¹ Ihm, M., Bonner Studıen … R. Kekulé gewıdmet (Berlin 1890), 238Google Scholar, no. 40: a gaming-board?

² E.g. C.E. 1499 (= CIL VI 15258), from Rome: balnea vına venus corrumpunt corpora nostra/set vıtam facıunt b(alnea) v(ına) v(enus); C.E. 1318 ( = CIL XIV 914), from Ostia: vıxı Lucrınıs, potabı saepe Falernum, balnea vına venus mecum senuereper annos; or Peek, GV 1146 (= Moretti, L., IGUR III, 183–4Google Scholar, no. 1329), from Rome: ώς ὖον καιρόν ἔχεις, λοῦσαι, μύρισαι, σπατάλησον / καί χάρισαι, δαπάνησον ἅπερ δύνασαι. τίνι τηρεῖς; also CIG 38461. All are listed by I. Kajanto, Hommages M. Renard 2 (Coll. Latomus 102, Brussels 1969), 357–67. Kajanto also quotes examples in which balnea vına venus are cited as harmful and dangerous, and concludes that the two Latin epigrams quoted above ‘were written as if in defiance of this common conviction’ (p. 366). But it seems to me a common paradox that the same list of pleasures can be regarded simultaneously as harmful and as making life sweet, and mistaken to consider the negative judgement as primary. See also below, n. 4.

³ Greg. Nyss., De beatıtudınıbus Or. 7, PG 44, 1281a, a list of all that makes life sweet and from which men derive apolausıs, which includes παράδεισοι, θῆραι, λουτρὰ, παλαῖστραι, γυμνάσια; id., De ınfantıbus quı praemature abrıpıuntur, PG 46, 180b–c, in a list of the pleasures of a grown man as opposed to those of an infant, καί ὃσα κατὰ τοῦτον ἒστιν ἡδέα τὸν παραβατὸν βίον εύρεῖν, ἀκροάματα τε καί θεάματα, θῆραι καὶ λουτρὰ, καὶ γυμνάσια καὶ συμπόσια καὶ θυμηδίαι …; Augustine, Contra Academıcos 1.1.2 (CSEL 63).

⁴ Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. 3.9.46 (Sources Chrétıennes 158) gives four motives for bathing: ἢ γὰρ καθαριότητος ἒνεκα ἢ ἀγέας ἢ ὑγιείας ἢ τελευταῖον ἡδονῆς; the emperor Trajan draws a similar contrast (et salubrıtatı et volupatı) in answer to Pliny's question about bringing an aqueduct into Sinope (Plin. Ep. 10. 91). Criticisms of the baths as unhealthy also certainly occur; these may refer to over-indulgence in bathing, or form part of a typical moralist position against luxury in general. More sober assessments of the medical virtues and dangers of bathing are found in Celsus, e.g. De Medıcına 1. 2. 7; 1.3, 4–5; 1. 4. 2; 2. 17; 3. 22. 6–7, 14; 3. 24. 5, etc.; or Galen, e.g. 10. 706–26 Kuhn (= De meth. med. 10, 10).

⁵ Tac. Agr. 21; for similar mention of baths among the demoralising pleasures of civilised life, cf. Livy, 23. 18. 12; Dio 62. 6. 4; Columella 1. Praef. 16.

⁶ Bell. vandal. 2. 6. 6 (p. 444 Haury).

⁷ E.g. Seneca, Ep. 86. 6–13; Clem. Alex., Paedag. 3. 5. 31.

⁸ Amm. Marc. 28. 4. 9; on a smaller scale, cf. the behaviour of Tnmalchio at the bath, Petr. Sat. 27–8, and the rich man with his crowd of attendants in Lucian, Nıgrınus 13.

⁹ Cf. Zellinger, J., Bad und Bader in der altchrıstlıchen Kırche (Munich, 1928), 24–46Google Scholar (hereafter Zellinger); but cf. ibid. 1–33, for more positive attitudes by many Christian writers towards at least moderate bathing.

¹⁰ Cf. the popular etymology which derived balnea, through the Greek βαλανεῖον from the expulsion of care or grief, quoted by Augustine, Confess. 9. 12. 32 (where he records his visit to the baths at Ostia after the death of Monica, in the hope that this would relieve his grief, quod audıeram ınde ‘balneıs’ nomen ındıtum, quıa Graecı ‘balaneıon’ dıxerınt, quod anxıetatem pellat ex ammo), and by Isidore of Seville, Etym. 15. 2. 40 Lindsay.

¹¹ CIL XIII 1983; third century. Quoted by Kajanto, op. cit. (n. 2), 366.

¹² Cf. also the very large number of baths in Rome in the fourth century A.D. recorded in the Notıtıa Urbıs Regıonum XIV: 11 major thermae, 856 balnea (Jordan, H., Topographıe der Stadt Rom ım Altertum [Berlın 1871], II, 568–9, 573Google Scholar. Even in the time of Agrippa, there were already 170 balınea in Rome, to whıch Pliny adds quae nunc Romae ad ınfınıtum auxere numerum (NH 36. 121).

¹³ Cf. Veyne, P., Le Paın et le Cırque (Paris 1976), 284, 287, 691CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Cf. Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G., Antıoch. Cıty and Imperıal Admınıstratıon ın the later Roman Empıre (Oxford 1972), 148Google Scholar, on Libanius' evidence for the liturgies connected with the baths at Antioch.

¹⁵ Plin. Ep. 2. 17. 11; 5. 6. 25; Sid. Ap. Ep. 2. 2. 4–8; cf. also the account of the baths of the younger Melania, with their view of the sea on one side and of woods on the other: Vıta Sanctae Melanıae Iunıorıs (Anal. Boll. VIII, 1889), p. 33Google Scholar, ch. 18.

¹⁶ For the baths as a place in which to entertain, cf. Augustine and his friends dıscussing philosophy in the baths at Cassiciacum whenever the weather was bad: Contra Acad. 3. 1. 1; De beata vıta 1. 6; 4. 23; De ordıne 1.8. 25; 2. 6. 19 (CSEL 63).

¹⁷ Seneca, Ep. 56, 1–2; and cf. below, n. 191.

¹⁸ In addition to the literary works cited below, compare also inscriptions such as ILAlg I, 2102, from Madaurus, recording the restoration of the baths in A.D. 366–7, exquısıtıs dıversorum co[lorum marmorıbus/, artıfıcıbus quoque peregrınıs adductıs et [adhıbıtıs ? splenj]dentes novoque omnıno opere tes(s)ellatas; or IGRR IV, 1431, from Smyrna: the orator Polemon obtains from Hadrian for the aleıpterıon of the baths 72 columns of marble of Synnada, 20 of Numidian, and 6 of porphyry (quoted by Robert, L., A travers l'Asyıe Mıneure [Paris 1980], 247)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Or. 11.245.

²⁰ Hıppıas 5–8; especially the central hall, οἲκων ἁπάντων κάλλιστος στῆναί τε καὶ ἐγκαθίζεσθαι προσηνέστατος καὶ ἐμβραδῦναι ἀβλαβέστατος καὶ ἐγκυλίσασθαι ὠφελιμώτατος, Φρυγίου καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ὀροφὴν ἂκραν ἀποστίλβων. On the Hıppıas, and its relationship to real baths, cf. Yegul, F. K., ArchClass 31, 1979, 108–31Google Scholar, pls. xxvii–xlvi.

²¹ Sılvae, 1. 5, esp. 34-end. Similar praise of the same baths in Martial, Ep. 6. 42.

²² Hıppıas 5.

²³ Rey-Coquais, J-P., ‘Inscriptions grecques d'Apamée’, Ann. Arch. Arabes-Syrıennes 23, 1973, 39–46, 50Google Scholar; the date is Trajanic.

²⁴ The tradition started with the baths of Agrippa at Rome, whose display included the Apoxyomenos of Lysippus as well as small painted panels in the caldarıum (Plin. NH 34. 62; 35. 26); for the Baths of Caracalla, see below, n. 28.

²⁵ Sid. Ap. Ep. 2. 2. 6; instead there appear on the walls only paucı … versıculı … mınımo ımprobo temperamento, quıa eos nec relegısse desıderıo est nec perlegısse fastıdıo. He goes on to record the absence of the usual rich and multicoloured marbles.

²⁶ Friedlander, P., Johannes von Gaza und Paulus Sılentıarıus, Kunstbeschreıbungen Justınıanıscher Zeıt (Leipzig, 1912/Hildesheim, 1969), 135–224Google Scholar; Krahmer, G., De tabula mundı ab Joanne Gazaeo descrıpta (Diss. Halle 1920)Google Scholar. For the parallels with the Antioch mosaic (below, nn. 161, 162), see Downey, G., in: Antıoch-on-the-Orontes II. The Excavatıons 1933–1936 (ed. Stillwell, R., Princeton 1938), 205–12Google Scholar, who also discusses the problems of the painting's location and possible date, the fact that it is to be seen as a painting (probably in a dome) rather than a mosaic, and the question whether the Christian elements (angels and a cross) which John describes are part of the original painting.

²⁷ The fresco showing the constellations and the zodiac in the caldarıum dome of the baths of the Umayyad pavilion at Quseir ‘Amra may represent a survival of a similar tradition of cosmic decoration: Zayadine, F., Archaeology 31, 1978, 3, 28–9Google Scholar, (and below n. 123); Blazquez, J. M., ArchEsp Arq 54, 1981, 185–90Google Scholar, figs. 28–9, with refs.

²⁸ Manderscheid, H., Die Skulpturenausstattung der kaıserzeıtlıchen Thermenanlagen (Berlin 1981)Google Scholar (hereafter Manderscheid); Marvin, M., ‘Freestanding sculptures from the Baths of Caracalla’, AJA 87, 1983, 347–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gasparri, C., ‘Sculture provenienti dalle Terme di Caracalla e di Diocleziano’, RıvIstArch S. III, 6–7, 1983–1984, 133–50Google Scholar; and cf. also the review of Manderscheid by Donderer, M., Gymnasıum 91, 1984, 275–77Google Scholar.

²⁹ Yegul, F. K., The Bath-Gymnasıum Complex at Sardıs, Archaeologıcal Exploratıon of Sardıs, Report 3 (Cambridge, Mass. 1986)Google Scholar, esp. ch. XII, 133–46, ‘Architectural Ornament’. The inscription: C. Foss, ibid., Appendix no. 8, 171–2, and see below, n. 179. Cf. also the decoration of the Gymnasium Baths at Samos, Martini, W., Das Gymnasıum von Samos, Samos XVI (Bonn 1984)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Among the most important of these studies are Krencker, D., Kruger, E., Dıe Trıerer Kaıserthermen (Augsburg, 1929)Google Scholar, esp. 174–305 (and 320–37 on the ancient sources); Brodner, E., Untersuchungen an der Caracallathermen (Berlin, 1951)Google Scholar; Lézine, A., Archıtecture romaine d'Afrıque (Tunis, 1961), 9–35Google Scholar; Eschebach, H., Die Stabıaner Thermen ın Pompejı (Denkmaler antıker Archıtektur 13, Berlın 1979)Google Scholar. A detailed bibliography for public baths is given by Manderscheid, H., Bıblıographıe zum romıschen Badewesen (Munich, 1988)Google Scholar.

