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How the first revolution affected the second: The setback of 1927 for the Chinese Communist Party Revolution in the 1920s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 October 2023

Luyang Zhou*
Affiliation:
Department of Sociology, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, China

Abstract

The Bolsheviks’ world revolution encountered setbacks in the 1920s. Among the bloodiest of these was the massacre of 1927 when the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) entire central leadership was killed in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (GMD) coup. Existing explanations highlight Moscow’s miscalculation, infighting within the Kremlin, Soviet advisers’ information dilemma, and the CCP leaders’ political inexperience. This article compares the opening stages of the Bolshevik (or Russian) and Chinese Communist Party revolutions to explain why the 1927 setback became a catastrophe. It argues that the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 caused fundamental changes, which thwarted any attempt to replicate the 1917 victory in the post-1917 world. The CCP in 1927 faced three disadvantages that the Bolshevik Revolution had engendered: a misleading myth about the October Revolution, a Bolshevized system of repression created by Soviet advisers to the GMD, and the ‘red scare’ in Japan and British Southeast Asia, which blocked members of the CCP from escaping overseas. This article draws on leaders’ biographical materials to compare the two parties’ learning from foreign revolutions, records in suffering repression, and experiences as overseas refugees. The comparison shows that the Bolsheviks did not face these three disadvantages before 1917.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press.

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References

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140 Li, Xin (ed.), Wu Yuzhang huiyilu [A memoir of Wu Yuzhang] (Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe, 1978)Google Scholar; Lin, Boqu, Lin Boqu riji [A diary of Lin Boqu] (Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1984)Google Scholar.

141 Xue, Nongshan, Zhongguo nongmin zhanzheng zhishi yanjiu (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 1935[1996]), p. Google Scholar.

142 Linkhoeva, Tatiana, Revolution goes East: Imperial Japan and Soviet communism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

143 ‘Riben gongchandang de sishinian’ [Forty years of the Communist Party of Japan] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1962), pp. 10–12.

144 RMA, vol. 4, pp. 57, 105, 112–114.

145 RMA, vol. 4, pp. 125–126; CCP Party History Research Office, vol. 10, pp. 169–180.

146 CCP History Research Office, vol. 6, pp. 43–45; RMA, vol. 4, pp. 3–4, 210; vol. 7, pp. 151–152, 329.

147 Belogurova, Anna, ‘Networks, parties, and the “oppressed nations”: The Comintern and Chinese communists overseas, 1926–1935’, Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review (e-journal), no. 24, 2017, pp. 4547Google Scholar.

148 Wang, Jianying, Min zhu ge ming shi qi li zhong gong jie zhong yang ling dao ji ti shu ping [The CCP leading bodies during the period of the democratic revolution] (Beijing: Zhong gong dang shi chu ban she, 2007)Google Scholar; RMA, vol. 6, p. 61.

149 Levine, Marilyn Avra, The found generation: Chinese communists in Europe during the twenties (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

150 The Compiling Group of this Collection [Benshu bianxie zu], ‘Materials of history of the CCP’ [Zhonggong dangshi ziliao] (Beijing, Zhonggong dangshi chubanshe, 1982), vol. 1, p. 242 (hereafter MHC).

151 MHC, vol. 40, p. 161. Conrad Brandt, Stalin’s failure in China, 1924–1927 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp. 145–146; Wang, Min zhu ge ming shi qi li zhong gong jie zhong yang ling dao ji ti shu ping, vol. 1, pp. 280–289, 327.

152 RMA, vol. 4, pp. 173, 270; vol. 5, pp. 314; vol. 8, p. 59.

153 Gaia Perini, ‘Chinese internationalism during the Spanish Civil War’, The Comintern and the Global South, (eds) Anne Garland Mahler and Paolo Capuzzo (London: Routledge, 2022), pp. 210–230: 222–223.

154 Wang, Tinyue, Jueqi de qianzou zhonggong kangri zhanzheng shiqi duiwai jiaowang jishi (Beijing: Shijie zhishi chubanshe, 1995), p. Google Scholar.

155 Belogurova, ‘Networks, parties, and the “oppressed nations”’, p. 571.

156 Wang, Jueqi de qianzou zhonggong kangri zhanzheng shiqi duiwai jiaowang jishi, pp. 45–46.

157 Jiang, Fan, Miandian huaqiaoshi (Guangzhou: Guangdong gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2019), pp. 252260Google Scholar.

158 Kampen, Thomas, ‘Chinese communists in Austria and Germany and their later activities in China’, Asian and African Studies, vol. XI, no. 1–2, 2007, pp. Google Scholar.

159 Zhang, Shenfu, Yijiu (Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 1993), pp. 2831Google Scholar.

160 Zhang, Aohui, Cheng fangwu nianpu (Changchun: Dongbei shifan daxue chubanshe, 1994), p. .Google Scholar

161 Lanqi, Hu, Hu Lanqi huiyilu (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1985), pp. 228230Google Scholar.

162 Belogurova, Anna, ‘The Chinese International of nationalities: The Chinese Communist Party, the Comintern, and the foundation of the Malayan National Communist Party, 1923–1939’, Journal of Global History, vol. 9, no. 3, 2014, pp. CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

163 Belogurova, The Nanyang Revolution, pp. 45–47.

164 Chen, Zhongguo gongchan geming qishinian, pp. 111–112.

165 The late 1910s saw the impact of cosmopolitanism among Chinese elite intellectuals. As Russell, Eroshenko, Tagore, and other prominent individuals visited China, many circulated ideas such as China being a civilization uncontaminated by industrialization, and that, as an oppressed people, the Chinese should give up national hostility and embrace universal love. Xiaoqun, Xu, ‘Cosmopolitanism, nationalism, and transnational networks: The “Chenbao Fujuan”, 1921—1928’, China Review, vol. 4, no. 1, 2004, pp. 145173Google Scholar. The boundary between early CCP elites, leftists, anarchists, and liberals was obscure. Many CCP members continued relevant activities such as teaching Esperanto and translating foreign literature, but they eventually either quit the revolutionary movement or switched to Leninist activities.

166 Not all CCP members were forced back to China. Some were retained. One example is Wu Xiuquan (1908–1991), the PRC’s ambassador to Yugoslavia. After graduating from Moscow Infantry School in 1928, Wu was sent to the Far East to serve in the Bureau of Borderland Defense because of his fluency in Russian. Wu applied several times to return to China, but his application was not approved until early 1931, and he returned to China in May: Wu Xiuquan zhuan, MHC, pp. 29–30.

167 Wang, Geming yu fangeming, p. 269.