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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 September 2014
This article examines the thinking of Guy of Saint-Denis about plainchant tones as formulated in his Tractatus de Tonis (c.1300), preserved as the final item in an anthology of texts that he prepared (British Library, MS Harley 281). It examines his attitude to each of the major theorists singled out in this anthology. It argues that Guy's approach to chant combines the practically oriented writings of Guido of Arezzo with the Aristotelian perspective formulated by Johannes de Grocheio, but takes that perspective a step further by reflecting on the ways different types of chant impact on the emotions. Guy was also much influenced by Peter of Auvergne, a philosopher in the Arts Faculty at Paris committed to developing the teaching of Thomas Aquinas. Careful corrections to the Tractatus in Harley 281 reflect this ongoing concern to refine his thinking, possibly stimulated by Jerome of Moravia. His core conviction is that chant modes each have an affective attribute, and need to be chosen according to the subject matter of the text being sung. Guy criticised the practice of choosing modes sequentially in liturgical offices composed by those he calls ‘moderns’. Guy argues his case by drawing on examples of chant from Saint-Denis. A case can be made, on palaeographic grounds, for identifying him with Guy of Châtres, abbot of Saint-Denis (1326–42) and author of a Sanctilogium that updates the traditional monastic martyrology by reference to more recent Dominican collections of saints' lives in order to make them more accessible for liturgical use.
1 van de Klundert, Sieglinde, ed., Guido von Sankt-Denis: Tractatus de tonis. Edition und Studien, 2 vols. (Bubenreuth, 1998)Google Scholar (hereafter referred to as: Tractatus, ed. Klundert). This edition with introduction includes a facsimile of the text from the Harley MS. Klundert's critical edition is the basis for an annotated English translation of the Tractatus being prepared by the authors. We are indebted to Catherine Jeffreys and Carol Appelt for discussion of issues in this article.
2 Mews, Constant J., Crossley, John N., Jeffreys, Catherine, McKinnon, Leigh and Williams, Carol, ‘Guy of St Denis and the Compilation of Texts about Music in London, British Library, Harl. MS. 281’, Electronic British Library Journal (2008), art. 6, 1–34. www.bl.uk/eblj/2008articles/article6.htmlGoogle Scholar.
3 See Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 2:55–6. Gaposchkin, Cecilia discusses the various Offices written for Saint-Louis in ‘Philip the Fair, the Dominicans, and the liturgical Office for Louis IX: New Perspectives on Ludovicus decus regnantium’, Plainsong & Medieval Music, 13 (2004), 33–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. She observes that the modally sequential Ludovicus decus regnantium, which replaced the earlier, non-sequential Nunc laudare at Poissy, may well be that commissioned by Philip IV from Petrus de Cruce in 1298. The Office sung at Saint-Denis in the mid-fourteenth century (Lauda celestis) is modally sequential, but with modifications; see Gaposchkin, , The Making of Saint Louis: Kingship, Crusades and Sanctity in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 2008)Google Scholar; Blessed Louis, Most Glorious of Kings: Texts Relating to the Cult of Saint Louis of France (Notre Dame, IN, 2012).
4 The manuscript is described by Huglo, Michel and Phillips, Nancy in The Theory of Music: Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts, ed. van Waesberghe, Joseph Smits, Fischer, Peter and Maas, Christian, RISM, B/4 (Munich, 1992), 74–8Google Scholar; and by Pesce, Dolores, Guido d'Arezzo's Regule Rithmice, Prologus in Antiphonarium and Epistola ad Michahelem. A Critical Text and Translation (Ottawa, 1999), 112–14Google Scholar. See also Mews, et al., ‘Guy of St Denis’ and ‘Introduction’ in de Grocheio, Johannes, Ars musice, ed. Mews, Constant J., Crossley, John N., Williams, Carol, Jeffreys, Catherine and McKinnon, Leigh, TEAMS (Kalamazoo, MI, 2011), 12–14Google Scholar.