³¹ Brodner, E., Dıe romıschen Thermen und das antıke Badewesen (Darmstadt, 1983)Google Scholar, includes some discussion of the general character of ‘life in the baths’, but is not ıntended as a book for specialists, and lacks references. A more fully documented survey is given by Heinz, W., Romısche Thermen. Badewesen und Badeluxus ım Romıschen Reıch (Munich, 1983)Google Scholar, but it too is aimed in the first place at the general reader, and concentrates principally on the physical evolution of the baths. Grimal, P., Les Jardıns romaıns² (Paris, 1969), 188–94Google Scholar, brings out one aspect of the general character of the baths within his theme of their relationship to gardens. Cf. also RE II, 2 (1896), 2743–58Google Scholar, s.v. Bader (Mau); RAC I (1950), 1134–43Google Scholar, s.v. Bad (I. Juthner); Marquadt-Mau² (1886) I, 269–97.

³² Ginouvès, R., Balaneutıkè. Recherches sur le baın dans l'antıquıtè grecque (Paris, 1962)Google Scholar; a certain number of themes which extend into the Roman period are covered there.

³³ For instance, the relationship between the amphitheatre sodalıtates in North Africa and the baths, for which see below, n. 217.

³⁴ Merten, E., Bader und Badegepflogenheıten ın der Darstellung der Hıstona Augusta (Antıquıtas, Reihe 4, Bd. 16, Bonn 1983)Google Scholar, studies references to baths and bathing in the Historia Augusta, many of which she concludes reflect attitudes to bathing in the authors' own day. Christian attitudes towards bathing, and the part played by baths in Christian life into the Middle Ages, are studied by Zellinger. Among the most important contributions to the study of the general ethos of the baths are the observations by L. Robert on the vocabulary and imagery of the inscriptions and epigrams, used and quoted extensively below, nn. 39, 47–57, 79–82, and especially Hellenıca 4, 1948.

³⁵ Many subjects frequent in the decoration of baths, and clearly relevant to their overall ethos, have had to be omitted for lack of space: the most important probably the representation of athletes and of scenes from the games, and the question of the relationship of the baths to games and the gymnasium. A project for a comprehensive survey of the surface decoration of Roman baths (mosaıc, stucco, and painting) was announced by H. Manderscheid in a paper presented at the 4th International Mosaic Colloquium (Trier, 1984): the scope of such a vast undertaking should allow it to cast light on a great many subjects far beyond the limited range of this article.

³⁶ A few first-century examples, mainly from Pompeii, are quoted also; but the great age of bath building, and therefore also of the decoration of baths, starts with the second century. But literary and epigraphic testimony from the first century A.D. suggests that typical attitudes towards the bath had already taken shape by this time, and indeed some of their elements may be traced back earlier.

³⁷ For these see Manderscheid, 35–8.

³⁸ For the sculpture, cf. Manderscheid, 21–2; Marvin, op. cit. (n. 28), 350–3, 377–8: the greatest emphasis tended to be placed on the frıgıdarium and other areas of meeting and assembly, though technical considerations are in part responsible for this.

³⁹ Anth. Pal. 9. 605–40, 680, 783–4, 814–15; also 16. 280, 281. Several of these were discussed by Rubensohn, M., Berliner Philologische Wochenschrıft 11, 1891Google Scholar, no. 6, 161–4, and 14, 1894, 30/31, 986–7. The fundamental study of the language of the bath-epigrams and inscriptions is that of Robert, L., Hellenıca 4, 1948, 9–10, 75–86, 129–32Google Scholar, to which I owe the majority of the examples that follow.

⁴⁰ Also 9. 609, 609a, 616, 634, 638, 680.

⁴¹ 9. 606, 608, 619, 623, 625, 626, 637.

⁴² 9. 627, 814.

⁴³ 9.611,621,623,624, 784.

⁴⁴ 9. 621, 622; 9. 610, 612, 626, 635.

⁴⁵ 9. 606; 607 δῶκαν … ὓδασιν ἀγλαΐην; 615 πλούσιον ἐν φέγγει λουομένοις; 626; 630 ἀγλαὸν ὕδωρ; 633; 634; 16.281.

⁴⁶ Od. 4.221. The same line is recorded by Iamblichus to have been used as a magical incantation by Empedocles to restore a homicidal youth to his right mind (de vıta Pyth. 25.113 Nauck, quoted by Heim, R., Incantamenta magıca graeca latına (Leipzig, 1892)Google Scholar, 517, no. 155); this suggests that the phrase had become a tag, capable of adaptation to various uses.

⁴⁷ Kaibel, Epıgr. 810; IG XIV, 889, v.9ff.; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 77.

⁴⁸ Kavsa (Thermae Phazemonitarum): Hubert, H., RA 1894, 1, 308–12Google Scholar, with reading corrected by Rubensohn, , Berl. Phıl. Woch. 15, 1895, 12, 380–2, 603–4Google Scholar; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 75–8; for the second inscription, Cumont, F., in: Studıa Pontıca (Brussels, 1910), 41–2Google Scholar, no. 27. Fourth century A.D.

⁴⁹ Moretti, L., ‘Due epigrammi greci inediti di Roma’, RendPontAcc 57, 1986, 233–41Google Scholar; for C. Ceionius Rufıus Volusianus, sıgno Lampadius, praefectus urbı in 365, cf. PLRE I, 978–80.

⁵⁰ Meiggs, R., Roman Ostıa (Oxford, 1960), 475Google Scholar, pl. 38c; J. & L. Robert, Bull. Ep. 1961, no. 854.

⁵¹ von Gerkan, A., Krischen, F., Mılet I, 9 Thermen und Palaestren (Berlin, 1928), 165Google Scholar, no. 339c; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 129. Very end of the third century.

⁵² Prentice, W., Publıcatıons of the Prınceton Unıversıty Archaeologıcal Expedıtıons to Syrıa ın 1904–5 and 1909 III, Greek and Latın Inscrıptıons B, Northern Syrıa (Leiden, 1922), 48–9Google Scholar, no. 918; Jalabert, L., Mouterde, R., Inscrıptıons grecques et latınes de la Syrıe IV (Paris, 1955), 232–3Google Scholar, no. 1685; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 80, 84. The bath is given πάντων πρὸς χάρι[ν].

⁵³ Kaibel, Epıgr. 1071; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 83–6, on the text.

⁵⁴ Rhodopaios as restorer τῶν ληθαργηθισῶν τέρψαιων: CIG 2804, 12–14; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 128–9.

⁵⁵ Von Gerkan, Krischen, op. cit. (n. 51), 168–9, nos. 341, 1.7; 343, 1.8; Robert, op. cit. (n. 39), 81, n. 3; 129.

⁵⁶ AM 29, 1904, 165–7, no. 6, fig. 15; 32, 1907, 365, n. 1 (for the date); AvP I, 1, 1912, 130; Robert, Bull. Ep. 1951, 198, no. 227, 870.

⁵⁷ Mitford, T. B., Nicolaou, I. K., The Greek and Latın Inscrıptıons from Salamıs (Salamıs 6, Nicosia, 1974), 80Google Scholar, no. 51, sixth century; no. 47, late fifth century. Another reference to apolausıs in the baths on a fragmentary inscription of the mid first century A.D. from Chios: Robert, , Études Épıgraphıques et Phılologıques (Paris, 1938), 130Google Scholar, quoting Evangelidis, D., ArchDelt 11, 1927–8Google Scholar, Parartema, 25, no. 6.

⁵⁸ Stager, L. E., Esse, D. L., ‘Ashkelon 1985–6’, Israel Exploratıon Journal 37, 1987, 72Google Scholar; I am grateful to Larry Stager for information about the bath and the inscription.

⁵⁹ Examples in TLL II, s.v. Baia col. 1683–4; add the small baths at Bulla Regia with the inscription Venantıorum Baıae in the mosaic of a pıscına: Beschaouch, A., Hanoune, R., Thébert, Y., Les Ruınes de Bulla Regıa (Rome, 1977), 77Google Scholar, Fig. 74. For a Greek example of the comparison, cf Eunapius on Gadara, quoted below, n. 114.

⁶⁰ See the detailed study of Chalon, M., Devallet, G., Force, P., Griffe, M., Lassère, J-M., Michaud, J-N., ‘Memorabile factum. Une célébration de l'évergétisme des rois vandales dans l'Anthologie latine’, AntAfr. 21, 1985, 207–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially on the poems on the Thermae Alianarum built by Thrasamund (Anth. Lat. 1. 201–5 Shackleton Bailey = Riese 210–14). The suggestion that the poems were originally composed to be inscribed in the buildıng itself, on stone or mosaıc, seems to me very plausible (ibid., 230).

⁶¹ Anth. Lat. 1.99 Shackleton Bailey (= Riese 110). 1, reading blanda in place of Riese's grata; cf. also ILS 596.

⁶² Anth. Lat. 1.109 Shackleton Bailey (= Riese 120). 8; 168 Sh.B. (= Riese 178). 2; and cf. 113 Sh.B. (= Riese 124).

⁶³ Anth. Lat. 1.164 Sh.B. (= Riese 175); 169 Sh.B. (= Riese 179). 6; 345 Sh.B. (= Riese 350). 6; 372 Sh.B. (= Riese 377). 12.

⁶⁴ Anth. Lat. 1.201 Sh.B. (= Riese 210), 7; cf. 203 Sh.B. (= Riese 212), 7; Anth. Lat. 2. 3. 1911 Lommatzsch. 8.

⁶⁵ Anth. Lat. 1.372 Sh.B. (= Riese 377). 17; cf. 108 Sh.B. (= Riese 119). 6.

⁶⁶ Anth. Lat. 1.202 Sh.B. (= Riese 211) and 203 Sh.B. (= Riese 212).

⁶⁷ CIL VIII 25362 = ILS 8960.

⁶⁸ For possible explanations for this absence from the Vandal epigrams, cf. Chalon et al., op. cit. (n. 60), 234, n. 5, stressing the contrast with the language of the Anthologıa Palatına. But note that the images of Venus, the Graces, etc., do appear at least as frequently in the decoration of baths in the west as in the east.

⁶⁹ E.g. Anth. Lat. 1. 203 Sh.B. (= Riese 212). 6; 205 Sh.B. (= Riese 214). 1; 372 Sh.B. (= Riese 377). 13; 2.864 Bucheler; ILS 5732a.

⁷⁰ E.g. Anth. Lat. 1.201 Sh.B. (= Riese 210). 11; 203 Sh.B. (= Riese 212). 3; CIL VIII, 25632; also in Ausonius, Mosella 338–40

⁷¹ Cf. also Stat., Sılv. 2.2. 17–20, on the baths of the Sorrentine villa of Pollius Felix: gratıa prıma locı, gemına testudıne fumant/balnea, et e terrıs occurrıt dulcıs amaro / Nympha marı. levıs hıc Phorcı chorus udaque erınes / Cymodoce vırıdısque cupıt Galatea lavarı.

⁷² Hirschfeld, Y., Solar, G., ‘The Roman Thermae at Hammat Gader: preliminary report of three seasons of excavations’, IEJ 31, 1981, 197–219Google Scholar; Green, J., Tsafrir, Y., ‘Greek Inscriptions from Ḥammat Gader: a poem by the Empress Eudocia and two building inscriptions’, IEJ 32, 1982, 77–96Google Scholar.

⁷³ Op. cit. (n. 72), 86.

⁷⁴ E.g. ILS 5693, from Liternum: balneum Veneris; ILS 5723, balneum Venerium, in the praedia of Julia Felix at Pompeii; ILS 8518, from Rome, balneum Martis; Ausonius, Urb. 7.7, Herculian Baths at Milan; ILS 5691, thermas Herculis at Allifae; and the bath of Apollo at Lugdunum, cited in n. 11 above.

