Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 February 2021
Among the many survivais which have come down to us from the childhood of humanity nothing seems to be so widespread, so prominent, so persistently vital, as the belief in Metamorphosis. Mythology and Legend are filled with it. Literature is indebted to it for some of her brightest jewels; in fact, some of her grandest monuments, without it, would hardly have a raison d'être. In all nations and times the gods enjoy this, their peculiar privilege, as a matter of course, and they use it, both on themselves and on others, with varying motives and more or less discretion. Among men, those who come by the gift naturally are comparatively rare, and seldom encountered outside of the most primitive nations; of the remainder, a few are presented with the gift by some higher power, but the great majority derive their ability wholly from the use of magic arts. There are the Bear-Men or“ Berserkers” and the Swan-Maidens of Scandinavia, the Tiger-Men of India, the Hyena-Men of Abyssinia and many other people of a similar character in all quarters of the earth.
Note 1 page 1 The present discussion is an expansion of an article read before the Johns Hopkins Philological Association, May 20, 1892. An abstract of it appeared inn the University Circular, vol. 12, p. 21 (Jan., 1893).
Note 1 page 2 Cf. the Greek saying, . See Edler, Thiere des Class. Altertums, p. 401, note 78 with references, and cf. our own expression: “Hungry as a wolf.” Old Test., Gen. 49, 27: Eze. 22, 27: Zeph, 3, 3; N. T., Mat. 7, 15. As the wolf is the symbol of unbridled cruelty so, in Roman parlance, the she-wolf (cf, lupa, lupanaria, etc.) represented unbridled lust. (Perhaps from the Greek Comedy. See Keller o. c., p. 402, n. 85 and 86). Thus early, was felt the strange eternal brotherhood of those twin primeval passions of man, the Lust of Blood and the Lust of the Flesh : a brotherhood which Milton felt and expressed (Par. Lost, I, 417), and which the annals of crime in our great cities and the researches of modern nervespecialists have confirmed to a frightful degree.
Note 2 page 2 Hertz. Der Werwolf, p. 14 and notes.
Note 3 page 2 Pausanias, 6, 6. So among the old Italic peoples. See an old Etruscan vase-painting of Charon, Schwenck, Sinnbilder der alten Völker, p. 524. The wolf is sacred to the Egyptian Amenti, god of the Under-World (cf. Herod., 2, 122). The Hirpi (wolf-people) were priests of the Sabine Soranus, god of Hades, while the Roman Mars is originally god of Death See espec. Hertz, p. 41 ff., Grimm, D. M., 832.
Note 1 page 3 Keller, o. c., p. 163; Liebrecht, Volkskunde, p. 334–5. Hertz, p. 14, n. 1, etc. There seems to be a certain amount of truth at the bottom of this statement. At any rate, the same story is told of the Puma or American lion, as a matter of personal experience. See article in Scribner's Monthly, Vol. 3, p. 1 ff.
Note 2 page 3 Theocritus, 14, 22: Vergil, Eclog., 9, 53: Pliny, 8, 80: Geopon., 15, 1. He has the same effect on dogs. Plato, Leg., 906.
Note 3 page 3 Pliny, 8, 83. One is inevitably reminded of the popolar idea of the arrestive properties of salt as applied to a bird's tail. It is a universal principle of witchcraft that the power of a charm is in direct proportion to the difficulty of obtaining it.
Note 1 page 4 Aristoph. Byzant., Hist. Anim., 2, 242. The efficacy of this class of amulets, which is very large, rests on the principle of “Similia similibus,” “The hair of the dog to core the bite,” or, still more properly, perhaps, on the principle of, “Dog eat dog.”
Note 2 page 4 Porta, Phyt., 3, c. 3.
Note 3 page 4 Livy, 21, 62: 21,46 : 27, 37 : 41, 13. Hor, Od., 3, 27, 3. Pausan., 9, 13, 24 : Zonar., 10, 23. If he approached the dwellings of men with more than usual boldness, storm and tempest were imminent. (Geopon, 1, 3).
