Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-fbnjt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-17T21:25:53.513Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Mobile Communication, Popular Protests and Citizenship in China*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2012

JUN LIU*
Affiliation:
Department of Media, Cognition and Communication, University of Copenhagen Email: liujun@hum.ku.dk

Abstract

Digital telecommunication technology has expanded the potential of the mobile phone to be used increasingly as a weapon against authoritarian rule and censorship. Since the content of mobile communication is unpredictable and unregulated, mobile phones have the capability to breach state-sponsored blockage of information. This in turn helps the Chinese people to maintain contact with each other, receive information from outside the country, and make political waves in an aggressive battle for control over information. This paper examines spontaneous mobilization via mobile phones, with a focus on two concrete popular protests in rural and urban areas, demonstrating how Chinese citizens have expanded the political uses of mobile phones in their struggle for freedom of information flow, social justice, and the rule of law, while seeking to build an inexpensive counter-public sphere. These processes destabilize China's conventional national public sphere by shaping political identities on an individual level as well as the notion of citizenship within the evolving counter-public sphere. The political significance of mobile phones in the context of contemporary China's political environment can be observed by various social forces that communicate their struggles with the aid of this technology, pose challenges in governance, and force the authorities to engage in new kinds of media practices.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

The author is extremely grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback and to Professor Klaus Bruhn Jensen, University of Copenhagen, for his insightful comments on this paper. The author also wishes to thank Dr Poul Erik Nielsen and Associate Professor Jørgen B. Bang, University of Aarhus, for their invaluable suggestions on an earlier proposal for this paper. A previous version of this paper was invited to be presented at ‘Media in Transition 6’, MIT Communication Forum, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, United States, 24–26 April 2009.

References

1 Nyíri, K. (2005). Mobile Democracy: Essays on Society, Self, and Politics, Passagen Verlag, ViennaGoogle Scholar. De Vries, I. (2005). ‘Mobile Telephony: Realising the Dream of Ideal Communication?’, in Hamill, L. and Lasen, A. (eds), Mobile World: Past, Present, Future, Springer, London, pp. 4262Google Scholar. Castells, M. (2009). Communication Power, Oxford University Press, Oxford.Google Scholar

2 Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Gongye he Xinxihua bu (Ministry of Industry and Information Technology of the People's Republic of China, MIIT) (2009). ‘2009 nian Quanguo Dianxinye Tongji Gongbao (2009 National Telecom Statistical Bulletin)’, <http://www.miit.gov.cn/n11293472/n11293832/n11294132/n12858447/13011909.html>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

3 Tai, Z. and Sun, T. (2007). ‘Media Dependencies in a Changing Media Environment: The Case of the 2003 SARS Epidemic in China’, New Media and Society, 9:6, pp. 9871009CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Zhongguo Xinwen Zhoukan (China Newsweek) (2007). ‘Duanxin de Liliang (The Power of Mobile Messaging)’, 11 June, pp. 18–24. AFP (2008). ‘China's Mobile Network: A Big Brother Surveillance Tool?’, <http://afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5hymd7FGqkoxuoNDCZdq_QwISBPQw>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

4 Cartier, C., Castells, M. and Qiu, L. (2005). ‘The Information Have-less: Inequality, Mobility, and Translocal Networks in Chinese Cities’, Studies in Comparative International Development, 40:2, pp. 934CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Qiu, L. (2009). Working-Class Network Society: Communication Technology and the Information Have-Less in Urban China, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Yu, H. (2004). ‘The Power of Thumbs: The Politics of SMS in Urban China’, Graduate Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies, 2:2, pp. 3043Google Scholar. Ma, R. (2008). ‘Spread of SARS and War-Related Rumors through New Media in China’, Communication Quarterly, 56:4, pp. 376–91.CrossRefGoogle ScholarLatham, K. (2007). ‘SMS, Communication, and Citizenship in China's Information Society’, Critical Asian Studies, 39:2, pp. 295314CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Paraxylene is used in the production of plastics, polyester, and other synthetic materials.