⁷⁵ H. Lewy, Philologus 52, 1894, 569–71; cf. below, n. 169.

⁷⁶ Eunapius, Vit. Soph. 5 (Iamblichus). 2. 2–6 Giangrande.

⁷⁷ Albertini, BAC 1928–9, 94, who suggests that it refers to a vision of the nymphs in a dream.

⁷⁸ Anth. Lat. 1.208 Shackleton Bailey (= Riese 119). 5–8.

⁷⁹ Gough, M., JHS 74, 1954, 179–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; SEG XIV, 1957, 191, no. 818; J. & L. Robert, Bull. Ep. 1955, no. 234.

⁸⁰ Butler, H., Prentice, W., RA 1901, II, 62–76Google Scholar, pl. XII, Butler, H., Publıcatıons of the Prınceton Unıversıty Archaeologıcal Expedıtıons to Syrıa ın 1904–5 and 1909 II, Archıtecture B (Leiden, 1920), 118–23Google Scholar; for the meaning of 1.2, Robert, Hellenıca 4, 1948, 81.

⁸¹ Russell, J., TurkArkDerg 22, 2 1975, 125–6Google Scholar, figs. 14–15; id., XVI Int. Byzantınıstenkongress. Wıen 1981, Akten II, 3 = JbÖstByz 32/3, 1982, 544: my thanks to Professor Russell for showing me an advance copy of this communication. For the role of phthonos here, see below, n. 180.

⁸² J. Crowfoot PEFQ 1929, 16, pl. IV (non vıdı); Avi-Yonah, M., QDAP 2, 1932, 175Google Scholar, no. 146; SEG VIII, 1937, 26Google Scholar, no. 172; cf. Robert, Bull. Ep. 1976, under no. 751. The full text is: σύ με ἀνανέωσας, ψηφίδι κοσμήσας· ἐν ὑγίᾳ λουσάμενος, ἀπολαύσιας το̃ν σῶν κτι(σμάτων), κύρ(ιε) κόμ(ης) Εὐγένιε, με(τὰ) το̃ν σε(αυτοῦ).

⁸³ Lux, U., ‘Der Mosaikfussboden eines spatantiken Bades in umm qes’, ZDPV 82, 1966, 64–70Google Scholar; S. Mittmann, ibid., 71–3, pl. 3, Ύγίαν Ἡρακλείδῃ τῷ κτίστῃ κὲ τοῖς λουομένοις πᾶσι and Υγείαν τῷ κτίστῃ κὲ τοῖς λουομένοις. For Ktıstes as a general title for benefactors and donors of buildings, see most recently Weiss, P., Wurz. Jahrbucher N.F. 10, 1984, 187Google Scholar, and Leschhorn, W., ‘Grunder der Stadt’ (Stuttgart, 1984), 4–5Google Scholar, esp. n. 13.

⁸⁴ Mitford, T. B., The Inscriptions of Kourion (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 83, Philadelphia, 1971), 352Google Scholar, no. 201.

⁸⁵ Mitford, ibid., 352–8, nos. 202–4; the date is not before A.D. 364. Mitford's detailed readings and restorations are controversial, especially those of no. 204: cf. Bagnall, R. and Drew-Bear, T., Phoenix 27, 1973, 238–42Google Scholar; Peek, W., ZPE 23, 97–8Google Scholar; but the general sense is not affected. The exact details of the reference to Phoebus are obscure, but the context is clearly his former presence in Kourion.

⁸⁶ Beschaouch, A., ‘Échec à l'Envieux, d'après une inscription métrique découverte dans des thermes à Sullecthum en Tunisie’, RendLinc 23, 1968, 59–68Google Scholar; cf. below, n. 181 for the rest of the inscription.

⁸⁷ Below, nn. 181–9.

⁸⁸ CIL VIII, 25425; Inv. Tun. 936; Dunbabin, K., The Mosaics of Roman North Africa (Oxford, 1978Google Scholar: hereafter MRNA) 129, pl. 125.

⁸⁹ The interpretation as a representation of the actual baths is accepted by Sarnowski, T., Les Représentations de villas sur les mosaiques africaines tardives (Wroclaw, 1978), 80Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ The wishes καλῶς ἐλούσω, καλῶς σοι ἔσται and καλῶς ἐλούσω, κύριε with the Latin translations bene lavasti and salvum lotum, are given at the end of a visit to the baths in the Colloquia Monacensia 10 and Colloquium Montepessulanum 16, both in Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum ed. Goetz, G. III (Leipzig, 1892: repr. Amsterdam, 1965), 652, 658Google Scholar; and a list of bathing greetings in the document published by Dionisotti, A., ‘From Ausonius' Schooldays?’, JRS 72, 1982, 63 (p. 103)Google Scholar. See also below, nn. 234–5.

⁹¹ J. Russell, Anatolıan Studıes 24, 1974, 95–102, with discussion and list of references; id., The Mosaıc Inscrıptıons of Anemurıum (Erganzungsbande zu den Tıtulı Asıae Mınoıs 13, Vienna 1987), 28–34, nos. 3–4.

⁹² Clédat, J., Annales du Servıce des Antıquıtés de l'Égypte 15, 1915, 31–32Google Scholar.

⁹³ Mitford, T., Op Arch 6, 1950, 46Google Scholar, no. 24, fig. 26: a greeting for those who love the sea, or an advertisement, Philothalassos gives a good bath? Cf. also below, nn. 99 and 235, for related expressions at H. Taxiarchis near Argos, and Chanıa.

⁹⁴ For salvum lotum shouted by the crowd at Saturus after he had been bitten by a leopard in Passıo Perpetuae 21, see L. Robert, CRAI 1982, 237, n. 39.

⁹⁵ R. Cagnat, BAC 1916, clxvii–clxx; Warot, S., Lıbyca: Archéologıe Épıgraphıe 8, 2, 1960, 167–72Google Scholar. Timgad: Germain, S., Les Mosaıques de Tımgad (Paris, 1969Google Scholar: hereafter Germain, Tımgad) 77, no. 96, pl. XXXIII; ibid. 116, no. 175, pl. LVIII, and below, n. 234. Sidi Bou Ali: below, nn. 217–218. Sétıf (Khalfoun): CIL VIII, 8424; the text is read by Cagnat, op. cit. clxviii and Warot, op. cit. 170, as Bene laves oze ( = hodie) a(ssem) des; eras gratıs. Res tuta. and salvu(m) lavıs(s)e bono (eıus) q(u)ı fıerı ıus(s)ıt ex s[ua pecunıa?]. Ouled Agla: Cagnat, BAC 1925, clxxxi, in the frıgıdarıum, bene lavare and salvum lavısse. Sabratha, accompanying representatıons of bath equıpment: below, n. 233. En-Ngıla: Bartoccini, R., AfrIt 2, 1928–1929, 101–3Google Scholar, figs. 33–4. Lambaesis: Inv.Alg 196.

⁹⁶ CIL V, 4500, reads as = perıpsema sume, referring to Stephanus, Thesaurus s.v. περίψημα, for a possible meaning of the word as an instrument for scrubbing oneself, as well as the dirt thus removed. However ILS 5725 equates it with περίψημα σου, attested as an acclamation at Alexandria in Euseb., Hıst. Eccl. 7. 22. 7 (see Bardy, G. ad loc., Sources chrétıennes 41 [1955]Google Scholar; cf. other references for the phrase as equivalent to ‘your humble servant’ in LSJ, s.v.

⁹⁷ Boeselager, D. von, Antıke Mosaıken ın Sızılıen (Rome, 1983), 203Google Scholar, no. 8; Libertini, G., Il Museo Bıscarı (Rome, 1930), 309Google Scholar, n. 1515, pl. CXXXV; supposedly found in the Terme Achelliane. The wish is used in a wide variety of contexts: some African parallels in AntAfr 21, 1985, 224Google Scholar, n. 1; other references, and some Greek equivalents (εủτυχῶς χρῶ etc.) collected by Balty, J., in: Apamée de Syrıe. Bılan des recherches archéologıques 1969–1971 (Fouılles d'Apamée de Syrıe. Mıscellanea 7, Brussels, 1972), 180Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Levi, D., Antıoch Mosaıc Pavements (Princeton, 1947Google Scholar: hereafter Levi, AMP), 304–6, pl. LXVIId; for the building, Stillwell, R., Antioch-on-the-Orontes. The Excavatıons 1937–1939 III (Princeton, 1941), 19–23Google Scholar, plan V, p. 258; and 183, no. 124, pl. 58. For a discussion of the personification cf. Downey, G., ‘Personifications of Abstract Ideas in the Antioch Mosaics’, TAPA 69, 1938, 359Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Akerstrom-Hougen, G., The Calendar and Huntıng Mosaıcs of the Vılla of the Falconer ın Argos (Acta Instıtutı Athenıensıs Regnı Suecıae 4° 23, Stockholm, 1974), 127–30Google Scholar, pls. X–XII; Marcovich, M., ZPE 20, 1976, 44Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Mosaic on Antiquities Market, London 1969, illustrated in J. Ch. Balty, art. ‘Apolausis’, LIMC II, 1 (1984), 182, Apolausis 3.

¹⁰¹ Levi, AMP, 304–6, pl. LXVIII; Stillwell, op. cit. (n. 98), 182, no. 122; Downey, op. cit. (n. 98), 359.

¹⁰² Above, nn. 63, 94; cf. below, p. 14, for a possible further emphasis in the wish for safety. The glossaries give both ὑϒεία and σωτηρία as equivalents for salus: cf. Goetz, Corp. Glos. Lat. VII (1901), 227.

¹⁰³ Levi, AMP, 286, pl. LXVd; see below, n. 122, for the rest of the pavement.

¹⁰⁴ Inv. Alg. 20; A. Ballu, BAC 1906, 187–8, fig. 1; Blanchard, M., BullAIEMA 8, 1980, 50–1Google Scholar, with fig.

¹⁰⁵ Blanchard argues against the opinion of De Pachtère, that the form is a barbarism for εὐφροσύνη, and sees it instead as merely a compound of φρόνησιϛ signifying either ‘prudence, sagesse’ or ‘bienveillance’. The word is indeed a hapax; a reference to it in Aquila's translation of Psalm 77 (78), 82, given in Stephanus TGL s.v., is based on an emendation; the word does not appear in Reider, J., An Index to Aquila (suppl. to Vetus Testamentum XII, Leiden, 1966Google Scholar). But in fact it is derived from εὔφρων, ‘cheerful, merry’, and coined as a doublet of εὐφροσύνη. Several similar doublets exist, for instance ἀφρονησιϛ and ἀφροσύνη; also παρα-, περι- συμ-, φιλο-, and ὑπερ-.

¹⁰⁶ Mitford, op. cit. (n. 84), 358, no. 205; Nicolaou, K., Ancıent Monuments of Cyprus (Nicosia 1968), 32Google Scholar, pl. XLVII; Pelekanidis, St., Corpus Mosaıcorum Chrıstıanorum Vetustıorum Pavımentorum Graecorum I, Graecıa Insularıs (Thessalonica, 1974), 143–4, no. 136Google Scholar, pl. 129; the mosaic inscriptions from the building (above, nn. 84, 85) are also illustrated ibid., pls. 127–28. Personifications of Ktisis, frequently accompanied by other appropriate qualities, occur at Antioch, in domestic contexts (Levi, AMP 248, 347, 350(?), 357); and in a group of Christian mosaics in Cyrenaica (E. Alfoldi-Rosenbaum, Perkins, J Ward, Justinianic Mosaic Pavements in Cyrenauan Churches [Rome, 1980], 34, 40Google Scholar).