5 The treatise was dated to c.1275 by Rohloff, Ernst in Die Quellenhandschriften zum Musiktraktat des Johannes de Grocheio, in Faksimile herausgegeben nebst Übertragung des Textes und Übersetzung in Deutsche, dazu Bericht, Literaturschau, Tabellen und Indices, ed. Rohloff, Ernst (Leipzig, 1972), 117–18Google Scholar, but to c.1300 by Page, Christopher, ‘Johannes de Grocheio on Secular Music: a Corrected Text and a New Translation’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 2 (1993), 17–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in Music and Instruments of the Middle Ages: Studies on Texts and Performance (Aldershot, 1997). The Grocheio text in the Harley manuscript is reproduced in facsimile by Rohloff. For further discussion of the date of Grocheio's treatise, see the introduction to Mews et al., Grocheio, Ars musice, 10–12.
6 Mews, Constant J., ‘Gregory the Great, the Rule of Benedict and Roman liturgy: The Evolution of a Legend’, Journal of Medieval History, 37 (2011), 125–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Crocker, Richard L., ‘Matins Antiphons at St Denis’, JAMS, 39 (1986), 441–90Google Scholar. On the practice, see Hughes, Andrew, ‘Modal Order and Disorder in the Rhymed Office’, Musica Disciplina, 37 (1983), 29–51Google Scholar. See also Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices, Subsidia medievalia, 23–4 (Toronto, 1994–6); and Boynton, Susan, Cambridge Companion to Medieval Music, ed. Everist, Mark (Cambridge, 2010), 23–4Google Scholar.
8 The confusion between the terms ‘tonus’ and ‘modus’ (and sometimes ‘tropus’) is long-standing and can be traced back to the Musica Enchiriadis. See Atkinson, Charles M., ‘On the interpretation of “Modi, quos tonos abusive dicimus”’, in Hermeneutics and Medieval Culture, ed. Gallacher, Patrick and Damico, Helen (Albany, 1989), 147–61Google Scholar; and Atkinson, Charles M., The Critical Nexus: Tone-system, Mode, and Notation in Early Medieval Music (Oxford, 2009), especially 19–22Google Scholar.
9 Huglo, Michel, Les tonaires: inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris, 1971)Google Scholar; Dyer, Joseph, ‘The Singing of Psalms in the Early Medieval Office’, Speculum, 64 (1989), 535–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Pseudo-Odo, Dialogus de musica, Patrologia Latina, 133:765A: ‘Tonus vel modus est regula, quae de omni cantu in fine dijudicat. Nam nisi scieris finem, non poteris cognoscere, ubi incipi, vel quantuum elevari vel deponi debeat cantus.’ The prologue to this text is edited by Huglo, Michel, ‘Der Prolog des Odo zugeschriebenen “Dialogus de Musica”’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 28 (1971), 134–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Pesce, Regulae rhythmice, 366 and 398.
11 Aretinus, Guido, Micrologus, ed. van Waesberghe, Joseph Smits, Corpus Scriptorum de Musica 4 (Rome, 1955), ch. 14, 159Google Scholar: ‘Atque ita diversitas troporum diversitati mentium coaptatur ut unus autenti deuteri fractibus saltibus delectetur, aliud plagae triti eligat voluptatem, uni tetrardi autenti garrulitas magis placet, alter eiusdem plagae suavitatem probat; sic et de reliquis.’ See Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1:129.
12 These texts in H are edited in Mews et al., ‘Guy of St Denis’, 28.
13 H, fol. 5v, ed. Mews et al., ‘Guy of St Denis’, 29: ‘Sepe et multum graviter elaborare perstudui, antiqua grecorum volumina revolvens si simplex huius artis ratio numerorum proportionibus omnino posthabitis teneris auribus cantorum plenarie posset accomodari; multorum itaque consideratis tractatibus ad hoc Boetium inveni meliorem, que et quanta sit coniunctio vocum per modos per tropos per species inter se consonantium ostendentem, quo vero nititur solis intendere philosophis vim et naturam vocum armonice querentibus contrarius est et difficilis. Senior enim philosophie tractatus nimia obscuritate perplexus gravitate verborum argumenta proferentium improvectis tendit insidias auribus.’
14 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1, 2:2.
15 H, fols. 16v–17r, ed. Mews et al., ‘Guy of Denis’, 30: ‘Nequaquam inquit tibi reor esse congruum musa, nullaque rationis auctoritas hoc probatur exigere, eadem via philosophorum, vel eisdem insistendo vestigiis, duris numerorum proportionibus, rudibus atque novis cantoribus musicam tradere … scio enim quod aures tenere, seniores philosophie tractatus plenarie non possunt percipere.’
