¹ In seeking to establish a lineage, the Hermits were pursuing a common mendicant goal. For a summary of the efforts of other orders in this regard and further references see Bourdua, L., ‘De origine et progressu Ordinis Fratrum Heremitarum: Guariento and the Eremitani in Padua’, Papers of the British School at Rome 66 (1998), 177–92, esp. p. 178CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Key examples of this literature are cited throughout the present text — see in particular n. 45. The art patronage of women has formed the subject of a number of recent studies: see especially King, C., Renaissance Women Patrons, Wives and Widows in Italy c. 1300–1550 (Manchester, 1998Google Scholar), who, however, does not give special attention to tertiaries. A useful critical evaluation of the literature is provided by Matthews-Grieco, S.F. in her review of King's book in Renaissance Studies 16 (2002), 87–9Google Scholar.

³ Torelli, L., Secoli Agostiniani ovvero istoria generate del Sacro Ordine (Bologna, 1659–86), VII, 1356Google Scholar, n. 11, 1366, n. 27: ‘la compagnia di S. Monica, chiamata volgarmente delle Donne’.

⁴ Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1387, n. 2, 1387, n. 48.

⁵ For the Paduan cycle see Bourdua, ‘De origine et progressu’ (above, n. 1); for the tomb see Courcelle, J. and Courcelle, P., Iconographie de Saint Augustin: les cycles du XIV e siècle (Paris, 1965), 62–72Google Scholar; Moskowitz, A.F., Nicola Pisano's Arca di San Domenico and Its Legacy (Pennsylvania, 1994), 31–5Google Scholar. Monica was also depicted at San Leonardo al Lago in two scenes painted around 1360. See Cornice, A., ‘San Leonardo al Lago. Gli affreschi di Lippo Vanni’, in Alessi, C. et al. , Lecceto e gli Eremi Agostiniani in terra di Siena (Siena, 1990), 287–308Google Scholar.

⁶ Empoli, L., Bullarium Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini (Rome, 1628), 53–4Google Scholar. The bull refers to ‘Mantellate, or Pinzochere of the Order of Augustinian Hermits’.

⁷ Freuler, G., ‘Andrea di Bartolo, Fra Tommaso d'Antonio Caffarini, and Sienese Dominicans in Venice’, Art Bulletin 69 (1987), 370–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sorelli, F., ‘Per la storia religiosa di Venezia nell prima metà del Quattrocento: inizi e sviluppi del terz'ordine domenicano’, in Billanovich, M.C. (ed.), Viridarum Floridium (Padua, 1984), 89–114Google Scholar.

⁸ Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1429, n. 14. For a possible source of Torelli and suggestions as to Giovanna's identity, see Gill, M.J., ‘Remember me at the altar of the Lord': Saint Monica's gift to Rome’, in Schnaubelt, J.C. OSA and Van Fleteren, F. (eds), Augustine in Iconography, History and Legend (New York, 1999), 550–76, esp. n. 10Google Scholar.

⁹ Augustine, Saint, Confessions (ed. O'Donnell, J.J.) (Oxford, 1992), IGoogle Scholar. Augustine wrote of his mother in the following places: Bk 3, XI, XII; Bk 5, VIII; Bk 6, I; Bk 9, VI, VIII–XIII. See also Trapé, A., ‘Monica’, Bibliotheca Sanctorum IX (Rome, 1967), cols 548–61Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1429, n. 14, 1430, n. 3, VII, 1443, nn. 3 and 6. For documentation concerning Asalbiti's supplication in aid of Giovanna's cause in 1430, see K. Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, , and Mantellate: Varieties of Women's Religious Communities in Central Italy, ca. 1300–1520 (Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 1994), 347Google Scholar.

¹¹ Monica's remains were originally transferred to the Augustinian Hermit church of San Trifone beside Sant' Agostino in Rome. See below, n. 25.

¹² Dale, S., ‘A house divided: San Pietro in Ciel d'Oro in Pavia and the politics of Pope John XXII’, Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001), 55–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Empoli, Bullarium (above, n. 6), 258–9.