¹⁰⁷ For the Charites in general, and the background of the famous three-figure group in partıcular, cf Lullıes, R, Mdl 1, 1948, 45–52Google Scholar, pls. 6–8, Schwarzenberg, E, Die Grazıen (Bonn, 1966), esp 39–42Google Scholar, Balıl, A, ArchEspArq 31, 1958, 63–95Google Scholar, Deonna, W, RA 31, 1930, 274–332Google Scholar, Becattı, G, BullComm 65, 1937, 41–60Google Scholar, full list of references most recently in Trıllmıch, W, JdI 98, 1983, 311–49Google ScholarCharıs occurs with Akme and [?Kai]ros on a mosaıc from Byblos, unfortunately without provenance M Chehab, CMGR II, 371–2, pl CLXXVII, 2, Moreno, P, ın Rıcerche dı Pıttura Ellenıstua (Quadernı deı Dıaloghı dı Archeologıa 1, Rome, 1985), 255Google Scholar, who argues that the orıgınal was a paıntıng of Apelles

¹⁰⁸ Budde, L, Antıke Mosaıken ın Kılıkıen I (Recklınghausen, 1969), 95–8Google Scholar, pl 166, II (1972), 101 4, pls 101–3, with comparatıve materıal from other mosaıcs and paıntıngs of the Graces, figs 224–29 The text of the ınscrıptıon runs

Cf J & L Robert, Bull Ep 1974, no 612 ?last quarter of fourth century

¹⁰⁹ Zovatto, P, Mosaıcı Paleocrıstıanı delle Venezıe (Udıne, 1963), 50Google Scholar, fig 46, Brusın, G, Zovatto, P, Monumentı romanı e crıstıanı dı Iulıa Concordıa (Pordenone, 1962), 50, fig 65Google Scholar For the location see da Vılla, P Croce, ‘Scoperte recentı a Concordıa’, in Studı su Portogruaro e Concordıa (Antıchıta Altoadrıatıche 25, Udıne, 1984), 44–5Google Scholar, descrıbıng the recent excavations of the baths, the mosaic, an earlier chance find, was at no great distance from them The connection, however, ıs hypothetıcal

¹¹⁰ Refs ın works cıted ın n 107 Thus the mosaıc of the Graces from Barcelona has often been supposed to come from a dependency of the nearby baths, but there is no evidence for this cf X Barral Altet, I, Les Mosaıques romaınes et medıevales de la Regıo Laıetana (Barcelona, 1978), 44–7Google Scholar, no 8, with earlıer refs Sımılarly a mosaıc from Hypatı ın Greece Rozakı, S, AAA XVI, 1983, 132–142Google Scholar, who suggests that it may come from the baths of a Roman vılla, although there is no archaeological evidence available for the nature of the building An unpublished mosaic of the Graces from Sabratha is illustrated in Toynbee, J, Art ın Roman Brıtaın (London, 1962), 205, fig 259Google Scholar, Phılıp Kenrıck tells me that he has been able to establish that it too came from a house (information kindly given by letter)

¹¹¹ Inv Alg 420, descrıbed as ‘dans la pıscıne des thermes d'une villa romaine', but Ph Leveau ıdentıfıes thıs room as a vestıbule, wıth apsıdal nymphaeum at the end, giving access to the trıple-apsed room that he ınterprets as a banquetıng-room (AntAfr 18, 1982, 112Google Scholar, fıg 2, 159, 162) Trıllmich, op cit (n 107), 345, poınts out that precısely in these mosaics of the Graces we find the greatest number of varıatıons from the orıgınal group, and thınks that the ıntentıon ıs to emphasise ın very secular manner the attrıbutes of femınıne beauty, human rather than dıvıne

¹¹² Manderscheid, 103, nos. 285, 286, pls. 36, 37, with refs.

¹¹³ Kraeling, C. H., Ptolemaıs. Cıty of the Lıbyan Pentapolıs (Chicago, 1962), 163, 194–5Google Scholar, no 8; a date ‘any time between the Flavian and early Antonine period’ is suggested, but it was re-used (together with other statues) in the Baths of the Byzantine period.

¹¹⁴ Eunapius, , Vit.Soph. 5. 2. 2Google Scholar Giangrande. The coins are quoted by Meshorer, Y., IEJ 29, 1979, 221–2Google Scholar, discussing a ring from Gadara showing the Graces under a ‘temple front’ perhaps more likely also to refer to baths, as on the coins of Prusa, n. 116 below.

¹¹⁵ Kindler, A., The Coıns of Tıberıas (Tiberias, 1961), 37Google Scholar; 55, no. 3 (Trajan); 61, no. 16 (Commodus): on both water flows from beneath the rock on which Hygieia is seated. For the baths at Tiberias and at Gadara, see Dechent, H., ‘Heilbader und Badleben in Palastına’, ZDPV 7, 1884, 173–210Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, F., Revue suısse de numısmatıque 23, 1923, 266Google Scholar, no. 231 (bronze of Julia Mamaea, with two nymphs holding urns in front of a tetrastyle facade); Robert, L., Hellenıca 2, 1946, 94–102Google Scholar, also discussing epigrams mentioning the nymphs of Prusa, (AP 9. 676Google Scholar, and Peek, W., AM 66, 1941, 60–1Google Scholar, no. 9). For further allusions to famous baths or springs on coins, cf. Bernhard, O., ‘Über Badewesen und Hygienisches auf griechischen und romıschen Munzen’, Schweız.Num.Rundschau 24, 1928, 331–58Google Scholar; and for Nymphs and Charites on coins in general, Imhoof-Blumer, F., Nymphen und Charıten auf grıechischen Munzen (Athens, 1908Google Scholar). Individual nymphs had of course been used on coins from a very early date to refer to the possession of famous springs, for instance by Syracuse (ibid. 47–55), Corinth (86–89), and many other cities.

¹¹⁷ On the iconography of the Nymphs in sculpture, cf. Becatti, G., Ninfe e dıvınıtà marıne. Rıcerche mıtologıche, ıconografıche e stılıstıche (Studi Miscellaneı 17, 1970–1971), esp. 51, 58Google Scholar, for their use in contexts associated with water. Cf. also Manderscheid, 30–1. For actual fountain-figures, cf. Kapossy, B., Brunnenfiguren der hellentıstıschen und romıschen Zeıt (Zurich, 1969), 12–19Google Scholar. For painted nymphs imitating statues, cf. Stabian Baths, Pompeii: Grımal, P., Les Jardıns romaıns ² (Parıs, 1969), 194Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Sabratha, Terme a Mare: Aurigemma, S., L'Italıa ın Afrıca. Le scoperte archeologıche. Trıpolıtanıa, I, I monumentı d'arte decoratıva. Parte I, I mosaıcı (Rome, 1960Google Scholar: hereafter Aurıgemma, , Trıpolıtanıa) II, 24Google Scholar, pl. 8. Lepcis Magna, Villa del Nilo. Guidi, G., AfrIt 5, 1933, 19–26, fig. 10Google Scholar; Aurigemma, , Trıpolıtanıa, XVIII, 48, pls. 91–3Google Scholar. For the rest of the pavement, see below, n. 157.

¹¹⁹ V. Karageorghis, RDAC 1966, 14–15, pls. VII–VIII, id., Salamıs in Cyprus (Norwich, 1969), 185–8. For arguments that the mosaic niche identified by Karageorghis as the Slaying of the Niobids in fact also represents the Rape of Hylas, see Lancha, J., ‘L' Iconographie d'Hylas dans les mosaiques romaines’, III Colloquıo Internazıonale sul Mosaıco Antıco, Ravenna 1980 (1983. hereafter Coll. Ravenna), II, 381–2Google Scholar, fig. 1.

¹²⁰ Ling, R., ‘Hylas in Pompeıan Art’, MEFRA 91, 1979, 780–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 6–8; further examples of the theme are listed 773–816, and see 802 for discussıon of examples formıng part of ‘aquatıc ensembles’.

¹²¹ Inv. Tun. 18, A7; P. Gauckler, CMA suppl. (1910), 27, no. 299, pl. XVIII, 2; Massigli, R., Musée de Sfax (Paris, 1912), 5Google Scholar, no. 9, pl. VI, 2; MRNA 273; Lancha, op. cit. (n. 119), 382, 385.

¹²² Levi, AMP, 285–9, pl. LXV, b–c; above, n. 103.

¹²³ Zayadine, F., Archaeology 31, 1978, 3, 28–9Google Scholar; id., in: Iconographıe classıque et ıdentıtés régınales, BCH suppl. XIV, 1986, 426–7, and comment of J. Dentzer, ibid. 429; Blazquez, J. M., ArchEspArq 56, 1983, 188–91, figs. 24–30Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Germain, Tımgad, 77, no. 96, pls. XXXIII–XXXIV; there are of course also Dionysiac associations.

¹²⁵ Balty, J., Mosaıques antıques de Syrıe (Brussels, 1977), 16–18Google Scholar, nos 3–4, mosaic from Shahba Philippopolis, of the mid third century, without specific provenance; R. Hinks, BM Paıntıngs and Mosaıcs (1933), 131, no. 52a, fig. 150, from a villa at Halicarnassus. A mosaic of the Toilet of Aphrodite, with the inscription ἐπ ἀϒαθῖϛ above, was found in a villa at Alassa in Cyprus, but not in the baths: Karageorghıs, V., BCH 109, 1985, 932Google Scholar, Fig. 89 (I am grateful to Mr. S. Hadjisavvas for information about this mosaic).

¹²⁶ For the theme in general, see Lassus, J., ‘Vénus marine’, CMGR I, 175–92Google Scholar; MRNA, 154–8. Sétif, Petits thermes du Nord-Ouest: Février, P-A., Gaspary, A., Guéry, R., Fouılles de Sétıf (1959–1966). Quartıer Nord-Ouest, rempart et cırque (BAAlg suppl. 1, 1970), 50–9Google Scholar, late fourth-early fifth century. Tebessa. Inv.Alg. 2. Thina, frıgıdarıum of Great Baths (along with many other aquatic subjects): Inv.Tun. 18, C. Sidi Ghrib: see below, nn. 152–6.

¹²⁷ Mielsch, H., RM 82, 1975, 129–32Google Scholar, pl. 24, recognising Venus, with another female figure and Erotes, in the apse from an old photograph: the details are no longer clear on the drawing published by Becatti, G., Scavi di Ostia IV: Mosaici e pavimenti marmorei (Rome, 1961Google Scholar: hereafter Becatti, Ostia IV) 111, no. 210, fig. 45.

¹²⁸ Inv.Tun.l, A.3; CMA suppl. A. 300–1 bis, pl. XIX.

¹²⁹ Inv. Tun. suppl. 929c; Dulière, C., CMT 1,2Google Scholar, Utique. Les Mosaiques in situ en dehors des Insulae I-II-III (Tunis, 1974), 50–8Google Scholar, nos. 205, 206, pls. XXXIII-XXXVI; for the building, ibid. 41–3, and Lézine, A., Utique (Tunis, 1970), 45Google Scholar: ‘un établissement de bains privé’. Probably end second to early third century. See below, nn. 149–51.

¹³⁰ Joyce, H., The Decoration of Walls, Ceilings and Floors in Italy in the second and third centuries A.D. (Rome, 1981), 58, Figs. 61, 62Google Scholar; the ‘Europa’ from the Terme del Faro seems in fact to be a Nereid on a sea-bull.