Note 4 page 4 “ Artemidor., Oneirocrit., 2, 12.
Note 5 page 4 “Intellexi illum versipellem esse,” says Niceros (Petron., 62), “nec postea cum illo panem guatare potui, non si me occidisses.”
Note 1 page 5 See William of Palerne, for example.
Note 2 page 5 Petron. Sat., 61. On Petronius Arbiter and his work, see Sellar, cyclop. Brit.; Teuffel, Röm. Lit. § 305; Friedlaender, Petronii cena Trimalchionis, Einleit. (Leipsig, 1891); Gaston Boissier, L'opposition sous l'empire.
Note 3 page 5 Petronius is one of the most charming story-tellers in literature. He makes his freedman here think and talk like a freedman. In this characteristic of his literary art be curiously anticipates the modern spirit. This poor attempt to reproduce the atmosphere of the original will, I trust, be excused.
Note 4 page 5 In vico angusto. “In einer gam engen Gasse” (Friedl.) I believe angusto here is a proper noun; cf. Broadway, etc.
Note 1 page 6 Pulcherrimum bacciballum. It is not known just what this word means. See Friedl., ad loc.
Note 2 page 6 “in illius sinum demandavi.”
Note 3 page 6 “per scutum per ocream egi aginavi.” See Friedl., ad. loc.; Bücheler, Rh. Mus., 37, 518.
Note 4 page 6 “fortis tanquam Orcus.” Orcus, the old Italic god of the Under-World, is still an important figure in the fairy tales of Italy. “Orco,” though identified by the modem peasant with the devil, is decidedly undevilish in many respects and shows plain traces of his pre-christian origin. See Otto, Archiv, f. Lat. Lex., 3, 212.
Note 5 page 6 Apoculamus, (?). See Friedl, ad loc.
Note 6 page 6 Venimus intra monimenta. The reader will recollect the Roman custom of burying beside the roads, the only state of things in which the conventional epitaph, “Stay, traveller, as you pass by, etc.” could have had a reasonable use.
Note 7 page 6 Homo meus, exactly the Fr. mon homme.
Note 8 page 6 ad stelas facere. See Friedländer and Bücheier, ad loc. Facere is not necessarily “verecundius dictum” as Büch, says, bat in the sense of facessere. Cf. Apul., Met. 5, 2, etc. Former editions read, “ad stellas facere,” thus introducing, without warrant, a piece of magic into the story. In this case the necessary meaning of facere would here have no parallel, nor, is at all likely if the soldier “began to conjure with the stars” that Niceros would say, “sedeo cantabundus et stellas numero,” the acme of careless ease.
Note 1 page 7 mihi anima in naso esse. (Anacr., Bergk, 7).
Note 2 page 7 “In tota via umbrae cecidi” (Bücheier). Umbrae in ita literal sense gives a dramatic touch to the story. Cf. Juvenal, 10, 21. Bat the text is hopelessly corrupt. Friedländer translates, “Gespenster.” The MS. reading is unintelligible, but carries the suspicion that something of the sort may be hidden in it.
Note 1 page 8 Nakedness is a necessary part of several magic ceremonies. So, for instance, in the ceremony of drawing down the moon, of which one representation has come down to us. See, Lenormant, Cer., II, 389. The same doctrine is expressed in the crinibus solutis, discinctis vestibus, pedibus nudis, etc., regularly given to Medea and others during magic ceremonies. Ovid, Met., 7, 257, etc.
Note 2 page 8 Cf. Petron., 57. Si circumminxero ilium, neaciet qua fugiat. See Friedl., ad lac., Pischel, “Zu Petron 62,” Abhandlungen für M, Hertz, 1888, p. 69, ff., E. Wilhelm, On the use of beef's urine according to the precepts of the Avata and on similar customs with other nations, Bombay, 1889, p. 25 ff., Élie Reclus, Primitive Folk, N. Y., 1891, pp. 36 and 60.