¹⁴ Esposito, A., ‘S. Francesca and the female religious communities of fifteenth-century Rome’ (trans. M.J. Schneider), in Bornstein, D. and Rusconi, R. (eds), Women and Religion in Medieval and Renaissance Italy (Chicago, 1996), 198, 205–6Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Biglia's text is given by Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1430, n. 13. For the history of Biglia's text and its later use see Casamassa, A. OSA, ‘L'autore di un preteso discorso di Martino V’, in Miscellanea Pio Paschini. Studi di storia ecclesiastica II (Lateranum n.s. XV) (Rome, 1949), 109–19Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1430, n. 13.

¹⁷ For the introduction of Observant reform, see Walsh, K., The Observant Congregation of the Augustinian Friars in Italy c. 1385–c. 1465 (Ph.D. thesis, University of Oxford, 1972Google Scholar). For the dispute and Monica's role, see Webb, D., ‘Eloquence and education: a humanist approach to hagiography’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 31 (1980), 21–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ For the early history of the order, see Roth, F., ‘Cardinal Richard Annibaldi first protector of the Augustinian Order 1243–1276’, Augustiniana 2 (1952), 26–60, 108–49, 230–47Google Scholar; 3 (1953), 21–34, 283–313; 4 (1954), 5–24; Gutierrez, D., The Augustinians in the Middle Ages 1256–1356 (trans. Ennis, A.) (Villanova (PA), 1984Google Scholar). See also Arbesmann, R. OSA, ‘The edition of the Vita S. Augustini in Boston Public Library MS 1483’, Revue des Études Augustiniennes 2 (1965), 43–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Casamassa, ‘L'autore di un preteso discorso’ (above, n. 15).

²⁰ Halliburton, R.J., ‘Fact and fiction in the life of St. Augustine. An essay in medieval monastic history and seventeenth-century exegesis’, Recherches Augustiniennes 5 (1968), 15–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elm, K., ‘Augustinus Canonicus-Augustinus Eremita. A quattrocento cause célèbre’, in Verdon, T. and Henderson, J. (eds), Christianity and the Renaissance (New York, 1990), 83–107Google Scholar; Dale, ‘A house divided’ (above, n. 12). For suggestions regarding Monica's role in this dispute, see Webb, ‘Eloquence and education’ (above, n. 17), 28–32. The Canons Regular also claimed possession of Monica's remains at Arrouaise due to an earlier translation of 1162. See Acta Sanctorum, Maii, I, 481–8. The foundations of this claim are notably vague in comparison to those made by the Hermits.

²¹ Dale, S., ‘I veri figli di Agostino e gli affreschi della chiesa di Sant'Agostino a Gubbio’, in Arte e spiritualità negli ordini mendicanti. Gli Agostiniani e il cappellone di San Nicola a Tolentino (Rome, 1992), 151–64Google Scholar.

²² Ahl, D. Cole, ‘Benozzo Gozzoli's frescoes of the life of Saint Augustine in San Gimignano: their meaning in context’, Artibus et Historiae 13 (1986), 35–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; D. Cole Ahl, ‘Benozzo Gozzoli: the Life of Saint Augustine in San Gimignano’, in Schnaubelt and Van Fleteren, Augustine in Iconography (above, n. 8), 359–82. Two other cycles also deserve mention in this regard: a programme of frescoes in the cloister at the hermitage of Lecceto dated between 1439 and 1442, see B. Hackett and G. Radan, ‘Significato degli affreschi nel chiostro e nel portico di Lecceto’, in Alessi et al., Lecceto e gli Eremi Agostiniani (above, n. 5), 97–117; C. Alessi, ‘I cicli monocromi di Lecceto: nuove proposte per vecchi problemi’, in Alessi, Lecceto e gli Eremi Agostiniani (above, n. 5), 211–47; G.T. Radan, ‘The Lecceto frescoes: the Augustinian cycle’, in Schnaubelt and Van Fleteren, Augustine in Iconography (above, n. 8), 431–67; a series of five narrative panels possibly from the high altarpiece of Sant'Agostino in Pesaro, painted around the second decade of the fifteenth century, see Poggetto, P. Dal, Fioritura tardogotica nelle Marche (Milan, 1998), 216–18Google Scholar.

