds), op. cit., note 100 above, table on pp. 33–50, items 3, 6, 11, 12 and 15.

104 The requirements of studentships are discussed by Milton, op. cit., note 1 above, pp. 29–31.

105 NA PRO 30/24/47/2 fols. 71–74.

106 On 3 November 1666, at Locke's request the Earl of Clarendon sent a letter to John Fell, Vice-Chancellor of the University, stating that Locke was “in all respects qualified for the degree of Doctor in that Faculty” (NA PRO 30/24/47/8A). This recommendation, practically a command, was ignored. Locke then found a more persuasive advocate. On 14 November 1666, the King required the Dean of Christ Church to “suffer him, the said John Locke, to hold and enjoy his Student's place in Christ Church, together with all rights, profits and emoluments thereunto belonging, without taking holy orders” (NA PRO 30/24/47/22 fol. 9). Locke had drafted this letter himself (Bodl. MS Locke c.25, fol. 11).

107 NA PRO 30/24/47/2 fol. 71v.

108 Ibid.

109 Ibid.: “contraria contrariis curari adeo notum et omnium ore iactatum axioma ut nihil notius adeo ut hactenus tanquam totius medecinae practicae fundamentum et veterum consensu et rerum usu stabilitum, ab universa paene asclepiadum familia receptum fuerit.”

110 Ibid.

111 Ibid., fol. 73r: “An primarius respirationis usus sit refrigeratio cordis Negatur.”

112 Ibid.: “in eo maxime laborare videtur natura, ut vestalis illa vitae nostrae foveatur ignis.”

113 Ibid., fol. 73r & v: “natura male prodiga esset materfamilias si tantos in nobis extruit focos ut continuo sibi necesse foret frigidum transpirare ne incenderentur aeres.”

114 Ibid.

115 Ibid.: “cum enim eo in cardine versatur vita animalis, ut continuus constansque fiat provectus spirituum animalium, hoc es[t.] ut sanguinis partes in materiam subtilem et volatilem exaltentur quae cum per arterias nervosque undique diffusa corpori motum sensum et calorem impertiat in quo ipsa vitae nostrae ratio formalis vigorque totus consistere videtur.”

116 Ibid., fol. 72r: “necessarium sit aeiris interventus ad res et fermentandas, et volatizandas.”

117 Ibid.: “quamque impossibile sit in vasis clausis unde excluditur amovetur aeris communis aeris affluxus concreta per se satis volatilia et flammis opertuna, vehementissima licet ignis tortura volatilia reddere quaeque in aperto aere facile deflagrant et combusta tota in flammas aurasque evolant, eadem visceribus vitreis inclusa, et summis ignis gradibus vexata, vix in carbones nec ultra possis reducere. maxima parte, in ossam fixam sive caput mortuum degenerantur.”

118 Ibid.: “sit si quid in tanta obscuritate conjicire licet, naturae spiritum quondam nitrosum summe volatilem, qui non inepte suspicarentur observarent salem petrae corporum sulphureorum et inflammabilium esse menstruum appropriatum.”

119 Ibid.: “quos ad vitam nostram conservandam sanguinemque nostrum volatizandum necessarios una cum aere haurimus et imbibimus, unde in corde accenditur continuo vitae igniculus.”

120 Ibid.: “volatizatio fit fermentatione et quasi accensione in corde, nulla autem huiusmodi fit accensio sive fermentatio sive quicquid aliud vocari libet nisi ipse aeris, concludimus igitur aerem efficientem fomitumque esse caloris cordis potius quam refrigerium.”

121 Ibid., fol. 72v.

122 Ibid.

123 Ibid.: “quod vero pabuli aeri defectus quo calor cordis foveri et sanguinis massa fermentescere debet, cordis igniculum quasi subtracto fomite paulatim extinguit huic patet.”

124 BL Add. MS 32554, fol. 48r.

125 NA PRO 30/24/47/2, fol. 72v: “Idem saepe evenit in hominum conventibus in aedificio quovis ante conclusis, ubi non raro debiliores et rarioris texturae homines deliquium patiuntur. aeris enim inclusi fermente a tot aridis pulmonibus magna ex parte exhausto.”

126 Ibid., fol. 74r: “confertissima hominum turba in eundem locum conclusa ubi minus liberum est cum aere externo comercium aerem inclusum frequenti anhelitu saturat, adeo ut postea exaltandae solvendae sanguinis massae minus idonea, ad accendendam cordis flammulam vix sufficiat.”