In Hindostan, as in Italy, circummicturition was supposed to charm one fast Pischel quotes the following ancient Indian formula: “Das Umharnen des Knechts.” “Während er (der Knecht) schläft, soll (der Herr) seinen urin in das Horn eines Thiers lassen und nach linkshin drei Mal um ihn herumgehen, indem er dabei den Urin sprengt (und die Verse spricht): 'Von dem Berge (deiner Heimat), von Mutter und Schwester, von den Eltern und Geschwistern und den Freunden löse ich dich ab. O Knecht, du bist umharnt, wohin wirst du umharnt, gehen?”
See also Jacobus a Voragine, Legenda Aurea, c. 4.
Note 1 page 9 Pliny, 8, 80. Of any transformation; Plaut Amphit., 123; A pul., Met., 2, 22. In tropic sense of “crafty” “shifting” Plaut. Bacch., 658; Lucil. 530 (Lach.); Donat. Ter. And., 2, 6, 16. Cf. versipelle in Mod. Ital.
Note 2 page 9 Book of Werwolves, p. 66.
Note 1 page 10 See Trlor, Primitive Culture, 1, 308, ff.
Note 2 page 10 Like, for example, the story of Kronos swallowing his children. See Long, Custom and Myth, p. 46.
Note 3 page 10 Fab. Aesopeae, 196 (Halm), collection made by Max. Planudes in the 14th cent. The story is very late. But no idea of date or place can be given
Note 1 page 11 Warncke, Die Lais der Marie de France, Halle, 1887.
Note 2 page 11 Hertz, Werwolf, p, 91, note 1. Rostrenen, Diet. franç.-celtique, Rennes, 1732, etc. Bisclavret appears to be derived from blezi-garv (bleiz, wolf; garv, wicked, wild). Garv may also = garou, i. e., garwolf, werwolf. The usual term in Breton is den-bleiz. Den = man. Grimm, D. M., p. 916, 4th edit.
Note 1 page 12 The question shows that she was previously acquainted with the werwolf theory which we are discussing.
Note 1 page 13 Betrayal by some one near and dear is a common element in fairy tales the world over. See Köhler's Introd. to Warncke's ed. of Marie, p. 81, etc.
Note 2 page 13 Roman du Renard Contrefait (Call, da Paètes Champenois Ant. au 15me Siède, p. 138, ff.). See, also, Köhler, Vergleich. Anmerk. zu M.de France, p. 74 ff of Warncke's ed., Halle, 1885.
Note 3 page 13 Published by W. Horak, Zeitschrift für Roman. Philol, VI, 94 ff.
Note 1 page 14 Polybius, 16, 12, 7; Plutarch, Quaest, Gr., 39.
Note 2 page 14 8, 88, 5.
Note 3 page 14 3, 8, 1.
Note 1 page 15 Alex., 481. Schol. Tzezt., vol. 2, p. 635, Leipsig, 1811.
Note 2 page 15 Fab. 176.
Note 3 page 15 Ovid, Met. 2, 409 ff.
Note 4 page 15 Orelli, Hist. Excerpt., Leipsig, 1804, p. 41 ff. See also Eratosthenes, Catast., 8.
Note 5 page 15 Ovid, Metam. 1, 239 ff.
Note 1 page 16 Republic, 565, D.
Note 2 page 16 N. H. 8, 22, 81.
Note 3 page 16 This statement is worth noticing, if we recollect that, for some people under enchantment, time stands still : e. g. the “Sleeping Beauty,” “Seven Sleepers,” etc.
Note 1 page 17 Both of these stories were also told by Varro (Augustine, De Civit. Dei, 18, 17). Varro adds that, in his opinion, the name Lykaios was added both to Pan and Zeus in Arcadia, on account of this change of men into wolves, which could not have taken place without the exercise of divine power.