16 Meyer, Christian, Les traités de musique, Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 85 (Turnhout, 2001), 122–3Google Scholar. The same combination of Guidonian texts and the Dialogus occurs in Oxford, St John's College 188, described by Pesce, 162–3, 166 [O2], but here the Dialogus follows the Epistola, and is not introduced as a work of Guido.
17 H, fol. 24v, see Mews et al., ‘Guy of St Denis’, 31: ‘Quicquid igitur auctoritate philosophorum imitando modernos de natura modorum tertius absque falsitatis additamento colligere potuimus, sublato omni invido, nostris auditoribus magna facilitatis providentia sub dialogo contulimus. Quod enim supradicto volumine, aut negligentie regula, vel quia longo tempore latuit musica, non intelligitur, in ultimo, puerili aure facili regularum compendio utiliter percipitur.’
18 The Regulae were edited by Maître, Claire, La réforme cistercienne du plain-chant: étude d'un traité théorique (Brecht, 1995), 108–233Google Scholar. She observes (73) that the first scholar to identify Guy of Eu (Augensis) as abbot of Cherlieu (diocese of Besançon) was Mabillon on the authority of a manuscript of the Cistercian abbey of Foigny (diocese of Laon); see his notes reproduced in Patrologia Latina, 182:1117–20. Guy of Cherlieu is mentioned by Bernard in Epistolae 197–199, ed. Jean Leclercq, Sancti Bernardi Opera 8 (Rome, 1977), 53–7. Another manuscript with a treatise attributed to Guy of Cherlieu was seen by Oudin at the Premonstratensian abbey of Bucilly. The suggestion that Guy was abbot of Chaalis (Caroli-loci), followed by Coussemaker in his edition of the work, has no foundation. Maître (80) observes that Guy of Cherlieu witnessed a donation to Foucarmont (a Cistercian abbey after 1147) near Eu and that certain Meditationes of Guido Augensis survive in manuscripts of Rouen and Besançon. The Regulae are followed in the sole surviving copy of a short twelfth-century treatise on organum, also attributed to Abbot Guy. Sweeney, Cecily, ‘The Regulae organi Guidonis abbatis and the 12th century Organum/discantus treatises’, Musica Disciplina, 43 (1989), 7–31Google Scholar.
19 Tonale Sancti Bernardi, ed. Meyer, Christian, ‘Le tonaire cistercien et sa tradition’, Revue de Musicologie, 89 (2003), 57–92Google Scholar, esp. 77 (Patrologia Latina 182:1153B): ‘Incipit Tonale. Discipulus. Quid est tonus? Magister. Regula, naturam et formam cantuum regularium determinans … Cognoscis ergo naturam cantus, si cognoveris cuius dispositionis sit, vel cuius maneriae.’ See also Cocheril, Maur: ‘Le “Tonale sancti Bernardi” et la définition du ton’, Commentarii cistercienses, 13 (1962), 35–66Google Scholar.
20 The term ‘maneria’ captures a nuanced understanding of ‘procedure’ and is used in place of ‘modus’ or ‘tonus’ in this treatise. Guido Augensis, Regulae de arte musica, in Maître, La réforme cistercienne du plain-chant, 110: ‘Hunc enim credimus esse fructum huius operis cognoscere de cantu cuius sit manerie, et cuius forme illud per dispositionem, hoc per progressionem, sive per compositionem.’
21 On this group of writers (Berno and Herman of Reichenau, William of Hirsau, Aribo, Frutolf of Michelsberg, and Theoger of Metz), which included John Cotton, erroneously identified as John of Affligem, see McCarthy, Thomas, Music, Scholasticism and Reform: Salian Germany, 1024–1125 (Manchester, 2009), 47–50Google Scholar.
22 On the views of Hermannus Contractus and John Cotton, see Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1:131–6.
23 H, fol. 38r, ed. Mews et al., ‘Guy of St-Denis’, 32: ‘Incipit alia ars de tonis per modum dyalogi que a quibusdam intitulatur sub nomine beati bernardi.’
24 Tonale Sancti Bernardi, ed. Meyer, 87: ‘Quod quaeris, non est praesentis negotii, cum prohibente sancto Cisterciensi capitulo, nec in gradali nec in Antiphonario quidquam mutari jam liceat. Quaere tamen musicam Guidonis Augensis, quam scribit ad sanctissimum magistrum suum domnum Guillelmum primum Rievallis abbatem. Ibi de talibus sufficienter doceri poteris.’ Coussemaker's edition, reprinted in Patrologia Latina 182:1166D, erroneously reads ‘nec in Guidonis Antiphonario’.
25 See Grocheio, Ars musice, 5.5, 56–8.
26 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, II.ii, q.91, art. 2: ‘Manifestum est autem quod secundum diversas melodias sonorum animi hominum diversimode disponuntur, ut patet per philosophum, in viii polit., et per Boetium, in prologo musicae.’
27 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.4, 2:51. Hentschel, Frank, ‘Der verjagte Dämon: Mittelalterliche Gedanken zur Wirkung der Musik aus der Zeit um 1300, mit einer Edition der Quaestiones 16 und 17 aus Quodlibet VI des Petrus d'Auvergne’, in Miscellanea Mediaevalia 27: Geistesleben im 13. Jahrhundert, ed. Aertsen, Jan A. and Speer, Andreas (Berlin, 2000), 412–21Google Scholar; Jeffreys, Catherine, ‘The Exchange of Ideas About Music in Paris c. 1270–1304: Guy of Saint-Denis, Johannes de Grocheio, and Peter of Auvergne’, in Communities of Learning: Networks and the Shaping of Intellectual Identity in Europe, 1100–1500, ed. Mews, Constant J. and Crossley, John N. (Turnhout, 2011), 151–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
28 Grocheio, Ars musice, 6.2, 60.
29 Ibid., 25.2, 94.
30 Ibid., 26.8, 98–9.
31 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 2:133: ‘et magistrum Petrum de Cruce, qui fuit optimus cantor et Ambianensis ecclesie consuetudinem specialiter observavit’.
32 Petrus de Cruce Ambianensis, Tractatus de tonis, ed. Denis Harbinson, Corpus scriptorum de musica 29 (Rome, 1976).
33 Ibid., 282.
34 H, fol. 58v: ‘Qui legis auctoris nomen per quinque priora / Gramata pictoris, hoc scribe celitus ora’. Cf. Guido of Arezzo, Regule, ed. Pesce, 328.
35 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.1, 2:4: ‘qui cantus publicos et civiles – utpote cantilenas et rotundellos – et maxime cantus mensuratos – quales sunt moteti, hoqueti et huiusmodi dicunt tonis non subici nec per eos regulari’. Cf. Grocheio, Ars musice, 25.2, 94, ‘Non enim per tonum cognoscimus cantum vulgalem. puta cantilenam. ductiam. stantipedem. quemadmodum superius dicebatur.’
36 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.2, 2:22: ‘sicut repperi in quodam libello de tonis ac eorum origine antiquo valde, ubi et Guidonis Micrologus continetur, quem in isto tractatu frequenter allego’.
37 Walter of Châtillon, Alexandreis III.457 and V.350; Alexandreis. A Twelfth-Century Epic, trans. David Townsend (Peterborough, Ont., 2007), 214.
38 H, f. 65r–v: ‘ultra protenderet studentes postmodum et per istos octo sonos et cantandi modos qui nunc toni dicuntur argumenta quamplura certissime conicientes discipline musice seriem congesserunt’.
39 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.2, 2:24: ‘Sed quid iste voces significent vel cuius lingue sint, “noieane” videlicet vel “noieagis” aut consimiles, nemo, ut ibidem legitur, adhuc novit, nisi forte quod talis vox vel sonus quasi lingua hominis per fistulas occultas ex concursu aque et aeris spiritu ventorum resonat. Greci tamen aliqui, ut huiusmodi questione se statim liberent, istas voces interpretantur esse voces letitie sicut “euax” est interiectio letitiam et exultationem designans.’
40 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.2, 2:24–5: ‘A quo siquidem illa, que ex predicto libello antiquo hucusque de tonorum origine recitando magis posui quam asserendo, conscripta fuerint cuique auctori imputari debeant aut ascribi, certum non habeo. Videtur tamen potius quod alteri, qui post Guidonem fuerit, quam ipsi Guidoni, presertim cum ibidem de ipso eiusque tonorum formulis fiat expresse mentio sub his verbis: Formulas Guidonis abbatis viri in musica preclarissimi subter inseruimus inter tonos. Quamvis namque Boecius et ceteri antiquiriores musici acutius atque profundius traverint de obscura et impenetrabili musice scientia, que soli deo ad plenum patet, iste tamen nobis condescendes lucidissimas et utilissimas ad canendum composuit regulas huius artis. Ecclesiasticus enim homo de necessario usu ecclesie nos instruxit, dans plurima officiorum responsoriorum vel antiphonarum exempla, quod omnino pene omnes alii tacuerunt.’
