This study was supported in part by a research grant from the Department of Education and Science. I am indebted to the following for their kind assistance: Dr R. J. Bingle, India Office Library, and the staff of the India Office Records Department; the Librarian of the Royal Society; the Librarian of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; and Miss D. G. Keswani, Assistant Director, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

¹ Perhaps the best available systematic discussion of these issues is that of Basalla, G., ‘The Spread of Western Science’, Science, 156 (1967), 612. An extremely interesting extension of this discussion is the subject of a thesis, currently in preparation by Michael Worboys, a postgraduate student in History and Social Studies of Science in the University of Sussex.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

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³ The most famous example, of course, was the impact of Macaulay's reforms of the Indian Civil Service on the British Home Civil Service reforms of 1853–1854. The Civil Service Gazette, 2 July 1853, commented: ‘The introduction of competition, as a test of appointment to the Civil Service of India, was forced on the discussion of its application to the Civil Service at home.’ Cf. Emmeline Cohen: ‘both the Indian administrative service and the reformed Universities proved to be the training ground of the men who were later to bring about radical changes in the organisation of the British Civil Service.’Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Cf.W., Blanpied, ‘The Movement for Popular Science in Early Nineteenth Century Bengal’, Proc. XIVth Int. Congress for the Hístory of Science (Tokyo, 1974).Google Scholar

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¹⁸ The careers of Lt.-Gen. Sir Richard Strachey (1817–1908), Bombay Engineers, and Lt.-Col. Alexander Strange (1818–1876), Madras Light Cavalry, are instructive. Both men were influential in the mid-century campaigns of the Royal Society and the British Association to secure Government recognition of science. After 35 years in India, Strachey (father of Lytton Strachey) returned to England in 1871 and afterwards became chief of the Meteorological Office in London and President of the Royal Geographical Society. Strange participated in the Trigonometrical Survey in India and returned to England in 1861 to become the Inspector of Scientific Instruments for the India Office. He became F.R.S. and F.R.A.S. in 1861 and served on the Council of the Geographical Society, 1861–62. In speaking of England,Google Scholar

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had several important imperial repercussions. In January 1903, by the Imperial Institute (Transfer) Act, the Imperial Insitute, with its Scientific and Technical Department (founded 1896) was transferred to the Board of Trade and placed under the Commercial, Labour and Statistical Departments, assisted by an Advisory Committee representing other departments and the Government of India. This devolution to departmental control represented an early attempt to move away from the classic Privy Council status of research (later described as the ‘Haldane Principle’), seeking the coordination of scientific and economic policies. In 1903, Professor Wyndham Dunstan, formerly head of the Scientific and Technical Departments, was made Director of the Imperial Institute.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ In 1902 Thiselton-Dyer had also been appointed Botanical Adviser in the Colonial Office, making him analogous with Sir Patrick Manson, the Medical Officer. This new position gave him an authority far exceeding the boundaries of Kew and the Thames—governing, in fact, over 200 botanists in Asia, Africa and Australia and the West Indies, and directing the cultivation of plants over almost one fifth of the earth's surface. Cf. Bruce, op. cit., pp. 114–145.Google Scholar

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⁵³ SirThomas, Holland (1868–1947), educated Royal College of Science and Owens College, Manchester. Appointed 1890 an Assistant Superintendent, Geological Survey of India; curator of Geological Museum and Laboratory and a part time lecturer in geology at Presidency College, Calcutta in 1903; promoted over the heads of several officers to succeed C. L. Griesbach as Director; reorganized the department, secured increased staff and pay and ordered comprehensive scientific and economic surveys of coal, manganese, petroleum. Revived annual Records of the Geological Survey of India and instituted quinquennial reviews of mineral production. Elected F.R.S. in 1904 and awarded K.C.I.E. in 1908; left India for the chair of geology at Manchester in 1909, following disagreements with the Government of India over staff and pay in his department. Under his directorship, the Geological Survey gained 'a position of prestige in India, both with Government and with the public from which it has never fallen back'; 1916–18, chairman of Indian Educational Commission and Indian Munitions Board; K.C.S.I., 1918; 1920–21 Viceroy's Executive Council; 1922–29, Rector, Imperial College, London; 1929–1944, Principal of Edinburgh University President of the British Association, 1929;Google Scholar

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¹²⁷ Cf. Indian Scientists: Biographical Sketches (Madras, 1933), which eulogized six scientists (Mahadralal Sircar, J. C. Bose, P. C. Ray, C. V. Raman, Ramachandra and S. Ramanujan).Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Cf. the British Science Guild's report on Science and Imperial Affairs (1933) which scarcely mentions India.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Roy, MacLeod and Kay, Andrews, ‘The Committee of Civil Research: Scientific Advice for Economic Development, 1925–30’, Minerva, VII (1969), 680–705.Google Scholar

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and Worthington, E. B., Science in Africa: A Review of Scientific Research relating to Tropical and Southern Africa (O.U.P., 1938).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Nature, 121 (5 05 1928), 698–700.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹³¹ In 1929 the Royal Commission on Agriculture reported that ‘the transfer of agriculture to popular control had clogged the wheels of such machinery as previously existed for [guiding, promoting and coordinating agricultural and veterinary research] and… research on which all progress in developing agriculture must needs be based had suffered in consequence.’ Cf. N.A.I., ‘Establishment of a Central Council of Agricultural Research in India on the Recommendation of the Royal Commission on Agriculture’, Department of Education, Health and Lands, file 1–3, (March 1929), Reports and Minutes by Habibullah, M., 12 July 1928.Google Scholar

¹³² Official Report of the Legislative Assembly, Debates, 15 February 1926, p. 1174.Google Scholar

¹³³ Ibid.

¹³⁴ Reports of the Committee on the Organisation of Medical Research under the Government of India (Delhi, 1928).Google Scholar

¹³⁵ MacLeod, R. M. and Andrews, E. K., ‘Scientific Careers of 1851 Exhibition Scholars’, Nature, 218 (1968), 1011–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹³⁷ Ibid.

¹³⁸ Ibid., Willingdon to Hoare, 14 May 1934.

¹³⁹ Ibid.

¹⁴⁰ Cf., Research Survey and Planning Organization, Science Policy in India (Occasional Paper Series No. 1, 1967).Google Scholar

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to the C.S.I.R. under Sir A. Ramaswami Mudaliar) see Twenty five Years of C.S.I.R. (New Delhi, 1967), for descriptions of other ‘C.S.I.R.s’ in Pakistan (1952), Ceylon (1955), South Africa (1954), New Zealand (1926) and Australia (1921)Google Scholar

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¹⁴¹ For a description of this phenomenon in terms of academic political science, see William, Hamilton (ed.), The Transfer of Institutions (Duke University, 1964).Google Scholar

¹⁴² Maheshwari, P., ‘Indian Scientific Policy’, Minerva, III (1964), 99–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴³ Rahman, A., ‘Historical and Social Factors in the Development of Science in India’, in Ward, Morehouse, Science and the Human Condition in India and Pakistan (New York, 1968), p. 44.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁴ The expanding political role of the Royal Society in this period has received relatively little attention. Sir Henry Lyons' official history (The Royal Society) does not make much of the fact, although it is implicit in his discussion (especially Chs VIII–IX). Recent work on the Society's role in international relations during and after the First War is becoming more explicit. Brigitte, Cf. Schroeder-Gudehus, ‘Challenge to Transitional Loyalties: International Scientific Organisations after the First World War’, Science Studies, 3 (04, 1973), 93–118.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ MacDonagh, Cf. O. O. G., ‘The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal’, Hist. J., I (1958), 52–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar