Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
It is widely recognized that the concepts of ‘state’ and ‘nation’ developed largely out of the history of Europe. In Western Europe the process of state-building preceded and assisted the process of nation-formation. In consequence, the concept of the nation that developed from this process focused on the political community as defined by the institutional and territorial framework. In the tradition of Rousseau, Abbé Sieyes could define a nation as ‘a body of associates living under one common law and represented by the same legislature’. In most lands of Western Europe these developments also produced the model of a single nationality nation or nation-state. In Central and Eastern Europe the process was different: ‘the nation was first defined as a cultural rather than a political entity’ and the underlying theoretical foundation was in the tradition of Herder rather than Rousseau Nevertheless, once nationhood had been achieved in these regions there was a tendency to approximate to the model associated with Western Europe. This was made all the easier in such states as Italy and Germany because the majority of their citizens were from one ethnic group; they, too, were single nationality nations. Whatever the dualisms and amalgams in Europe, the export model has been that associated with that of Western Europe—for the simple reason that the predominant colonizing powers were from this part of the Continent.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Fifth European Conference on Modern Asian Studies held at Leiden in mid-July 1976 and at a seminar of the Centre of South Asian Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, in London, on 3 November 1976. I am grateful to those present at these gatherings for their comments. My thanks, too, to C. R. de Silva, Roland Edirisinghe, C. H. Fernando, Bruce Kapferer, Gerald Pieris and Dietmar Rothermund for their helpful observations.
1 Quoted in Hinsley, F. H., Nationalism and the International System (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1973), p. 44.Google Scholar Also see the description provided by a lawyer named Lacratelle in 1789, quoted in Shafer, Boyd C., Faces of Nationalism: New Realities and Old Myths (New York: Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich Inc., 1974), pp. 9, 381.Google Scholar
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8 Kedourie, Elie (ed.), Nationalism in Asia and Africa (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1970), pp. 60–1.Google Scholar Kedourie's excessive acidity must not be allowed to cloud the validity of this point.
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15 Quotation from F. A. Obeyesekere's speech at the annual sessions of the C.N.C. in the editorial in the Ceylon Morning Leader, 10 December 1924. C. E. Corea: advocate, Low-Country Sinhalese and Goyigama Christian. His family had been headmen in Chilaw District for several generations and they were the leading force in the Chilaw Association which emerged as a relatively vociferous critic of British rule from the 1890s. The Chilaw District bordered Moor and Tamil areas. It is possible that this influenced the outlook of the Coreas.Google Scholar
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21 In a series of six articles, Ceylon Morning Leader, 19 May to 30 June, 1926.Google Scholar
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25 Roberts, Ibid., pp. lxxxviii, clv-clvii, 561–76, 596–601, 1294–5, 1346–51.
26 Bandaranaike, S. W. R. D., Towards a New Era: Selected Speeches… made in the Legislature of Ceylon 1931–1959 (Colombo: Dept of Broadcasting and Information, Government of Ceylon, 1961), pp. 50–1.Google Scholar This was on 21 March 1939. The same argument was reiterated at the annual general meeting of the Sinhala Maha Sabha on 30–31 December 1939 (see Ceylon Daily News, 1 01 1940,Google Scholaror Roberts, (ed.), Documents, pp. 566–70) and at subsequent S.M.S. meetings as well (see citation 28 below). It was also emphasized in the defence he presented at an Executive Committee meeting of the Ceylon National Congress on 17 January 1940 (Roberts (ed.), Documents, pp. 564–5).Google Scholar
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28 Bandaranaike, S. W. R. D., Speeches and Writings (Colombo: Dept of Broadcasting and Information, Government of Ceylon, 1963), p. 87; also pp. 90–1, 95–6, 102.Google Scholar From this self-perception, Bandaranaike was even able to attack G. G. Ponnambalam's organization as ‘communal’ and a body of ‘local reactionaries’ seeking the ‘entrenchment of imperialism and exploitation, and the protection of vested interests’ (Ibid., pp. 96, 98, 104–5).
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55 The mercantile sector in Sri Lanka and employment in U.N. agencies, African states, U.S.A., U.K. and elsewhere have provided alternatives, but it is doubtful whether they could have met the growing demand.
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