7 Meyer, T. and Hinchman, L. (2002). Media Democracy: How the Media Colonize Politics, Polity Press in association with Blackwell, Cambridge.Google Scholar, Calhoun C. (2005). ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere’, <http://www.ssrc.org/calhoun/wp-content/uploads/2008/08/rethinking_the_public_sphere_05_speech.pdf >, [Accessed 5 March 2012].

8 Habermas, J. (1989). The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, p. 27Google Scholar. Curran, J. and Gurevitch, M. (1991). Mass Media and Society, Arnold, London, p. 103Google Scholar.

9 Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Negt, O. and Kluge, A. (1993). Public Sphere and Experience – Toward an Analysis of the Bourgeois and Proletarian Public Sphere, University of Minnesota Press, MinneapolisGoogle Scholar.

10 Dahlberg, L. (2001). ‘Democracy via Cyberspace’, New Media and Society, 3:2, pp. 157–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gimmler, A. (2007). ‘Deliberative Democracy, the Public Sphere and the Internet’, Philosophy and Social Criticism, 27:4, pp. 2139CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Zheng, Y. (2008). Technological Empowerment: The Internet, State, and Society in China, Stanford University Press, StanfordGoogle Scholar. Yang, G. (2009). The Power of the Internet in China, Columbia University Press, ColumbiaGoogle Scholar.

12 China Internet Network Information Center (CNNIC) (2009). ‘Zhongguo Hulianwangluo Fazhan Tongji Baogao (The [23rd] Statistical Survey Report on the Internet Development in China)’, <http://www.cnnic.cn/uploadfiles/pdf/2009/1/13/92458.pdf>, [Accessed 5 March 2012]. Xinhua (2007). ‘Guojia Tongjiju: Zhongguo Nongcun Renkou zhan Zongrenkou 56% (National Bureau of Statistics: China's Rural Inhabitants Take up 56 percent of the Total Population)’, <http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2007–10/22/content_6921882.htm>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

13 CNNIC, ‘The [23rd] Statistical Survey Report on the Internet Development in China’. Bruce Bimber, for example, coins the phrase ‘accelerated pluralism’ to show that the Internet will facilitate grassroots mobilization and civic organization, and it will particularly accelerate the process of ‘. . . an intensification of group-centered, pluralistic politics’. See Bimber, B. (1998). ‘The Internet and Political Transformation: Populism, Community, and Accelerated Pluralism’, Polity, 31:1, pp. 133–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Fauna (2008a). ‘Kidney Stone Gate: Fake Baby Milk Powder, Sanlu and Baidu?’, <http://www.chinasmack.com/stories/kidney-stone-gate-fake-baby-milk-powder-sanlu-baidu/>, [Accessed 6 September 2011]. Fauna (2008b). ‘Kidney Stone Gate: Baidu Denies Censoring Search Results’, <http://www.chinasmack.com/stories/kidney-stone-gate-baidu-denies-censoring-search-results/>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

15 He, Q. (2008). The Fog of Censorship: Media Control in China, Human Rights in China, WashingtonGoogle Scholar. Weber, I. and Lu, J. (2007). ‘Internet and Self-regulation in China: The Cultural Logic of Controlled Commodification’, Media, Culture and Society, 29:5, pp. 772–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Zhang, Q. (2009). ‘“Xin Weiquanzhuyi” zai Zhongguo (“New Authoritarianism” in China)’, <http://www.cp.org.cn/show.asp?NewsID=446>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

17 Lu, J. and Weber, I. (2007). ‘State, Power and Mobile Communication: A Case Study of China’, New Media and Society, 9:6, p. 927CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere.

19 Hauser, G. (1998). ‘Vernacular Dialogue and the Rhetoricality of Public Opinion’, Communication Monographs, 65, p. 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Fraser, N. (1990). ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy’, Social Text, Duke University Press, Duke, p. 67Google Scholar.