Note 2 page 17 So, for instance, Iphigenia in Tauris, Aulis, etc.; Suchier De victimis humanis apud Graecos, Marburg, 1848; K. F. Hermann, Gött. Altertum., 1, 2.
Note 3 page 17 Arcades astris lunaque priores, Stat., Theb., 4, 175: Apol. Rhod., Argon., 4, 264; Schol. Aristoph., Nubes, 398, etc.
Note 1 page 18 Hertz, p. 32. The theory of a forgotten etymology, by which so many old legends hare been ruthlessly consigned to the lexicon, does not commend itself. Surely, the whole story of Lycaon never sprang from the fact that some partially civilized etymologist derived Lykaios from, a wolf, not from lueco, to shine, as he should have done.
Note 2 page 18 Page 39.
Note 3 page 18 Like the Roman Mars, Egyptian Amenti, etc.
Note 4 page 18 Keller, p. 166.
Note 5 page 18 See Hertz, p. 32 ff. for other deriv. of Lykaios.
Note 6 page 18 Über den Z. Lykaios, Progr. dea Gymnas. in Göttingen, 1851, p. 33 ff.
Note 1 page 19 See Hertz, p. 39, n. 1. The same sort of a legend with regard to tigers, etc., is still prevalent.
Note 2 page 19 See note below. He who had been guilty of blood was “wolf” or wolf's head, ' i. e. outlawed. Perhaps he who had the stain of blood upon him resorted to this sacrifice for purification, which was not complete until a sentence of outlawry couched in terms of the wolf and lasting till the next sacrifice had been complied with. Or, as is more likely, the priest performing the sacrifice was held to be unclean and blood-guilty, and hence subject to that sentence. Therefore the selection by lot of one of the sacerdotal clan, etc. The condition of return to human shape seems connected with same idea.
Note 1 page 20 Topographia Hiberniae, II, 19. See also Camden, Britannia, London, 1806, IV, 293.
Note 2 page 20 Otia Imperialia, ed. Liebrecht, p. 51. So Gervase says (p. 4); “Vidimus frequenter in Anglin per lunationes homines in lupos mutari, etc” The ancient connection of the moon with insanity might suggest that we have here a circumstance connected with the pathology of lycanthropy which has been attached to the werwolf story. It is more likely however, that, as in most other cases where transformation is said to be periodic, some ancient religious observance is at the bottom of it. See Tacitus, Germania, 11; Grimm, D. M., p. 591; O. Crawford, Travels in Portugal, pp. 25–34 (3rd ed.); Hertz, p. 97.
Note 1 page 21 Russwurm, Eibofolke, etc, Reval, 1855, II, 204.
Note 2 page 21 Looked upon merely as an attending circumstance, the sight of a man in epilepsy would be a parallel. Looked upon as a cause of transformation, the story of Hercules and Antaeus is curiously suggestive of an explanation.
Note 3 page 21 Grimm, D. M., 1050. The charm is as follows: “naar en pige ved midnat udspänder mellem, fire kieppe den hinde, i hvilken föllet er, naar det kastes, og derpas nögen kryber derigjennem, da vil hun kunne föde böbrn uden smerte,” etc. See Grimm, D. M., 3, p. 484, no. 167, with references.
Note 1 page 22 See Grimm, D. M., 1105, for this and a large number of similar superstitions. Well known is our own saying that the gift of prophecy falls to the seventh child of a seventh child. See Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythohgie, München, 1848, I, 337.
Note 2 page 22 Hertz, for example, whose book, Der Werwolf, must always be a classic on this subject.
Note 3 page 22 Volsungasaga, chap. 5–8. For a modern treatment of the same story see Wm. Morris, Sigurd the Volsung, p. 36, Boston, 1881.