¹³¹ Barbier, E., ‘La signification du cortège représenté sur le couvercle du coffret de “Projecta”’, CahArch 12, 1962, 7–33Google Scholar; Shelton, K., The Esquiline Treasure (London, 1981), 26–8, 72–5Google Scholar, no. 1, 78, no. 3. Barbier's identification of the scenes on the casket as related to the bath has been widely accepted, but is questioned by Schneider, L., Die Domäne als Weltbild (Wiesbaden, 1983), 16–27Google Scholar; and by Will, E., ‘A propos du coffret de Projecta.’ in Mosaïque. Recueil d'hommages à Henri Stern (Paris, 1983), 346Google Scholar, n. 6.

¹³² Cf. also above, n. 74, and below, n. 169.

¹³³ Manderscheid, 32–3: e.g. ‘Denn ein direkter Bezug der Göttin zu den Bädern fehlt in dem Masse, wie er bei den Gottheiten des Wassers und den Heilgöttern festzustellen war’ (32); ‘auch der immer wieder hergestellte erotische Bezug Venus/Amor-Thermen (d.h. die Thermen als Orte des Vergnügens, auch dieser Art) ist zu vordergründig und entbehrt der gesicherten Grundlagen’ (61, n. 344).

¹³⁴ Manderscheid 33.

¹³⁵ That draped Venuses occur sometımes ın sculpture, as well as the common nude and bathıng types, seems to me to be ascrıbable to the desıre to reproduce well-known ımages of the goddess, and not to be a proof that the statues must have a sıgnıfıcance more serıous than the mere ‘decoratıve’ allusıon to bathıng, as argued by Manderscheıd 61, n 350

¹³⁶ Only a selection from the many examples of the marıne thıasos on mosaıcs from baths can be gıven here, exemplı causa In Italy, the subject ıs found ın the upper gallerıes of the Baths of Caracalla L Fabbrını, ın Coll Ravenna, I, 51–60, at Ostıa, ın the Terme dı Nettuno (nuptıal cortege of Amphıtrıte, Trıumph of Neptune at the centre of an exultant processıon of followers, Scylla among Nereıds, Trıtons, Erotes) Becattı, , Ostıa IV, 47–51Google Scholar, nos 69–71, Terme dı Butıcosus ıbid, 30, no 52, Terme deı Sette Sapıentı, Rm D ıbid 138, no 271, Terme della Trınacrıa, Rm B ıbid 140, no 276, Terme Reg V, V, 2 ıbid 220–1, nos 413–15, etc Elsewhere ın Italy, at Otrıcolı Picard, G, in Coll Ravenna, I, 35–8Google Scholar, and Pietrangelı, C, RendPontAcc 19, 1944, 58–63Google Scholar, Supıno (two female swımmers appear at the top of the pavement, above a Trıton, sea-monster, etc are these Nereıds or human bathers?) W von Sydow, AA 1976, 376, fig 33, Aquıleıa, Great Baths (charıot of Neptune (?) surrounded by panels with named Nereıds reclınıng on Trıtons) G Brusın, NSc 1923, 224–31, Piazza Armerina, central pavement of frıgıdarıum A Carandını, A Rıccı, M de Vos, , Fılosofıana The Vılla of Pıazza Armerına (Palermo, 1982Google Scholar hereafter Carandını, Fılosofıana), 343–7, 356–8, Rm 4ı In Gaul, Saınt-Rustıce (named Nereıds, and Trıtons, ) Inv Gaule I, 376Google Scholar In Afrıca, Acholla, Baths of Trajan, frıgıdarıum (with Trıumph of Dıonysus, busts of Seasons etc ) Pıcard, G Ch, Etudes d'Archéologıe classıque 2, 1959, 81–2Google Scholar, Acholla, Baths of Marıne Thıasos Pıcard, , AntAfr 2, 1968, 135–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Tagıura, Vılla della ‘Gara delle Nereıdı’, Rm 15 of bath complex A dı Vıta, , La Vılla della ‘Gara delle Nereıdı’ presso Tagıura (suppl to Lıbya Antıqua 2, 1966), 31–6Google Scholar, pl VII (but note marıne themes also ın non-bathıng rooms 6 & 45), Bordj-el-Ksar (wıth Scylla at centre) Inv Alg 246, and marıne thıasos accompanyıng Venus at Tébessa, above, n 126 Greece Isthmıa P Packard, Hesperıa 49, 1980, 326–46, Olympıa, Kronıon Baths Graef, P, ın Olympıa II (Berlın, 1892), 180–3Google Scholar, fig a, pls 106–7, ArchDelt 22, B 1, 1967, pl 148a Syrıa, Antıoch, Bath E below nn 161–2 For Nereıds, sea-monsters, etc, ın sculpture see Manderscheıd, 30–1

¹³⁷ Neptune alone ın (eg ) the frıgıdarıum of the Grands Thermes de l'Est at Tımgad Germaın, Tımgad 33, no 27, pl XIV Probably the charıot of Poseıdon at the centre of dolphıns and sea-monsters ın the Alpheus Baths at Olympıa Kunze, E, ArchDelt 18, B 1, 1963, 110, pl 147Google Scholar; Waywell, S, AJA 83, 1979, 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 34, 313, pl. 49 Figs. 29–30. Tethys in the octagonal pool in Bath F at Antioch: Levi, AMP 258, pl. LXIIa; Stillwell, R., in: Antioch-on-the-Orontes III, 8–9Google Scholar; at Anazarbus: Budde, L., Antike Mosaiken in Kilikien II (Recklinghausen, 1972), 84–6Google Scholar, pls. 82–7; and (exceptionally in the West), at Venosa in Italy: Fabbricotti, E., Atti e Memorie Magna Graecia 15–17, 1974–1976, 207–18Google Scholar, pls. XCII–XCV (with a list of other monuments where Tethys appears).

¹³⁸ For the theme in general, cf. Lattimore, S., The Marine Thiasos in Greek Sculpture (Los Angeles, 1976Google Scholar); Levi, AMP 100–4; Rumpf, A., Die Meerwesen auf den antiken Sarkophagreliefs (ASR V, 1, Berlin, 1939), 108–40Google Scholar. The controversy over the significance of the theme on sarcophagi (refs. in Lattimore, op. cit. 13–14, nn. 13–16) should not, I am certain, be transferred to its use in the very different context of the baths. Nor is it necessary to suppose that such Dionysiac emblems must be a sign that the baths were the seat of a Dionysiac cult association (cf. Picard, , AntAfr 2, 1968, 150–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

¹³⁹ Themetra: Foucher, L., Thermes romains des environs d'Hadrumète (Institut National d'Archéologie et Arts, Tunis, Notes et Documents n.s. 1, 1958Google Scholar: hereafter Foucher, Thermes romains), 22–5, pl. IX: a splendid head at the centre of fish, boats, and coastal buildings. Ostia, Terme Marittime: Becatti, , Ostia IV, 112–13Google Scholar, nos. 211, 212, pls. CXLV–VI. Saint-Rustice: above, n. 136. Bad Vilbel: Parlasca, K., Die römischen Mosaiken in Deutschland (Berlin, 1959), 93–4Google Scholar, pl. 93 (the pavement was constructed in such a way that water could flow over the marine scene, so that the figures seem literally to live in the watery element). Timgad, Thermes du Marché de Sertius, in a piscina: Germain, Timgad, 98, no. 136, pl. XLIII. Lixus: Ponsich, M., Bulletin d'Archéologie Marocaine 6, 1966, 323–8Google Scholar. At Cherchel, a head of Ocean was isolated at the entrance to the room in front of the mosaic with the Graces (above, n. 111): it is not now certain that this was part of a bath-complex.

¹⁴⁰ Vostchinina, A., CMGR I, 319–21Google Scholar, figs. 6–8.

¹⁴¹ Above, n. 72: Green, and Tsafrir, , IEJ 32, 1982, 79Google Scholar, 11. 4–6: ἀλλά σε μᾶλλο(ν) ⁄ ὠκεανὸν πυρόεντα νέον θέμιϛ ἐστὶ καλεῖσθαι, ⁄ Παιάνα καὶ ενέτην ϒλυκερῶν δοτῆρα ῥεέθρων, with commentary, ibid., 85–6.

¹⁴² Rome: SHA Alex. Severus 25.5; cf. Castagnoli, F., BullCom 91, 1, 1986, 101–2Google Scholar. Antioch: Malalas, , Chron. 11, p. 282Google Scholar Dindorf; 12, p. 302 Dindorf.

¹⁴³ Ibrahim, L., Scranton, R., Brill, R., Kenchreaı, Eastern Port of Corınth II, The Panels of Opus Sectıle ın Glass (Leiden, 1976), no. 22, 106–7Google Scholar, Drawing XXI, figs. 116, 188, with parallels quoted 111–14.

¹⁴⁴ Peterson, E., ‘Die Bedeutung der ὠκεανέ—Akklamation’, RhM 78, 1929, 221–3Google Scholar, with refs. to four papyrus texts containing the acclamation, and to Chrysostom., Joh., De ınanı glorıa 4Google Scholar (Malingrey). Another possible example on a fragmentary inscription from Corinth: Martin, T., Hesperıa 46, 1977, 198, no. 12Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ For a possible apotropaic or protective significance of Oceanus-representations, which would relate them to the problems and concepts discussed in the second part of this paper, see MRNA 149–54. For the general iconography of Ocean, see Voute, P., MEFRA 84, 1972, 1, 639–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Cf. Kapossy, op. cit. (n. 117), 23–6.

¹⁴⁷ Ghallineh: Balty, Mosaıques antıques de Syrıe (1977), 14, no. 2. Antioch, Bath E· below, n. 161.

¹⁴⁸ V. Karageorghis, RDAC 1966, 14–15, pl. VI, 2; id., Salamıs ın Cyprus (1969), 188, pl XVII; statues: id., with C. Vermeule, Sculptures from Salamıs I (Nicosia, 1964), 33, nos. 27, 28, pl. XXXI.

¹⁴⁹ Above, n. 129.

¹⁵⁰ For the ship of Venus, compare also the mosaic of the Navigium Veneris from Volubilis, where the ship is rowed by the Three Graces, and escorted by Tritons and Nereids: R. Rebuffat, RA 1977, 37–52. A second very similar fragment from Utica with Venus in a boat is in the Louvre: Baratte, F., Catalogue des mosaiques romaines et paléochrétiennes du musée du Louvre (Paris, 1978), 51–2Google Scholar, no. 14. Baratte suggests here that the three figures on the larger Utica pavement may show the theme of the Navigium Veneris three times repeated.

¹⁵¹ Above, n. 129; the description quoted in Dulière, op. cit., 58, no. 206, from Salomonson, J. W., Mosaiques romaines de Tunisie (Brussels, 1964)Google Scholar, no. 36, is inaccurate.

¹⁵² Ennabli, A., ‘Les thermes du thiase marin de Sidi Ghrib (Tunisie)’, Mon. Piot 68, 1986, 1–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The baths are presumed to have been attached to a villa, although the (hurried) excavations did not reveal it. Ceramic evidence provides a terminus post quem of the late fourth-early fifth century (55–6), a date with which the mosaics conform very well.

¹⁵³ Ennabli, A., in Mythologie gréco-romaıne, mythologies périphériques (ed. Kahil, L., Augé, C., Paris, 1981), 53–5Google Scholar, pl. I.

¹⁵⁴ These four panels (nos. 9, 10, 13, 14), which repeat two figures almost identically, are the most original of the complex. Although they recall elements of seasonal iconography, the repetition shows that they are not the Seasons.