21 Fraser, ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere’, p. 67. Downey, J. and Fenton, N. (2003). ‘New Media, Counter Publicity and the Public Sphere’, New Media and Society, 5:2, pp. 185202CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Goldstein, J. (2007). ‘The Role of Digital Networked Technologies in the Ukrainian Orange Revolution’, Berkman Center Research Publication No. 2007–14, <http://ssrn.com/abstract=1077686>, [Accessed 6 September 2011]. MacKinnon, R. (2005). ‘Chinese Cell Phone Breaches North Korean Hermit Kingdom’, YaleGlobal, <http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/chinese-cell-phone-breaches-north-korean-hermit-kingdom>, [Accessed 5 March 2012]. Rafael, V. (2003). ‘The Cell Phone and the Crowd: Messianic Politics in the Contemporary Philippines’, Public Culture, 15:3, pp. 399425CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Suarez, S. (2006). ‘Mobile Democracy: Text Messages, Voter Turnout and the 2004 Spanish General Election’, Representation, 42:2, pp. 117–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Zhao, Y. (2007). ‘After Mobile Phones, What? Re-embedding the Social in China's “Digital Revolution”’, International Journal of Communication, 1:1, pp. 92120Google Scholar. Qiu, L. (2006). ‘The Wireless Leash: Mobile Messaging Service as a Means of Control’, International Journal of Communication, pp. 74–91. Yeung L. K. (2008). Digital Democracy: How the American and Hong Kong Civil Societies Use New Media to Change Politics. CNAPS Visiting Fellow Working Paper, <http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers/2008/04_digital_democracy_yeung/04_digital_democracy_yeung.pdf>, [Accessed 5 March 2012].

24 Negt and Kluge, Public Sphere and Experience.

25 Lynch, D. (2000). ‘The Nature and Consequences of China's Unique Pattern of Telecommunications Development’ in Lee, C.Power, Money, and Media, Northwestern University Press, ChicagoGoogle Scholar.

26 Calhoun, ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere’. Qiu, L. and Thompson, E. (2007). ‘Editorial: Mobile Communication and Asian Modernities’, New Media and Society, 9:6, pp. 895901Google Scholar.

27 Main sources include reports from AP, AFP, Reuters, and Xinhua News Agency; American-based International Herald Tribune, Washington Post, and The Economist; China mainland-based China Business Journal, China Youth Daily, Oriental Weekly, and Southern Metropolitan Daily; Hong Kong-based Phoenix Weekly, South China Morning Post, and Asia Weekly (YZZK); Fujian-based Xiamen Daily, Xiamen Business News, Xiamen Evening News, and so on.

28 Yin, R. (2003). Case Study Research, Sage Publications, LondonGoogle Scholar.

29 The Economist (2007). ‘Protest in China: Mobilised by Mobile’, 23 June, 383 (8534), pp. 48–49, <http://www.economist.com/node/9367055>, [Accessed 21 April 2012].

30 Heckathorn, D. (2002). ‘Respondent-Driven Sampling II: Deriving Valid Population Estimates from Chain-referral Samples of Hidden Populations’, Social Problems, 49:1, pp. 1134CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Salganik, M. and Heckathorn, D. (2004). ‘Sampling and Estimation in Hidden Populations Using Respondent-Drive Sampling’, Sociological Methodology, 34:1, pp. 193239CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 Chinese people prefer ‘stroll’ as a euphemism for ‘demonstration’. This much more sensitive and politically loaded term is used to describe their demonstrations against some unpopular events.

32 China Newsweek, ‘The Power of Mobile Messaging’. The remaining six PX projects are located in Nanjing, Guangdong, Dalian, Fuzhou, Huizhou, and Qingdao. The demand for chemicals such as paraxylene is soaring as China's manufacturing industries expand.

33 China.org.cn (2008). ‘People vs. Chemical Plant’, <http://www.china.org.cn/english/environment/239503.htm>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

34 China.org.cn, ‘People vs. Chemical Plant’.

35 Huang, H. (2007). ‘Baiming Zhengxie Weiyuan Nanzu Xiamen Baiyi Huagong Xiangmu (More than 100 Political Consultative Conference Members Failed to Stop the Billion Chemical Factory Complex Project in Xiamen)’, The Oriental Weekly, 26 May.