127 Ibid.: “si respirationis usus non sit cordis refrigorium, qui fit quod aucto interno calore augeatur et respiratio?”

128 Ibid., fol. 74v: “Sanguinis igitur motus circularis ita auctus necesse est augeri simul respirationem non ad refrigerium, sed primo ut properanti sanguini detur liber commeatus et per pulmones transitus, nisi enim: per repetitam aeris admissionem attollerentur ederenturque dictu pulmones, vasa flaccidis pulmonibus compressa cursum sanguinis a dextro ad sinistrum cordis ventriculum impedirent.”

129 Ibid.: “ut pro quantitate sanguinis cor et pulmones transeuntis debita fermenti aeri suppeditantur quantitates ne cruor sine isto fermento crudus cadaverosus et ad nutritionem vitamque parum idoneus ad cerebrum aliasque functionum officinas demitteretur.”

130 T Sydenham, Methodus curandi febres, London, J Crook, 1666. Cf. Bodl. MS Locke d.11, fols. 79v, 268r–267v rev.

131 See, for example, “Reumatismus” in Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 159.

132 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 159: “Respiratio Q an ex sectâ asperâ, arteriô in vivo animali et si alligato tubulo cujus oreficium aperiatur in vas aeri ferventi repletum. si aer iusto calidus inspiretur ex et tamen corpus canis in temperato ambiente servetur. Q an ex eo aere nimium incalescente laborabit vel extinguetur animal JL.” This note immediately succeeded that from Sydenham mentioned in note 131 above. Not previously published.

133 Bodl MS Locke f.19, p. 338: “Respiratio Q An aer ingrediatur cavitatem thoracis per pulmones hoc modo experiri est. Vulnus inflige thoraci, ita ut ingrediatur aer, repleto thorace claude vulnus. Tunc si quid expiret per os, per pulmonum membranam transire necesse est. huic objici potest quod lapsorum pulmonum pori magis arctantuntur quam expansorum JL.” This note immediately succeeded that concerning heated air mentioned in note 132 above.

134 Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, p. 197.

135 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 338. This note immediately succeeded that concerning the entry of air into the thorax in note 133 above.

136 Thomas Birch, History of the Royal Society of London, 4 vols, London, A Millar, 1756–1757, vol. 2, p. 200: “Octob. 17, The experiment ordered at the last meeting to be made at this was made accordingly by Dr. Lower, who by piercing both sides of a dog, and cutting two nerves passing towards the diaphragm, made the dog broken winded.”

137 Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 1667, 27: 492. The experiment is discussed in Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 205–7.

138 Bodl. MS Locke f.19, p. 303. It should be noted that the page Locke cited faces p. 493, explaining his erroneous pagination. Not previously published.

139 R Lower, Tractatus de corde. Item de motu & colore sanguinis et chyli in eum transitu, London, J Redmayne for Jacob Allestry, 1669. Cf. Frank, op. cit., note 4 above, pp. 213–17.

140 Letter from Thomas Sydenham to Robert Boyle, 2 Apr. 1668, in K Dewhurst (ed.), Thomas Sydenham (1624–1689): his life and original writings, London, Wellcome Historical Medical Library, 1966, p. 163; for the Methodus, see G G Meynell, ‘Sydenham, Locke and Sydenham's De peste sive febre pestilentiali’, Med. Hist., 1993, 37: 330–2; for the poem, see Sydenham, Methodus curandi febres, ed. G G Meynell, Folkestone, Winterdown Books, 1987, pp. 12–14. Translated from the Latin in ibid., pp. 227–8.

141 NA PRO 30/24/72/2 fol.33v, cf. Dewhurst (ed.), op. cit., note 140 above, p. 88.

142 Jean de Hautefeuille, L'Art de respirer sous l'eau et le moyen d'entretenir la flamme enfermée dans un petit lieu, Paris, 1681, H&L, item 1402; letter from John Locke to Nicolas Toinard, 20 Feb. 1681, Corr., Letter 626, vol. 2, p. 379. Cf. the English translation in Dewhurst, John Locke, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 159.

143 Journal, Monday, 26 Feb. 1683, cf. Dewhurst, John Locke, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 215.

144 See Walmsley, op. cit., note 11 above.