Note 1 page 23 At least, it is no where said that nudity is a necessary preliminary to donning the magic wolfskin, while, on the contrary, Afzelius, Ungewitter, 2, 361, tells of a Swedish soldier from Calmar who, in the last war with Russia, being siezed with homesickness came back in the shape of a wolf. Unfortunately he was shot by a hunter just outside of his native village. When the supposed wolf was skinned, a man's shirt was found next to the body. The woman identified it as one which she had made for her husband before he left for the war. See also Wedderkop, Bilder aus dem Norden, Oldenburg, 1844, II, 206; Menzel's Literaturblatt, 1845, No. 18, p. 71.
Note 1 page 24 Observation of the peculiarities of the “Berserker rage” and similar affections may have suggested this idea in the werwolf story.
Note 2 page 24 This phase is something of a surprise to the modern reader, but only at first sight. It really is present in nearly all the stories. The werwolf's transformation is to him what strong drink is to the drunkard or sin to the profligate. I leave the reader to philosophise here.
Note 1 page 25 Thrymskvidha, 3; Bragaroedhur, 56.
Note 2 page 25 Grimm, D. M., 398 ff., 1216; Hocker, “Frouwa and der Schwan,” Wolf's Zeitschrift f. d. Mythologie, 1, 305, Göttingen, 1853; Frauer, Die Walkyrien, p. 70, Weimar, 1846. J. Fiske, Mythe and Myth Makers, Boston, 1877, p. 69 ff, (See also Atlantic Monthly, 28, 129 ff.); Hertz, p. 50, with notes and references.
Note 1 page 26 Maurer, Bekehrung, II, p. 102.
Note 2 page 26 Maurer, id. ibid.; Exx. in Hertz, p. 49 ff.
Note 3 page 26 Grimm, D. M., 1051; Hertz, p. 67 ff. and authorities quoted there. Bear-men and even bear-women are common elsewhere. Three or four such stories, for example, are to be found in the Neapolitan Pentamerone.
The strength of the Bear-men was generally periodic, while the intervals were marked by extreme lassitude, even stupidity. The phenomenon is one well known to physicians and here, as in other places, has doubtless had an influence upon the old werwolf story. Of especial interest in this connection is the story of “Ulfr Bjalfason, the Evening-wolf.” Maurer, Bekehrung, II, 108 ff.
Note 4 page 26 Verûlfr was used simply as a title acc. to Grimm, D. M., 1048.
Varûlf is the term in modern Scandinavia. It has been generalized until it includes the bear-transformation. Faye, Norske-Folge-Saga, p. 78; Hertz, p. 61, notes 3 and 4. We have already noted a similar phenomenon in the use of Versipellis.
Note 5 page 26 The root of “wolf” (. L. & S.) has been connected with robbery, evil doing, etc. At any rate the association undoubtedly arose from some such connection of ideas.
Note 1 page 27 Lex Salica, 58: “wargus sit—hoc est, expulsus, etc.” See Lex Ripuaria, 85.
Note 2 page 27 Old Norman Law: “warqus esto, etc.” Pluquet, Contes populaires, Rouen, 1834, p. 15.
Note 3 page 27 Laws of Canute, 7, 3, : “Lupinum enim gerit caput quod anglice wulfes heáfod dicifur.”
Note 4 page 27 Laws of Henry I, 83, 5: wargus habeatur, etc.“ Tale of Gamelyn : ”Whan that Gamelyn their lorde wolveshede was cried and made.“
Note 5 page 27 “— iudicatus est matrem necasse: ei damnato statim folliculus lupinus in os et solese ligneae inductae sunt, in carcerem ductus est.” Cornif. ad Her., 1, 23. Cf. “— ut ibi (i. e. in carcere) esset dum culeus, in quem coniectus in profluentem deferretur, compararetur.” Cic. Invent., 2, 148.
The point here is evidently complete outlawry. Nor does it appear a mere coincidence that here the wolfskin should suggest the same association of ideas as the expression “wolf” or “wolf's head” in the North.
Note 6 page 27 Grimm, Reehtsalterthümer, p. 736.