36 During the interviews, none of the interviewees got the information about the PX plant from local media as their first source. Also see Buckley, C. (2007). ‘China City Suspends Chemical Plant After Uproar’, <http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSPEK7567720070530>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

37 The earliest date that anyone received the mobile message was 11 March 2007. Interview, residents in Xiamen, 2007.

38 Interview, undergraduate and graduate students in Fuzhou, Guangzhou, and Shanghai who studied in Xiamen, 2007, 2009. Some of their schoolmates, who still used the Xiamen mobile phone number, also got those messages at that time, even though they were studying abroad.

39 Interview, residents in Xiamen, 2007. Also see Zhu, H. (2007). ‘Baiyi Huagong Xiangmu Yinfa Judu Chuanwen, Xiamen Guoduan Jiaoting Yingdui Gonggong Weiji (Xiamen Calls an Abrupt Halt to the PX Project to Deal with the Public Crisis)’, Nanfang Zhoumo (Southern Weekend), 28 May, p. A1.

40 Interviews, residents in Xiamen, 2007.

41 The documents include The State Council of the People's Republic of China (2005). ‘Guowuyuan Guanyu Luoshi Kexue Fazhanguan Jiaqiang Huanjing Baohu de Jueding (Decision on Implementing the Scientific Concept of Development and Stepping up Environmental Protection by the State Council)’, 3 December, Beijing, and The Ministry of Environmental Protection of the People's Republic of China (2006). ‘Huanping Gongzhong Canyu Zanxing Banfa (The Temporary Act of Environmental Impact Assessment of Public Participating)’, 2 February, Beijing.

42 Interview, student in Xiamen University, 2007.

43 Interview, a webmaster of Baidu Tieba, 2008.

44 Xiamen Net (2007). ‘Bie Haole Shangba Wangle Teng (Never Ever Forget the Pain Once the Wound is Healed)’, <http://www.xmnn.cn/xwzx/jrjd/200706/t20070604_223159.htm>, [Accessed 6 September 2011]. The Publicity Department of Xiamen University published ‘the brief announcement of Zhao Yufen’, which asserted that Professor Zhao had never been interviewed and had never authorized any media to express her opinions concerning the PX project. In contrast, Huang Han, a journalist from Oriental Weekly, argued that the announcement was intended to negate the interviews with Zhao Yufen by outside news media, including Oriental Weekly, and frame up the accusation of mendacious reports. See <http://www.douban.com/group/topic/1676634/>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

45 Xiamen Shangbao (Xiamen Business News) (2007). ‘Haicang PX Xiangmu yi an Guojia Fading Chengxu Pizhun zaijian (The Haicang PX Project Have Been Approved by the National Regulations on Investment and Management)’, 31 May, p. A2.

46 Interviews, residents in Xiamen, 2007.

47 Some reports said this message was definitely first sent on 25 March. See Asia Sentinel (2007). ‘SMS Texts Energize a Chinese Protest’, <http://www.asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=520&Itemid=31>, [Accessed 5 March 2012].

48 A yellow ribbon was the symbol associated with environmental protection in the anti-PX march.

49 Lanyun, Zhang, Y. (2007). ‘Xiamen Baiwan Shimin Fengchuan Tongyi Duanxin (Millions of Xiamen Residents Forwarding the Same Text Message Around Mobile Phones)’, Nanfang Dushibao (Southern Metropolitan Daily), <http://china.rednet.cn/c/2007/05/29/1214556.htm>, [Accessed 5 March 2012].

50 For instance, local schools told students they would be expelled if they took to the streets. Interviews, student, journalist, civil servant, and local residents, Xiamen, 2007 and 2008.

51 China Newsweek, ‘The Power of Mobile Messaging’. Asia Sentinel, ‘SMS Texts Energize a Chinese Protest’.

52 Interview, civil servant who works in the Xiamen municipal government building and local residents, Xiamen, 2007 and 2008.