41 Léopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, 4 vols. (Paris, 1868–81), 2:527: ‘Guido Augensis liber de musica ad Willermum Rievallis abbatem. Item eiusdem micrologus ad Theobaldum, Arethiane civitatis episcopum. Item dyalogus ecclesiastice cum octo modorum formulis, demum eorum regule generales. In uno volumine cuius signum est littera E.’ See Rouse, Richard H., ‘Manuscripts Belonging to Richard de Fournival’, Revue d'histoire des textes, 3 (1973), 253–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Meyer, ‘Tonaire’, 66, notes that the Micrologus is also attributed to Guido Augensis in a twelfth-century manuscript, Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1616.
42 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.4, 2:49: ‘Licet autem secundum diversitatem regionum morumque hominum tot vel plures videantur esse maneries et modi cantandi.’
43 Wylde, John, Musica manualis cum tonale, ed. Sweeney, Cecily, Corpus scriptorum de musica 28 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1982), 62, 70, 77, 90Google Scholar; see Maître, La réforme cistercienne du plain-chant, 68.
44 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 1.4, 2:38.
45 Ibid.
46 Ibid., 1.4, 2:39.
47 Ibid., 1.4, 2:40.
48 Ibid., 1.4, 2:41.
49 Ibid., 1.4, 2:52.
50 Ibid., 1.4, 2:55–6.
51 Aristotle, Ethics 1.3.1094b27, trans. William of Moerbeke: ‘Sermones inquirendi sunt secundum materiam de qua sunt.’
52 Stephen of Liège, Officium sanctae Trinitatis, ed. Jonsson, Ritva, Historia. Études sur la genèse des Offices versifiés (Stockholm, 1968), 221–4Google Scholar. The attribution to Stephen (rather than to Hucbald) is affirmed by Close, Florence, ‘L'Office de la Trinité d'étienne de Liège (901–920). Un témoin de l'héritage liturgique et théologique de la première réforme carolingienne à l'aube du Xe siècle’, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 86.3–4 (2008) 623–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
53 See Crocker, ‘Matins Antiphons at St Denis’.
54 Tractatus, ed. Klundert, 2, 2:60–1, quoting Guido, Regule 262–4, ed. Pesce, 382.
55 Ibid., 2, 2:61–2: ‘Librum autem de tonis, quem, ut dictum est, ab ipso editum quidam musici asseverant, etsi diligenter quesitum sub ipsius intitulatum nomine repperisse hucusque nequiverim, a Guidonis tamen vestigiis et aliorum sequentium musicorum regulis, qui ipsius venerandi doctoris imitati sunt vestigia, non recessi. Fortassis etiam inter multos variosque tractatus, quos de ista materia vidi, librum ipsum tenui et attente legi, ignorans tamen aut nescius cuius esset.’
56 Jerome of Moravia (Hieronymus de Moravia), Tractatus de musica 20, ed. Christian Meyer and Guy Lobrichon, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis 250 (Turnhout, 2012). This edition supplants that of Simon M. Cserba (Regensburg, 1935). Guy Lobrichon discusses (pp. xii–xiii), the possibility raised by Michel Huglo that the epithets Moravo and de Moravia given to Jerome indicate that he was from the region of Moray, Scotland, where a Dominican convent was founded at Elgin in the 1220s, without committing himself to this possibility: ‘La Musica du Fr. Prêcheur Jérome de Moray’, Max Lütolf zum 60. Geburtstag: Festschrift, ed. Hangartner, Bernhard and Fischer, Urs (Basle, 1994), 113–16Google Scholar. We retain Moravia (which did not exist as a Dominican province until 1298), although this may well be Moray.
57 Jerome, Tractatus de musica, 140: ‘Deinde quicquid de armonia diximus ad tonorum metas uolentes reducere, sciendum est quod VIII sunt modi, quos Guido abusiue tonos dicit appellari.’ Meyer and Lobrichon identify only a single passage from Guido (Regulae Rhythmicae) as quoted by Jerome, Tractatus, 4.