²³ For the origins of an extended narrative surrounding the death of Monica, see Arbesmann, R. OSA, ‘The ‘Vita Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi’ in Cod. Laurent. Plut. 90 Sup. 48’, Traditio 18 (1962), 319–55, esp. p. 341CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In regard to Gozzoli's cycle, Cole Ahl, ‘Benozzo Gozzoli’ (above, n. 22), suggested that at least one of the friars present at Monica's death is also a portrait of the fresco's donor.

²⁴ The 1433 manuscript has been discussed by Courcelle, J. and Courcelle, P., Iconographie de Saint Augustin: les cycles du XVe siecle (Paris, 1969), 73–84Google Scholar. The predella of an altarpiece dedicated to Saint Monica from Santo Spirito in Florence, to be discussed in some detail below, also includes Hermit mourners at this scene. Fourteenth-century cycles, such as those at the Eremitani in Padua and on Augustine's tomb at Pavia (see above, n. 5), also depicted Monica alongside early Hermits.

²⁵ Monica's remains were seen in this location around 1450: Ye Solace of Pilgrimes. A Description of Rome, circa A.D. 1450, by John Capgrave, an Austin Friar of King's Lynn (ed. Mills, C.A.) (London, 1911), 92–3Google Scholar. My thanks to Anthony Majanlahti for this reference. The churches of San Trifone and Sant'Agostino have been discussed by Gill, M.J., A French Maecenas in the Roman Quattrocento: the Patronage of Guillaume d'Estouteville (1439–1483) (Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 1992), 178–83Google Scholar; Montevecchi, B., Sant'Agostino (Rome, 1985Google Scholar).

²⁶ According to Battaglini, A., ‘Memoria sopra uno sconosciuto egregio scultore del secolo XV e sopra alcune sue opere, letta nell'Accademia Romana d'Archeologia dall'accademico ordinario Angelo Battaglini’, Dissertazioni dell'Accademia Romana d'Archeologia 1 (1) (1821), 127Google Scholar, the new chapel in Sant'Agostino was begun in 1440. Vegio himself recorded the translation of Monica's relics into this new chapel in 1455, in the office that he composed for the saint's feast, for which see below. For Vegio, see Raffaele, L., Maffeo Vegio: elenco delle opere, scritti inediti (Bologna, 1909Google Scholar); Casamassa, A., ‘La pietra tombale di Maffeo Vegio’, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia 11 (1948), 402–3Google Scholar. Vegio's donations for Sant'Agostino have been discussed by Gill, A French Maecenas (above, n. 25), 183–4, n. 107.

²⁷ For the history of Monica's chapel and tomb, see Montevecchi, Sant'Agostino (above, n. 25), 116–24; Gill, A French Maecenas (above, n. 25), 183–9, 331–3; Caglioti, F., ‘Su Isaia da Pisa. Due ‘Angeli reggicandelabro’ in Santa Sabina all'Aventino e l'altare eucaristico del Cardinal d'Estouteville per Santa Maria Maggiore’, Prospettiva 93–6 (1999). 125–60Google Scholar, appendix I, n. 8.

²⁸ Battaglini, ‘Memoria’ (above, n. 26), 127–30. Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1430, n. 4, gives a similar impression: ‘un Arca di marmo indorata in più luoghi con varie figure’.

²⁹ Westfall, C.W., In this Most Perfect Paradise. Alberti, Nicholas V, and the Invention of Conscious Urban Planning in Rome, 1447–55 (Pennsylvania/London, 1974), 7–16Google Scholar.

³⁰ The attribution to Isaia da Pisa is based partly on a poem written in the fifteenth century by Porcelio Pandone, for which see Battaglini, ‘Memoria’ (above, n. 26), 118–19. Pandone's attribution is supported by recent scholarship, see Caglioti, ‘Su Isaia da Pisa’ (above, n. 27).