¹⁵⁵ Nos. 5 and 6. I am inclined to see the dominus in no. 6 as also bound for the baths, followed by a servant with the wood and bucket of coals for heating the water, rather than identifying it as a scene of departure for the hunt (Ennabli, op. cit. (n. 152), 45).

¹⁵⁶ The text runs plus fecı quam potuı mınus quam voluı sı placet commune est si dısplıcet nostrum est he sunt trıa verva catu sedes ebrıa: see L. Ennabli, ibid., 56–7, with a translation suggested for the last line ‘encore “trois mots”: pour l'homme avisé, c'est un séjour plein de charme’. The half-deprecatory assertion of achievement and the sı....sı.... formula recall several of the inscriptions cited in the next section (below, nn. 185–6); the final words I suspect of being intended to have a specific ‘point’, perhaps a riddling allusion which escapes us now.

¹⁵⁷ Guidi, G., AfrIt 5, 1933, 1–56Google Scholar; Aurigemma, , Trıpolıtanıa 45–9, XVIIIGoogle Scholar, pls. 83–97; Guidi calls the room a tepıdarıum (3), but there is no evidence for heating.

¹⁵⁸ Above, n. 118.

¹⁵⁹ Cf. above, n. 144.

¹⁶⁰ E.g. above, n. 84.

¹⁶¹ Levi, AMP, 263–73, Fig. 100, pls. LXIIb–LXIII, CLXIIIb–CLXV; coins give a late Tetrarchic termınus post quem.

¹⁶² For a discussion of the central mosaic, and of the many parallels between it and the description of the allegorical painting in a public bath described by John of Gaza, see Downey, G., in Stillwell, R. ed., Antioch-on-the-Orontes II. The Excavations 1933–1936 (Princeton, 1938), 205–12Google Scholar; but note that the Egyptian associations are missing in John's account.

¹⁶³ Levi, AMP, 273–7, pl. LXIIIe. For the sandals from Bath E, see below, n. 232.

¹⁶⁴ Manderscheid, 31; above, nn. 22, 48, 52–3. Asklepios is found on mosaics only at Palmyra, in a domestic context (Stern, H., Les Mosaiques des Maisons d'Achille et de Cassiopée à Palmyre [Paris, 1977], 22Google Scholar, Fig. 16), and possibly on a unique work from Cos (Morricone, L., BdA 35, 1950, 317Google Scholar, fig. 82).

¹⁶⁵ Inv. Tun. 558; CMA suppl. (1910), A261, pl. VII. For the epigrams, see above, nn. 48, 70.

¹⁶⁶ Only one example can be quoted here: the subject of Pegasus and the Nymphs. This appears twice in the decoration of the Maison des Nymphes at Nabeul (Tunisia), where J-P. Darmon interprets it, in agreement with his overall interpretation of the house, as alluding to the symbolism of marriage (Nymfarum Domus [Leiden, 1980] 40–2, no. 8, 98–103, no. 25, and 210–16). M. H. Quet, in a review article of Darmon (RA 1984, 1, 79–104), questions his methodology, and suggests the possibility of a neo-platonic interpretation. Since the Maison des Nymphes is a unique assembly of subjects, in which the personal taste or beliefs of the proprietor are likely to have played a role, it may never be possible to work out the precise significance of the choice of subjects; but if the various philosophical interpretations of the Nymphs, Pegasus, etc., contained in a writer like Porphyry form one pole of the possible semantic range, then the beauty-and-water theme of the baths constitutes the other.

¹⁶⁷ For the range of variations that a subject such as the Charites might bear in different contexts and usages, see Trillmich, W., Jdl 98, 1983, 311–49Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ For the sanctity of water in general, and especially of healing springs, cf. Ginouvès, Balaneutikè (1962), 327–428, with evidence of bathing establishments attached to various cults; for ritual bathing, cf. Eitrem, S., Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer (Kristiania, 1915), 76–100Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁹ Quoted by Lewy, H., Philologus 52, 1894, 569–71Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Lewy, ibid., 570; he thinks the gesture here may have been meant in jest, but there seem to be no grounds for supposing this.

¹⁷¹ Tertullian, De Spect. 8, and cf. Apol. 42: but he also allows Christians to approach even temples, so long as it is not for the sake of worship.

¹⁷² Tert., De Idol. 15.6Google Scholar, nam et alia ostia in balneis adorari videmus.

¹⁷³ Aug. Epistula 46 (CSEL 34.2, ed. A. Goldbacher, 1898), p. 127, XV.

¹⁷⁴ Cf. Zellinger, 8–9, 47–67: the opposition of some Christians to bathing is based upon asceticism, not upon any pagan associations of the baths.

¹⁷⁵ Cf. above, nn. 68, 80–5.

¹⁷⁶ The continuing cult of the Nymphs can certainly be attested, at least in connexion with thermal springs. Cf., for instance, the series of votive reliefs with images of the Nymphs and dedications to the Nymphae Nitrodes from Ischia, some probably as late as the third century A.D.: Forti, L., ‘Rilievi dedicati alle ninfe nitrodi’, RendNap 26, 1951, 161–91Google Scholar, pls. VI–XI; or the restoration of the templum Nympharum at Aquae Flavianae (Khenchela): Albertini, BAC 1928–9, 93, which may be compared with the inscription from the baths at the same site (above, n. 77), and the dedications to the Nymphs, CIL VIII 17722, 17723 (the latter dated A.D. 146).

¹⁷⁷ Cf. Dunbabin, K., Dickie, M., ‘Invıda rumpantur pectora. The Iconography of Phthonos/Invidia in Graeco-Roman Art’, JbAC 26, 1983, 7–37, esp. 10–11, 36–7Google Scholar, with refs. For phthonos as a danger particularly for a ktıstes, cf. the inscription from Vasada in Isauria with the acclamation [κ] τίστα· σε φθόνος οὐ νικήσι (Robert, L., Hellenıca 11–12, 1960, 23Google Scholar), and ὁ φθόνος τύχην οὐ νικᾷ among the acclamations inscribed on the portico of the Agora at Aphrodisias (Roueché, C., JRS 74, 1984, 192, no. 14, 195Google Scholar).

¹⁷⁸ Above, n. 80.

¹⁷⁹ Above, n. 29; the revelant line runs κόσμον ἀεὶ ζώον[τ]α τὸν οὐ φθόνος οἶ[δεν…]..

¹⁸⁰ Above, n. 81.

¹⁸¹ Above, n. 86. The full text runs: en perfecta ato Baiaru(m) grata voluptas / undantesquefluunt aq(uae) saxı de rupe sub ıma / nisıbus hic nostrıs prostratus lıbor anhelat / quısquıs amat fratrum venıat mecumque laetetur.

¹⁸² Above, n. 124; the inscription is beneath the panel with the nymph and satyr.

¹⁸³ Above, n. 181.

¹⁸⁴ Inv. Tun. 319, 2; L. Poinssot, RAfr 76, 1935, 183–206, figs. 1-4. Poinssot identified the furthest room of this complex as a caldarium, though in the absence of fuller details of the building, this cannot be taken as certain.

¹⁸⁵ Germain, Timgad, 96, no. 132, pl. XLIII. The surviving text of the outer inscription reads: molant....baline ]avat invid[....

¹⁸⁶ Merlin, A., Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie (Paris, 1944), 29Google Scholar, no. 147. The Sidi Ghrib inscription (above, n. 156) suggests that hidden in the mysterious phrase intra ervervatas may lie an analogous reference to tria vena.

¹⁸⁷ A simpler version of the same type of formula is B(onis) B(ene), with its counterpart M(alis) M(ale) (e.g. below, n. 224): see Rebuffat, R., BAC n.s. 6, 1970, 243Google Scholar, n. 38, and especially the mosaic from Themetra where a phallus threatens the Evil Eye, with the inscription Invidiosibus quod videtis BB MM (Foucher, L., Actes du 79^c Congrès des Sociétés Savantes, Alger 1954 (Paris, 1957), 177–8Google Scholar, fig. 13. The variant M(alis) B(ene) seems to be a mitigation of the original concept of returning the wishes of others for good or evil; in the small southern baths at Timgad a graffito read Bonis bene talia talibus (Ballu, A., Les Ruines de Timgad, antique Thamugadi. Sept années de découvertes (1903–1910) (Paris, 1911), 114Google Scholar).

¹⁸⁸ Below, n. 230.

¹⁸⁹ Themetra: Foucher, Thermes romains, 19, pl. VIA. A second threshold, leading into the apodyterium and decorated with two phalloi (below, n. 216) had a mutilated inscription ….si lavisti ha..../ quaun (?) …, which may have made the sense more precise. Timgad: above, n. 185.

¹⁹⁰ CIL VI 6740 = ILS 8518, trom Rome; CIL IX 6318, from Chieti. Tertullian, De anima 32.6, mentions the possibility of drowning in the pool (submersu etiam piscmarum strangulabihs) as if it were a standard and recognised danger. Cf. also examples from the Talmud of accidents in the baths, and the prayers for protection to be recited before entering the baths, collected, with other parallels, by Hanoune, R., ‘Thermes romains et Talmud,’ in Colloque Histoıre et Hıstorıographıe Clıo (ed. Chevallier, R., Collectıon Caesarodunum XV bis, Paris, 1980), 255–62Google Scholar; I am grateful to M. Hanoune for a copy of this article.

¹⁹¹ Inscriptions and epigrams recording the restoration of baths often contrast their new beauty with their previous decrepit or squalid condition. E.g., CIL VI 1703 = ILS 5715, from Rome: ILAlg I 2101 and 2102, from Madauros; CIL VIII 1412, from Thignica; Anth.Pal. 9.615, and perhaps 16.281.

¹⁹² Acta Joannıs pp. 24 f. Zahn, quoted by Bonner (see next note).

¹⁹³ Bonner, C., ‘Demons of the Bath’, Studıes presented to F. Ll. Griffith (London, 1932), 203–8Google Scholar; cf. also Hopfner, T., Grıechısch-agyptıscher Offenbarungszauber I (Leipzig, 1921Google Scholar, rep. Amsterdam, 1974) 96, § 195.

¹⁹⁴ Acta Joannıs pp. 20 f. Zahn, 122 f. Zahn.

¹⁹⁵ Migne PG XLVI, 952 a-d.

¹⁹⁶ Mon. Germ. Hıst., Scrıpt. Rer. Merov. 1, 2, p. 392 = ch. 27.

¹⁹⁷ Ibid., p. 379 = ch. 5; p. 389 = ch. 23.

¹⁹⁸ Eunapius, Vita sophistarum 4 (Porphyrius), 1. 12 Giangrande.

¹⁹⁹ De Baptismo 5, 4 (CCL I, 1).

²⁰⁰ Delatte, A., Anecdota Atheniensia I (Liège/Paris, 1927), p. 239Google Scholar, 1. 6. A twelfth-century Byzantine story of a sorcerer calling up black demons in the baths is quoted in Devisse, J., The Image of the Black in Western Art II, 1 (Lausanne, 1979), 70Google Scholar.

²⁰¹ De operat. daem. 13 Spalte 849/20f Boissonade (non vidi: quoted by Hopfner, op. cit. (n. 193), 96).

²⁰² Ch. XVIII, 21 McCown.

²⁰³ Cf. Böcher, O., Dämonenfurcht und Dämonenabwehr. Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte der christlichen Taufe (Stuttgart/Berlin/Köln/Mainz 1970), 204Google Scholar, also 50–53.

²⁰⁴ Cf. Eitrem, S., Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer (Kristiania, 1915), 119–24Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ Examples in Dölger, F. J., Der Exorzismus im altchristlichen Taufrilual (Paderborn, 1909), 162–4Google Scholar.