58 Jerome, Tractatus de musica , book 7, 23–31, quoting the commentary on the De caelo by Aquinas, Thomas, In Aristotelis libros De caelo et mundo, De generatione et corruptione, Meteorologicorum: expositio, ed. Spiazzi, R. M. (Turin, 1952), 210–11Google Scholar. See Mews, Constant J., ‘Questioning the Music of the Spheres: Aristotle, Johannes de Grocheio, and the University of Paris 1250–1300’, in Knowledge, Discipline and Power in the Middle Ages, Essays in Honour of David Luscombe, ed. Canning, Joseph, King, Edmund and Staub, Martial (Leiden, 2011), 95–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The interpolation implies that at least this section of the work might have already been completed by 1271.
59 Grocheio, Ars musice, 5.6, 58.
60 Jerome, Tractatus 8, 33; Jerome, Tractatus, ed. Cserba, 35.
61 Jerome, Tractatus 21, lines 21–160, 147–8: ‘Omnis igitur cantus… erit cantus ille toni paris.’
62 See ibid. 20, 142: ‘Tropus autem secundum Johannem de Garlandia est regula, quae de omni cantu in fine dijudicat. Aliter tropus est species uniuscujusque diapason. Aliter adhuc tropus est, per quem cognoscimus principium, medium et finem cujuslibet meli.’
63 Berno of Reichenau, Prologus in Tonarium, Patrologia Latina 142:1102; Cotto, Johannes, De musica cum tonario, ed. van Waesberghe, J. Smits, Corpus scriptorum de musica 22 (Rome, 1950), 142Google Scholar. See also The Summa Musice: A Thirteenth-Century Manual for Singers, ed. Page, Christopher (Cambridge, 1991), 186 (trans. Page, 107)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Chapter 25 (Page, ibid., 206) includes references not just to the Franciscan and Dominican Orders, but to the Order of the Sword, which he identifies as flourishing in Livonia between 1202 and 1236. Page (9–12) argues that this chapter, which reflects on the meanings of musica, was added after the original composition of the work by Perseus, whom he identifies with a figure of that name at Würzburg, who died between 1215 and 1217, and Petrus, perhaps a disciple who completed the work c.1225–36. On allusions to Aristotle within the treatise, see Page, ibid., 224–6.
64 Amerus, Practica musicae, 17, ed. Ruini, Cesarino, Corpus scriptorum de musica, vol. 25 (Rome, 1977), 77Google Scholar.
65 Pseudo-Aristoteles, Tractatus de musica, ed. Edmond de Coussemaker, in Scriptorum de Musica Medii aevi a Gerbertina altera (Paris, 1864), 1:277: ‘Unde vero dicitur esse modus in cantu regula quedam qua cantus regitur, discernitur et moderatur.’
66 Christian Meyer observes this point in his edition of these texts, Musica Plana Johannis de Garlandia. Introduction, edition et commentaire (Baden-Baden 1998), 127–8; cf. Introductio, ed. Meyer, 87. Although Meyer in his introduction (130–1) to the Introductio doubts that the latter text reports a further stage in John's teaching, the absence of any allusion to tripartite analysis of chant suggests that it is unlikely to date from the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, as suggested by Whitcomb, Pamela, ‘Teachers, booksellers and taxes: reinvestigating the life and activities of Johannes de Garlandia’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 8 (1999), 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
67 For example in Omnis igitur cantus ecclesiasticus the range was so constrained by rule that ‘no ecclesiastical chant can ascend above its final more than eight notes or descend below its final more than four notes’. (‘Et hoc est, quia nullus cantus ecclesiasticus supra suam finale plus quam VIII notis potest ascendere vel sub sua finali descendere plus quam IIII notis.’)
68 Jerome, Tractatus 21, 145: ‘Licet autem toni conveniant in finalitatibus, differunt tamen in intensionibus et remissionibus. Nam omnes toni impares supra suam finalem VIII notis et licentialiter IX possunt ascendere, sub sua vero finali non plus quam unam descendere possunt. Pares autem toni supra suam finalem V notis et [106b] licentialiter VI possunt ascendere, sub sua vero finali IIII descendere possunt, quod patet inducendo per singula.’ While used fourteen times by Jerome in this one chapter, licentialiter is used only once in the Introductio musice attributed to John of Garland, in Scriptorum de musica medii aevi nova series a Gerbertina altera, ed. de Coussemaker, Edmond (Paris, 1864), 1:168Google Scholar. It also occurs once in De musica mensurata: The Anonymous of St. Emmeram, ed. and trans. Yudkin, Jeremy (Bloomington, IN, 1990), 158Google Scholar.