³¹ The inscription is given in Gill, “Remember me at the altar of the Lord” (above, n. 8), n. 16.

³² Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1431Google Scholar, n. 8, 1437, n. 8, 1440, n. 6, 1441, n. 2, 1460, nn. 8–9. Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3) VII, 1432Google Scholar, n. 33, also records a reference to a group of tertiaries at Città di Castello once contained in the register of the order. It is fair to assume that the activities of the group were associated with Rodolfo and the relic of Monica's arm in his church.

³³ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1435Google Scholar, n. 7.

³⁴ On Fra Cesario see Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), 348, and below, n. 47.

³⁵ Montevecchi, Sant'Agostino (above, n. 25), 119, n. 6; Caglicti, ‘Su Isaia da Pisa’ (above, n. 27), appendix I, n. 8.

³⁶ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1430Google Scholar, n. 13.

³⁷ Caglioti, ‘Su Isaia da Pisa’ (above, n. 27), appendix I, n. 8.

³⁸ Dale, ‘A house divided’ (above, n. 12).

³⁹ Bourdua, ‘De origine et progressu’ (above, n. 1), esp. n. 38.

⁴⁰ Compendio dell'origine, miracoli, indulgenze, indulti, e privilegi Apostolici della Sagra Cintura (Verona, 1645)Google Scholar; Cavalieri, G.M., La sacra cintura de Maria Sempre Vergine Madre di Consolazione del P. S. Agostino, e della M. S. Monica (Milan, 1737), 73–4Google Scholar.

⁴¹ De Conto, M., Contributo alla vita religiosa in Treviso: la Confraternità dei Cinturati a Treviso (1460–1806) (Rome, 1979Google Scholar); Rano, B., ‘Agostiniani. X. Terziar i e cinturati’, in Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione (Rome, 1974–), I, cols 372–81Google Scholar; Lumbroso, M. Maroni and Martini, A., Le confraternite romane nelle loro chiese (Rome, 1963), 86–9Google Scholar. The bull is given by Cavalieri, La sacra cintura (above, n. 40), 3–7.

⁴² See the summary of Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), esp. pp. 8–9.

⁴³ The women who gathered at the chapel have been the subject of a number of recent studies. For the confraternity see Maroni Lumbroso and Martini, Le confraternite romane (above, n. 41), 307; Esposito, ‘S. Francesca’ (above, n. 14), 197–218; Gill, K., ‘Open monasteries for women in late medieval and early modern Italy: two Roman examples’, in Monson, C.A. (ed.), The Crannied Wall. Women, Religion and the Arts in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1992), 15–47Google Scholar; Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10).

⁴⁴ Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), 347, noted the frequency with which women left bequests to Sant'Agostino in Rome between 1400 and 1429, suggesting early beginnings for female devotion at the church.

⁴⁵ There is a substantial literature devoted to the study of semi-religious communities. See especially, Pennings, J., ‘Semi-religious women in fifteenth-century Rome’, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Institut te Rome 47 (1987), 115–5Google Scholar; Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10); Bornstein and Rusconi, Women and Religion (above, n. 14); Guarnieri, R., ‘Pinzochere’, Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione (Rome, 1974–), VIGoogle Scholar, cols 1721–49.

⁴⁶ For the history of the Augustinian third order see Rano, ‘Agostiniani’ (above, n. 41). Similar papal backing for a male third order was given only in 1470.

⁴⁷ Esposito, ‘S. Francesca’ (above, n. 14), n. 57. Fra Cesario appears to have had additional personal ties to these communities; his late wife and daughter were both tertiaries, see Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), 348; Esposito, ‘S. Francesca’ (above, n. 14), 205. Fra Cesario was also responsible for the foundation of the Cinturati, suggesting further overlapping between these supposedly distinct female communities. See Cavalieri, La sacra cintura (above, n. 40), 3–7.