²⁰⁶ Dio fr. 57.30; Zonaras 9.2; Appian 8. (Pun.) 63; Val. Max. 9.6 ext 2; the verbs used are strangulare/ἀποπνίγειν. I owe these references to Arthur Pomeroy.

²⁰⁷ The idea survives into later superstitions: a modern Egyptian belief that the bath is a favourite resort of ginn is quoted by Bonner, op. cit. (n. 193), 207, and the Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens I (Berlin/Leipzig, 1927/1987), 829Google Scholar, s.v. Bad, quotes another Egyptian superstition: ‘In Ägypten wird man durch Anstossen mit dem Fuss in der Badestube von Dämonen überfallen.’

²⁰⁸ PMG P VII, 467 (B.M.P.gr. CXXI); similar prescriptions in PMG P II, 48f (Berlin P 5026), and in Pap.Osl.I 75 and 334f: cf. Eitrem, S., Papyrı Osloenses I. Magıcal Papyrı (Oslo, 1925)Google Scholar, ad loc. Further references in Betz, H. D. (ed.), The Greek Magıcal Papyrı ın translatıon (Chicago, 1986), 14Google Scholar, n. 16.

²⁰⁹ The magical lead tabella from Aschmunein, published in PSI I (1912), no. 28, among many other incantations includes the phrase: καταναγκάσατε (the woman who is the object of the spell) βληθῆναι εἰς τὸ βαλανῖον καὶ γενοῦ βαλάνισσα〈ν〉, followed by καῦσον, πύρωσον, φλέξον τὴν ψυχὴν, τὴν κάρδιαν … etc. (ll. 14–15); the wish is repeated three times subsequently (ll. 34–5, 44, 61–2).

²¹⁰ Audollent, A., Defıxıonum Tabellae (Paris, 1904), cxvi–vii, 156–9Google Scholar, nos. 104–5; 173–5, nos. 114–20. The underground bath known as the ‘Fountain of the Lamps’ at Corinth was used as a place of magic after its ceiling collapsed, and four defıxıones were found there: Wiseman, J., Hesperıa 41, 1972, 26–33Google Scholar. For defıxıones found in wells, see references in Jordan, D., ‘A Survey of Greek Defixiones not included in the Special Corpora’, GRBS 26, 1985, 151–97Google Scholar; id., ‘Defıxıones from a well near the Southwest corner of the Athenian Agora’, Hesperıa 54, 1985, 205–55, esp. 207–10: here the chill of the water seems to be the reason for the use of wells.

²¹¹ Amm. Marc. 29.2.28.

²¹² Tert. De Idol. 15.6; above, n. 172.

²¹³ Carandini, Fılosofıana, 360–2, no. 5, pl. LXI. The slave marked TITE wears a knotted cord with a rectangular or cylindrical object hanging from it, recalling the common type of amulet composed of a silver cylinder containing a charm or magical substance. Whether the curious necktie worn by the slave marked CASSI is to be interpreted in the same way, I do not know.

²¹⁴ The especıal frequency wıth whıch both ınscrıptıons dealıng wıth ınvıdıa ın the baths and mosaıcs most plausıbly to be ınterpreted as apotropaıc occur ın North Afrıca suggests that such superstıtıons were partıcularly strong ın that area However stories of bath demons and evıdence for the magıcal assocıations of the baths have no such regıonal character I do not thınk our evıdence ıs extensıve or representatıve enough to explaın thıs apparent anomaly

²¹⁵ Inv Alg 308, CIL VIII 8510 A second mosaıc ınscrıptıon ın the same baths ran plura facıatıs melıora dedıcetıs, another formula whıch occurs faırly often ın North Afrıcan ınscrıptıons (cf Becattı, Ostıa IV, 119, 122, n 1)

²¹⁶ Foucher, Thermes romaıns, 19–20, pl VIIc, for the ınscrıptıon, above, n 189 For the apotropaıc power of the phallus, see refs in Dunbabın and Dıckıe, op cıt (n 177), 31, and esp RE 19, 2 (1938), 1733Google Scholar 44, sv phallos (H Herter)

²¹⁷ Foucher, L, Karthago 9, 1958, 131 5Google Scholar, pls I–II The radıate crown and bars ıs a motıf of a type assocıated wıth the sodalıtates of the amphıtheatre ın North Afrıca, for whıch see Salomonson, J, BABesch 35, 1960, 40–55Google Scholar, A Beschaouch, CRAI 1966, 150–7, id, CRAI 1977, 486–503, id, CRAI 1985, 453–75, other refs in MRNA 78–85, 170–2 The lınk between these sodalıtates and the baths, and the use of these emblems, need further ınvestıgation

²¹⁸ See above, n 90–5

²¹⁹ El-Khachab, A El-Mohsen, ASAE 54, 1956, 118Google Scholar, fig 2, with erroneous ınterpretatıon corrected by Engemann, J, JbAC 18, 1975, 33Google Scholar, n 73 For καὶ σύ see Levi, D, ‘The Evıl Eye and the Lucky Hunchback’, Antıoch-on-the-Orontes III, The Excavatıons 1937–1939 (Prınceton, 1941), 225–6Google Scholar, Dunbabın and Dıckıe, op cıt (n 177), 35–6, wıth refs, and compare the Bonıs Bene etc formulae, above, n 187 For amulets of thıs form, cf H Oggıano-Bıtar, Bronzes fıgures antıques des Bouches-du-Rhône (Gallıa suppl 43, 1984), 122, nos 266–70, H Rolland, Bronzes antıques de Haute Provence (Basses Alpes, Vaucluse) (Gallıa suppl 18, 1965), 178–81Google Scholar, nos 427–39

²²⁰ Thouvenot, R., Publıcatıons du Servıce des Antıquıtés du Maroc 8, 1948, 77, 104–6Google Scholar, pl. III. The shallow basin is not part of a regular bath, but belongs to an apartment opening off the peristyle.

²²¹ Becatti, , Ostıa IV, 52–9Google Scholar, no. 73, pls. CXCVI–CXCVIII, figs. 16–17.

²²² CF. RE XIII, 1–2 (1927), 1999–2006Google Scholar, s.v. Lusorıa tabula (Lamer); but the suggestion (ibid. 2007) that the Ostia floor is itself a gigantic gaming board is surely mistaken. Gaming boards scratched on pavements, e.g. at Ephesus: E. Lessing, W. Oberleitner, Ephesos. Weltstadt der Antıke (Vienna, 1978), figs. 62–5; one in mosaic occupies the centre of the great apsidal hall in the thermal baths at Djebel Oust, in Tunisia: Fendri, M., CMGR I, 167Google Scholar, fig. 10.

²²³ Ostıa IV, 58. Becatti's identifications of the signs as crypto-Christian are largely based on the arguments of Guarducci, M., in I Graffıtı sotto la Confessıone dı San Pıetro ın Vatıcano (Vatican City, 1958)Google Scholar; the controversies to which these have given rise cannot be discussed here, but cf. Ferrua, A., RACrıst 35, 1959, 231–47Google Scholar. Becatti's own identifications are based essentially upon his conviction that signs such as the swastika or the X + T are sufficient in themselves to indicate the Christian character of the whole, and that therefore even potentially neutral signs such as the crater must be understood in the light of Christian symbolism. Thus the two disk-designs he admits would be more readily identified as gaming-boards if they did not appear in the middle of ‘une serie di segni che si riportano tutti ad un simbolismo cristiano’ (57). The ‘ramoscello stilizzato’ that he calls a palm is shown by its downward curving leaves to be a millet stalk. There is in fact no single exclusively Christian sign on the pavement; and the readings that he proposes for the various cryptograms and groups of letters are at best hypothetical, and often without parallel in securely Christian contexts. It is of course true that many of the signs (crater, swastika, grapes etc.) were also used by Christians, sometimes with just the same type of protective function with which the pagans used them; but the whole concept of a Christian mystic symbolic language comprehensible only to initiates, and used in this thoroughly secular context as a testimony to the mosaicist's faith, is better left in the realm of fantasy.

²²⁴ Duval, N., BAC n.s. 6, 1970, 297–9Google Scholar, no. 40, fig. 49; for BB MM see above, n. 187.

²²⁵ Khader, A. Ben Abed-Ben, Ennaifer, M., Spiro, M., Alexander, M., Soren, D., CMT II, Thuburbo Maius 2 (Tunis, 1985), 30Google Scholar, no. 157, pls. XIV, LIII; for related uses of such plant-motifs, see MRNA 170–2.

²²⁶ Antioch: Levi, AMP 262, pl. CXb. Sant Bol de Llobregat: Altet, X. Barral i, Les Mosaiques romaines et Médiévales de la Regio Laietana (Barcelona, 1978), 199Google Scholar, no. 133, pl. LXXIV–LXXVII, 1.

²²⁷ Sousse: Foucher, L., Inventaire des Mosaiques: Sousse (Tunis, 1960), 121Google Scholar, no. 57. 274, pl. LXVII. Thina: Inv. Tun. 18, A 14. Another Gorgoneion in the so-called ‘Maison de Caton’ at Utica, probably private baths, with swastikas in the corridor in front of it: Dulière, op. cit. (n. 129), 42, 47–9, nos. 202A, 203, pls. XXXII, XLIX, plan 14.

²²⁸ Mahjoubi, A., Recherches d'histoire et d'archéologie à Henchir el-Faouar (Tunisie). La Cité des Belalitani Maiores (Tunis, 1978), 212, 215–16Google Scholar, lists labyrinth mosaics in North African baths (usually in the frigidarium) from Belalis (Henchir el-Faouar), Hippo Regius, Dellys, Mactar, and Bulla Regia; to these should be added Thuburbo Maius (Alexander, M. et al. , CMT II, Thuburbo Maius I (Tunis, 1980), 27–9Google Scholar, no. 18A, pls. X, XI, LXX, plan 8) and Rusguniae (Daszewski, W., Nea Paphos II, La Mosaique de Thésée (Warsaw, 1977), 103Google Scholar, no. 5). In Europe, labyrinth mosaics are found in baths at Stolac in Yugoslavia (Daszewski, op. cit. 127–8, no. 59, pl. 41); at Verdes (Loire et Cher) in France (ibid. 108, no. 18, pl. 46); in the baths near Santa Agata in Porta Aurea in Rome (ibid. 115, no. 32, M. E. Blake, MAAR 13, 1936, 144, 168). But the Theseus mosaic from Salzburg, thought by Daszewski to come from a bathing room (op. cit 103, no. 7), is considered to be from a triclinium or similar room by W. Jobst, Römische Mosaiken in Salzburg (Vienna, 1982), 116, 118–26, no. 60. For the use of labyrinths in such bathing rooms, Mahjoubi offers the explanation ‘probablement pour offrir aux usagers un sujet de distraction et de jeux en découvrant les ingéniosités du dédale (216). This may be correct, and moreover the adaptable labyrinth design was suited for decorating large rooms of varied shape; but I think it also likely to have been selected frequently for its potential protective symbolism (for which see Daszewski, op. cit. 95–6).

²²⁹ Becatti, , Ostia IV, 166–7Google Scholar, no. 307, pls. XV–XVI; Paschetto, L., Ostia, Colonia Romana, Storia e Monumenti (Dissertazioni della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia Ser. II, 10, 2, Rome, 1912), 412–13Google Scholar; Daszewski, op. cit. 115, no. 34, pl. 47.