53 Interview, local residents, Xiamen, 2008.

54 See, for example, Kennedy, J. (2007). ‘China: Liveblogging from Ground Zero’, <http://globalvoicesonline.org/2007/06/01/china-liveblogging-from-ground-zero//>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

55 See, for example, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LfzMg0×3KIk>, [Accessed 5 March 2012].

56 China.org.cn, ‘People vs. Chemical Plant’.

57 Renmin Ribao (People's Daily) (2007). ‘Dahao Jieneng Jianpai Gongjianzhan (Work Hard to Tackle Difficult Tasks for Energy Saver and Exhaust Reducer)’, 5 June, p. 1.

58 China.org.cn, ‘People vs. Chemical Plant’.

59 Yardley, J. (2008). ‘Chinese Riot Over Handling of Girl's Killing’, The New York Times, 30 June, <http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/30/world/asia/30iht-30riot.14086300.html?_r=1>, [Accessed 5 March 2012]. Buckley, C. (2008). ‘Girl's Death Sparks Rioting in China’, Reuters, 28 June, <http://uk.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUKPEK27256220080628?sp=true>, [Accessed 6 September 2011]. Mu, X. (2008). ‘Police Station Assaulted, Torched by Local People in Southwest China County’, Xinhua, 29 June, <http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008–06/29/content_8456602.htm>, [Accessed 6 September 2011]. Ding, B. (2008). ‘Weng'an, buan de Xiancheng (Weng'an, An Unpeaceful County City)’, Nanfang Zhoumo (Southern Weekend), 10 July, p. A1.

60 Luo, C. (2008). ‘Weng'an “6.28” Shijian Liubian (Evolvement of “June 28” Incident in Weng'an)’, Caijing, 7 July, pp. 40–43.

61 The Hong Kong media later interviewed the uncle of the deceased girl. His comments on camera and the follow-up mainland media reports showed, first, that he had not been beaten to death as had been reported. Secondly, he had been beaten by unidentified persons. See Guizhou Ribao (Guizhou Daily) (2008). ‘Wo hai mei si (I Am Not Dead Yet)’, 2 July. Later it was also proven that the three accused were farmers’ children and were therefore not protected by favouritism.

62 Buckley, ‘Girl's Death Sparks Rioting in China’.

63 Southern Weekend, ‘Weng'an, An Unpeaceful County City’, p. A1.

64 Yu, J. (2008). ‘Shehui Xiefen Shijian Fansi (A Review of Social Incident Just From Spite)’, Nanfengchuang (South Wind View), 19 July, pp. 20–21.

65 Ming Pao (2008). ‘Thousands of Residents Torched the Police Station in Guizhou’, <http://www.duping.net/XHC/show.php?bbs=10&post=860562>, [Accessed 5 March 2012].

66 Calhoun, ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere’.

67 Southern Metropolitan Daily, ‘Millions of Xiamen Residents Forwarding the Same Text Message Around Mobile Phones’.

68 Xinhua (2007). ‘Xiamen shizhengfu Xuanbu Huanjian 108 yiyuan Waizi px Huagong Xiangmu (Xiamen's government announce the postponement of 1.08-billion-foreign-investment PX project)’: <http://leaders.people.com.cn/GB/70110/70114/5800578.html>, [Accessed 6 September 2011].

69 Interview, local residents, Xiamen, 2008.

70 Interview, local residents, Xiamen, 2007, 2008.

71 Li, L. and O'Brien, K. (2008). ‘Protest Leadership in Rural China’, China Quarterly, 193, pp. 123CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cai, Y. (2008). ‘Local Governments and the Suppression of Popular Resistance in China’, China Quarterly, 193, pp. 2442CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 Lynch, ‘The Nature and Consequences of China's Unique Pattern of Telecommunications Development’, p. 182.

73 Barber, B. (1984). Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age, University of California Press, Berkley, p. 261Google Scholar.

74 Barber, Strong Democracy, p. 583.

75 Bimber, ‘The Internet and Political Transformation’, pp. 133–60.