⁴⁸ For Tomai see Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1431Google Scholar, nn. 13 and 21, 1446, n. 23. For Martelluzzi see Esposito, ‘S. Francesca’ (above, n. 14), 205 with further references. Details of the Martelluzzi community are also given by Gill, ‘Open monasteries’ (above, n. 43), 29–35.

⁴⁹ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1439Google Scholar, nn. 13 and 24. For Maria's will, see Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), 354–6. Records of a further house given to Augustinian tertiaries in 1469 are cited by Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), 358.

⁵⁰ The tomb slab is illustrated in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 8254, pt. 1, fol. 73r. A second manuscript, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 8253, fol. 48v, gives a description of the tomb and its inscription. For other tombs around the chapel of Saint Monica, see Gill, A French Maecenas (above, n. 25), 324–33.

⁵¹ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1425Google Scholar, n. 25.

⁵² The earliest known Rule of the third order, the ‘Regola fratrum et sororum de poenitentia sacri Ordinis heremitarum beati Augustini’, is included at the back of printed editions of Bergomensis, Paulus, Apologia Religionis Fratrum Heremitarum Ordinis Sacri Augustini contra Falso Impugnantes (Rome, 1479Google Scholar).

⁵³ Gill, Penitents, Pinzochere, and Mantellate (above, n. 10), 29–35; Gill, ‘Open monasteries’ (above, n. 43), 349–50, quoted sections from an inventory of the sacristies of Sant'Agostino and San Trifone, including numerous donations by women affiliated to the churches.

⁵⁴ Maroni Lumbroso and Martini, Le confraternite romane (above, n. 41), 307. Unfortunately Maroni Lumbroso and Martini gave no details regarding the route or extent of this procession.

⁵⁵ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1448Google Scholar, nn. 9–10.

⁵⁶ Raffaele, Maffeo Vegio (above, n. 26).

⁵⁷ The Vita et Officium Beatae Monicae and Officium Translations Beatae Monicae, are both contained in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Ottob. Lat. 1253, fols 57v–76.

⁵⁸ Sisters Fanning, M.W. and Sullivan, A.G. (eds), De Educatione Liberorum et Eorum Claris Moribus Libri Sex (Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin Language and Literature I, fasc. I (Washington (DC), 1933Google Scholar); fasc. II (Washington (DC), 1936); Horkan, V.J., Educational Themes and Principles of Maffeo Vegio (Washington (DC), 1953Google Scholar).

⁵⁹ Thomas, A., ‘Neri di Bicci, Francesco Botticini and the Augustinians’, Arte Cristiana 81 (1993), 23–34Google Scholar; Venturini, L., Francesco Botticini (Florence, 1994), 48–50, 109Google Scholar; Blume, A.C., ‘The chapel of Santa Monica in Santo Spirito and Francesco Botticini’, Arte Cristiana 83 (1995), 289–92Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ The 1487 document is quoted in Blume, ‘The chapel of Santa Monica’ (above, n. 59), n. 7.

⁶¹ Capretti, E., ‘La pinacoteca sacra’, in Luchinat, C. Acidini and Capretti, E. (eds), La chiesa e il convento di Santo Spirito a Firenze (Florence, 1996), 239–301Google Scholar; Sabatelli, F., Colle, E. and Zambrano, P., La cornice Italiana dal Rinascimento al Neoclassico (Milan, 1992), 20–4Google Scholar.

⁶² The inventory is cited by E. Nardinocchi, ‘Arredi e paramenti sacri’, in Acidini Luchinat and Capretti (eds), La chiesa e il convento (above, n. 61), 373. The relic possibly may be associated with a reliquary commissioned by Fra Francesco d'Antoni o Mellini of Santo Spirito from Neri di Bicci on 28 February 1462/3, ‘pelle donn e di Santa Monacha’. See Santi, B., Le ricordanze di Neri di Bicci (Pisa, 1976), 197, n. 391Google Scholar.

⁶³ Blume, ‘The chapel of Santa Monica’ (above, n. 59), 289, n. 3.