69 Mews et al., ‘Guy of St Denis’ and Table 1.
70 H, fol. 39v, Grocheio, Ars musice,1.3, 45: ‘Ita quod ad unum in sexquialtera sicut 12 ad [8] qui dyapente reddebant.’
71 H, fol. 58v: ‘Qui legis auctoris nomen per quinque priora Gramata pictoris, hoc scribi celitus ora.’
72 H, fol. 96v: ‘Explicit tractatus de tonis a fatre [sic] guidone monacho monasterii sancti dionysii in francia compilatus.’
73 See Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, Donatella, ed., La Bibliothèque de Saint-Denis en France du IXe au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1985), 51–2Google Scholar.
74 In the Sanctilogium Arabic numerals are supplied as a running title, to indicate the number of the book. Its form is very close to that given in Harley 281, in which Arabic numerals are often used, alongside Roman numerals (e.g. fol. 41), as part of Grocheio, Ars musice.
75 On the Sanctilogium, see Mews, Constant J. ‘Re-structuring the Golden Legend in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Sanctilogium of Guy of Châtres, abbot of Saint-Denis’, Revue bénédictine, 120 (2010), 129–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sanctilogium sive Speculum legendarum (L London, British Library, Royal 13.D.IX) in which Guy expanded upon or supplanted the legendary of Jacobus de Voragine by drawing on resources available to him at St Denis. See also Omont, Henri, ‘Le Sanctilogium de Guy de Châtres, abbé de Saint-Denys’, Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes, 86 (1925), 407–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which contains a transcription of the prologue of the Sanctilogium.
76 These are some of the annotations in L, distinct from corrections to the main text by its scribe: [Macharius] fol. 8ra de sene petentem monachatum; [Epiphany] fol. 11rb nota pro regibus et prelatis; [Vincent] fol. 15rb pro raptoribus; [Anthony] fol. 18ra De uirtute familiaritatis ; fol. 18rb contra proprietarios … quod monachos post orationem debent operari … quod vere viderunt sanctos suos; [Louis] fol. 173ra pro plurima postulanda; fol. 173rb commendatio sancti Ludovici … remedium contra guerram; fol. 175rb nota de beato martire… cave pericula … de cibo et corpore Ludovici; [John the Baptist] fol. 182rb nota de iuliano apostato; fol. 192rb de furo liberando per beatam mariam. Other notes (not always legible) occur on fols. 144r, 166v, 168r, 168v, 169v, 170r, 185v, 186r, 192r, 192v, 212v, 219v, 241r, 255r, 256r, 260v, 277v, 310v, 313v, 345v, 346r, 346v. On fols. 353ra–rb and 354ra, on the temporal cycle, the same hand seems to have added Arabic numerals, very similar in form to those identifying individual books of the Sanctilogium and to those used in Harley 281.
77 Robertson, Anne, ‘The Reconstruction of the Abbey Church at Saint-Denis (1231–81): The Interplay of Music and Ceremony with Architecture and Politics’, Early Music History 5 (1985), 187–238Google Scholar.
78 Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda, La Bibliothèque de Saint-Denis, 337–55. The account books of Saint-Denis reveal that from 1284 a magister iuvenum and a magister puerorum were each paid 32 soldi per annum, raised to 40 soldi from 1320.
79 See the Introduction of Mews et al., to Grocheio, Ars musice, 14–16.
80 The accounts (referred to in n. 78 above) reveal that there was a trickle of expenditure on book purchases (never more than 8 libri in one year) from 1280/81 (when accounts begin after a break of fifty years) until 1328, when there was a sudden surge, which continued until 1339. During this period an average of more than 20 libri was spent per year with a maximum of nearly 74 libri in 1329–30. This interval coincides almost exactly with the time when Guy of Châtres was abbot of Saint-Denis (1326–42).
81 See Mews et al., ‘Guy of Saint-Denis’, 25–6.