²³⁰ Yacoub, M, ‘A propos d'une mosaıque d'epoque vandale de Tunısıe’, BAC n s 6, 19B, 1985, 327–40Google Scholar, Ennaıfer, M, MEFRA 95, 1983, 838CrossRefGoogle Scholar, fig 29, for the ınscrıptıon, above, n 188 For the sıgnıfıcance of the vıctorıous charıoteer, see Dunbabın, , AJA 86, 1982, 82–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²³¹ I ıntend to study the sıgnıfıcance and uses of such footprınts in a separate artıcle, at least 13 examples are recorded as comıng from baths

²³² E.g Antıoch, Bath E Levı, AMP, 262–63, fıg 103, Thuburbo Maıus, Baıns du Labyrınthe M Alexander et al, op cıt (n 228), 27, no 17D, pl IX, plan 8, ın both buıldıngs the sandals mark the entrance to the heated rooms

²³³ E.g ın the Vılla del Nılo at Lepcıs Magna Guıdı, Afrıt 5, 1933, 33, at Tebessa-Khalıa Inv Alg 12, and ın the Theatre Baths at Reynolds, Sabratha J, Perkıns, J. B Ward, Inscrıptıons of Roman Trıpolıtanıa (BSR suppl, Rome/London 1952), 54Google Scholar, nos 170, 171, above, n. 95.

²³⁴ Sabratha see precedıng note Tımgad, baths attached to ‘Grande Maıson au Nord du Capıtole’ Germaın, Tımgad 116Google Scholar, no 175, pl LVIII, R Cagnat, BAC 1916, clxvii clxxx, Warot, S, ‘Tımgad Bene lava’, Lıbyca Archeologıe, epıgraphıe 8, 1960, 167–72Google Scholar, above, n 95

²³⁵ Tzedakis, G, ArchDelt 25, 1970, B 2, 467Google Scholar, pl 409, I Sanders, Roman Crete (Warmınster 1982), 54, 170

²³⁶ See Guarduccı, M, ‘Le ımpronte del Quo Vadıs e monumentı affını, fıguratı ed epıgrafıcı’, RendPontAcc 19, 1942–1943, 305–44Google Scholar, esp 318–21, on the wish for ıtus et redıtus, for phrases such as dextro pede etc, cf OLD s v pes 4a

²³⁷ Tımgad above, n 234 Hınojal, ElMartınez, J M Alvarez, ‘La vılla romana de “El Hınojal” en la dehesa de “Las Tıendas” (Merıda)’, Notıcıarıo Arquelogıco Hıspanıco Arqueologıa 4, 1976, 444Google Scholar, 450, rm 13, fig 3, pls XI–XII, A Blanco Freıjeıro, Mosaıcos Romanos de Merıda (Corpus de Mosaıcos Romanos de España I, Madrıd 1978), 51, no 63, pls 93b–94, swastıkas are scattered in the border here, probably also with a protectıve functıon

²³⁸ Compare also the wording of the inscription at Sétif, above n. 215. A good parallel is the modern Egyptian superstition, quoted by Bonner, op. cit. (n. 193), 207: ‘The bath is believed to be a favourite resort of ginn (or genii), and therefore when a person is about to enter it, he should offer up an ejaculatory prayer for protection against evil spirits, and should put his left foot first over the threshold.’

²³⁹ Germain, Timgad, 93, no. 129, pl. XLII.

²⁴⁰ Carandini, Filosofıana, 343–62, nos., 4 a–f, 5, pls. LVIII–LXI. Cf. also the attendant with (?) a strigil, labelled Iuli Cardi HCE (?h(ic) c(onspicitur) e(ffigies)), Becatti, , Ostia IV, 137Google Scholar, no. 270, p;l. CIX; and the black figure with equipment and towel on the Hellenistic mosaic from Thmuis in Egypt, unfortunately without architectural context: the parallels suggest that he is more likely to be a bath attendant than an athlete going to the baths, as suggested in Daszewski, W., Corpus of Mosaics from Egypt I (Mainz am Rhein, 1985), 164–5Google Scholar, no. 42, pl. 36a.

²⁴¹ Gf. Desanges, J., in L'Image du Noir dans l'Art occidental I (Fribourg, 1976), 265Google Scholar; and Auct. ad Herennium 4.50.63, quoted by Beardsley, G., The Negro in Greek and Roman Civilization (Baltimore, 1929), 117Google Scholar.

²⁴² Above, n. 194.

²⁴³ Cf. Dölger, F. J., Die Sonne der Gerechtigkeit und der Schwarze (Münster in Westf, 1918), 49–75Google Scholar; Müller, C. D. G., JbAC 17, 1974, 91–94Google Scholar; Winkler, J., JHS 100, 1980, 161–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Courtès, J. M. in Devisse, J., The Image of the Black in Western Art. II, From the Demonic Threat to the Incarnation of Saınthood (Lausanne, 1979), 19–21Google Scholar; for the later Christian tradition, Devisse, ibid., 64–70.

²⁴⁴ For ill-omened Blacks, cf. the story of the Ethiopian who met Brutus' standard-bearer before Philippi: Plut., Brut. 48.2Google Scholar; Appian, B.C. 4. 17. 134Google Scholar; and the Ethiopian soldier who frightened Septimius Severus before his death: SHA Sept.Sev. 22. 4–5. Snowden, F., Blacks in Antiquity (Cambridge Mass., 1970), 272–3Google Scholar, n. 4, thinks that ‘the apotropaic interpretation [of Blacks], especially in the absence of literary corroboration with respect to Ethiopians, may be overdrawn’. Clearly it should not be assumed without question that every representation of a Black that appears to have some grotesque features is intended to be apotropaic, but the popular superstition of Blacks as ill-omened or associated with demons is sufficiently documented (regardless of what educated opinion may have thought), and some grotesque figures of Blacks are demonstrably intended to serve an apotropaic purpose (e.g. Dunbabin and Dickie, op. cit. (n. 177), 20, pl. 3a: a terra cotta of a type identified there as a figure of Phthonos used against the Evil Eye; the figure is hunchbacked and negroid). Cf. also the review of Snowden by Desanges, J., REL 48, 1970. 87–95Google Scholar, esp. 93.

²⁴⁵ Berthier, A., BAAlg 1, 1962–1965 (1967), 18–19Google Scholar, figs. 7–8.

²⁴⁶ Cf. Levi, op cit. (n. 219), 228–9; references for the use of such grotesques in Dunbabin and Dickie, op. cit. (n. 177), 20–1.

²⁴⁷ Alexander et al., op. cit. (n. 228), 26, no. 17 C; the threshold was damaged when the description was written, and is now destroyed.

²⁴⁸ Inv. Tun. 451; A. Héron de Villefosse, BAC 1894, 308–10, with fig. Levi, op. cit. (n. 219), 227, n. 80, suggests that the fire shovel itself in such contexts may have had an apotropaic meaning, ‘like that of other objects … which can burn the evil eye’.

²⁴⁹ Leveau, P., AntAfr 18, 1982, 146–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 32.

²⁵⁰ Becatti, Ostia IV, 29, no. 51, pl. CIX; for the setting, see Clarke, J., Roman Black-and-White Figural Mosaics (New York, 1979), 25–6Google Scholar, fig. 30.

²⁵¹ Maiuri, A., La Casa del Menandro (Rome, 1933), 146Google Scholar, figs. 68–9.

²⁵² Pernice, E., Die Hellenistische Kunst in Pompeii VI, Pavimente undfıgürliche Mosaiken (Berlin, 1938), 52Google Scholar, pl. 20,3; Blake, M. E., MAAR 8, 1930, 80Google Scholar.

²⁵³ Pernice, op. cit., 54, pl. 20, 1; Blake, op. cit., 123. Cf. also J. Clarke, in La Regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio. Atti del Convegno 1979 (1982), 666–70.

²⁵⁴ This figure appears at the centre of a mosaic with sea-monsters supposedly from the Casa del Cinghiale (VIII, 3, 8), in a photograph (DAI Rome Inst.Neg. 78. 1147); but comparison with the drawing of the marine pavement in Niccolini, F., Le case ed i monumenti di Pompeji II, Descrizione generale (Naples, 1862)Google Scholar, pl. V, suggests that the figure was not originally part of this pavement: cf. Clarke, op. cit. (n. 253), 673, figs. 20, 21.

²⁵⁵ Becatti, , Ostia IV, 219Google Scholar, no. 411, pl. CLXIII.

²⁵⁶ The object between the dwarf and the prow of the boat is even more damaged: there remains a rounded black outline, with three finger-like projections. It is certainly not a squid, as Becatti suggests, nor any other identifiable marine creature. Given its position, the possibility should be considered that it may be a monstrous horned phallus; but I know of no real parallels, and examination of the mosaic, in its present state makes me doubtful whether it can have been physically connected with the dwarf.

²⁵⁷ Terme del Invidioso, Reg. V, v, 2: Becatti, , Ostia IV, 220Google Scholar, nos. 413–5. The building history is not sufficiently illuminated by Becatti in Scavi di Ostia I, Topogrqfia generale (ed. Calza, G., Rome, 1953), 144Google Scholar.

²⁵⁸ Chaves, L., O Archeologo Português 30, 1938 (1956), 34–71Google Scholar, esp. 59–62, fig. 14; Carro, M. Torres, ‘La escena de Ulises y las Sirenas del mosaico de Santa Vitória (Portugal)’, Boletın del Semınarıo de Arte y Arqueologıa (Valladolıd) 44, 1978, 89–104Google Scholar, pl. I (brief description only, with conclusion: ‘puede afirmarse que la escena es de magia, pero su significado nos escapa’).

²⁵⁹ Above, nn. 231–8.

²⁶⁰ Cf. Petronius, , Sat. 60, 8Google Scholar, where two of Trimalchio's slave-boys are called Cerdo and Felıcıo; ibid., 67, 9, where Scintilla has a golden capsella which she calls Felıcıo.

²⁶¹ Chaves' reading of the inscriptions runs: Felıcio Torrıtatus peıor est qua(m) ut Cırdalus; Felıcıone mısso s]ub ıugo/ (n.b. the final S is not clearly to be seen in his photograph); and Pros[erpına] res[ıd]ete Varer: the last word he takes to be a name, possibly female. The reference to Proserpina seems to have no justification; I would suggest [la]vare for the final word, on the analogy of the Themetra inscription (above, n. 216), ?possibly pros[pe]res preceding it. The whole scene Chaves interprets as one of devotıo or cursing of the supposedly female figure (op. cit. (n. 258), 60).

²⁶² Schefold, K., AntK 9, 1966, 112–15Google Scholar; Auberson, P., Schefold, K., Fuhrer dutch Eretrıa (Bern, 1972), 99–104Google Scholar; Bruneau, P., BCH 93, 1969, 318Google Scholar, figs. 9–14; Salzmann, D., Untersuchungen zu den antıken Kieselmosaıken (Berlin, 1982), 92–93Google Scholar, no. 44, pl. 57, 1–4. Room and mosaic belong to the rebuilding of the baths after 198 B.C.

²⁶³ Robinson, D. M., AJA 33, 1934, 503–6Google Scholar; Salzmann, op. cit., 103, nos. 89–90, with further refs.

²⁶⁴ A detailed discussion of the potential significance of the motifs on this pavement is not possible within the scope of this article: I hope to return elsewhere to questions such as the interpretation of wheel-motifs in such contexts. The monogram on the Eretria mosaic is surely to be read Nıka.

²⁶⁵ Andreou, E., ArchDelt 31, 1976, 2.2 (1984), 199–201Google Scholar, pl. 147.