⁶⁴ The account is that of A. Arrighi, Memorie delli obblighi del Convento di Santo Spirito (1692), quoted by Busignani, A. and Bencini, R., Le chiese di Firenze: quartiere di Santo Spirito (Florence, 1974), 78Google Scholar; in relation to Botticini's altarpiece, Arrighi recorded the ‘cappella di Santa Monica, che era del Capitolo e Collegio delle nostre mantellate, e la tavola, la quale fu poi trasportata nella Chiesa Nuova’ (c. 9, n. 16); ‘… il sito di un'altra Cappella, dove le nostre Mantellate avevano… trasferita dalla Chiesa Vecchia la tavola di Sant a Monic a…’ (c. 22, n. 47); ‘Cappella detto del Riccio… In questa vi fu per molto tempo la tavola di Santa Monica delle nostre Mantellate che già avevano nella Chiesa Vecchia in un a loro Cappella’ (c. 39, n. 82). The argument has been summarized by Blume, ‘The chapel of Sant a Monica’ (above, n. 59), 289.

⁶⁵ Santi, Le ricordanze (above, n. 62), 119, n. 232.

⁶⁶ For the delivery of the altar, see Santi, Le ricordanze (above, n. 62), 134, n. 261.

⁶⁷ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1435Google Scholar, n. 29.

⁶⁸ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1431Google Scholar, nn. 22 and 32.

⁶⁹ Torelli, , Secoli Agostiniani (above, n. 3), VII, 1432Google Scholar, n. 4.

⁷⁰ Thomas, ‘Neri di Bicci’ (above, n. 59); Venturini, Francesco Botticini (above, n. 59); Blume, ‘The chapel of Santa Monica’ (above, n. 59). For the church of Santa Monaca see Simari, M.M., ‘Profilo storico-architettonico di un monastero fiorentino del quattrocento: Santa Monaca’, Rivista d'Arte 39 (1987), 147–214Google Scholar, who also assumed (n. 10) that the nuns of Santa Monaca were responsible for the altar at Santo Spirito.

⁷¹ Such origins at Santa Monaca were proposed by Thomas, ‘Neri di Bicci’ (above, n. 59). The rejection of this hypothesis by the present study follows those of Venturini, Francesco Botticini (above, n. 59), and Blume, ‘The chapel of Santa Monica’ (above, n. 59).

⁷² For Maria's will, see above, n. 49.

⁷³ Rizzo, A. Padoa, ‘Sulla iconografia e la destinazione di una importante tavola di Cosimo Rosselli’, in La Toscana al tempo di Lorenzo il Magnifico: politico, economia, cultura, arte (Pisa, 1996), 277–88Google Scholar. Padoa Rizzo identified distinct types of tertiary within the kneeling groups of Rosselli's altarpiece. However, her categorization differs slightly from that presented in the present study.

⁷⁴ For further on the Dominican tertiaries, see above, n. 7.

⁷⁵ Capretti, ‘La pinacoteca sacra’ (above, n. 61).

⁷⁶ Venturing Francesco Botticini (above, n. 59), 50, 111, cat. 30.

⁷⁷ van Os, H., ‘St. Francis of Assisi as a second Christ in early Italian paintings’, Simiolus 7 (1974), 115–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The central field of the predella of Botticini's altarpiece similarly relates Saint Monica and the Madonna by pairing Augustine with the Madonna.

⁷⁸ Kaftal, G., The Iconography of the Saints in Tuscan Painting (Florence, 1952), col. 793Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ For a more detailed study of the Venetian altarpiece, see I. Holgate, ‘Santa Monica, Venice and the Vivarini’ (forthcoming).

⁸⁰ The iconography of this scene originated towards the end of the thirteenth century. See Blume, D. and Hansen, D., ‘Agostino pater et praeceptor di un nuovo ordine religioso: considerazioni sulla propaganda illustrata degli eremiti agostiniani’, Arte e spiritualità negli ordini mendicanti (Rome, 1992), 77–91Google Scholar.