Note 7 page 27 Grimm, id. ibid., p. 685. So in the Heliand, 1.27 : varagreo for the gallows.
Note 1 page 28 The idea of a magic girdle is as old as the “cestus” of Aphrodite.
Note 2 page 28 The association of wolf with death on the gallows has already been a alluded to. Many superstitions have gathered around death by such means.
Note 3 page 28 Kuhn, Märkische Sagen, p. 375, etc.
Note 4 page 28 Schambach-Müller, Niederaächs. Sagen, No. 198.
Note 5 page 28 Temme, Volkssagen der Altmark, p. 56.
Note 6 page 28 Hertz, p. 80, with notes 3 and 4.
Note 7 page 28 Grimm, D. M., 1051; Dobeneck, Des deutschen Mittelalters Volksglauben, II, 173; Verstegan, Restitution of Decayed Intelligence, etc., 1628, p. 237; Guyot de Pitaval, Causes Célébres; P. de l'Ancre, Tableau de l'Inconstance des mauvais Anges, Paris, 1610, Liv. IV, Disc., 2 ff., etc., etc.
Note 1 page 29 Lansen, “Vlämische Segen und Gebraüchen,” Wolf's Zeit. f. d. Mythol., III, 170.
Note 2 page 29 Haxthausen, Transkaukasia, Leipsig, 1856, I, p. 322.
Note 1 page 30 Encycl. Brit., Alt “vampirism.”
Note 1 page 31 See Hertz, p. 122, ff., with authorities quoted. Mannhardt. “Ueber Vampirismus,” Zeits. f, d. Myth., vol. 4 (1859); Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, London, 1872, etc, eta As examples of this legend in literary form may be mentioned, Bürger's Lenore; A. Dumas, Ruthven; Th. Gautier, La Morte Amoureuse; Balzac, Le Succube, etc.
Note 2 page 31 See Petron, 63; 134, 1; Ovid. Fasti, 6, 129 ff.; Metam., 15, 356; 7, 269; Amores, 1, 1, 20; Ibis., 221; Seneca, Med., 730; Plaut., Pseud., 820 (R.); Tibul., 1, 5, 52; Propert, 4 (5), 5, 17; 3 (4, 5), 6, 29; Feet., 314, 33. Pliny says (N. H. XI, 232) : “fabulosum enim arbitrer de strigibus ubera eas infantami labris immulgere, esse in maledictis iam antiquis strigem convenit, sed quae sit avium constare non arbitrer.” See, also, Schmidt, Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 136 and note; Soldan, Gesch. der Hexenprozesse, I, 43, etc.
Most interesting is Apuleius, Metam., 3, 21, who gives the method for the bubo transformation. The magician rubs on a salve, etc. Return to human shape is accomplished by a mixture of dill and pare water. Drink some and take a bath in the rest. Such was, perhaps, the method of werwolf transformation in Propertius (4, 5, 13) and Vergil (Eclog., 8, 95), for, in the former at least, the line is undoubtedly associated with a Thessalian witch. The analogy in modern Thessaly between the werwolf and vampire is very strong.
Note 1 page 32 Hanusch, Wolf's Zaits. f. d. Mythol, 10, 197; De l'Ancre, Tableau, etc., p. 307 ff.; Leubuscher, p. 6; Olaus Magnus, XVIII, c. 45; Majolus, Dier. Caniacul., 1612, II, colloq. 3; Hertz, p. 115, n. 2.
Note 2 page 32 Karl, Danziger Sagen, Danzig, 1844, II, 38.
Note 3 page 32 Hertz, p. 89; Karl, Danziger Sagen, II, 38.
Note 4 page 32 Hertz, p. 109.
Note 5 page 32 Bosquet, p. 238; Dumoulin, Histoire de Normandie, Liv. XIV, p. 259; Bodin, Démonomanie, Paris, 1587, p. 108; Bemigius, II, 185.
Note 6 page 32 Origines Gauloises, etc., p. 39.
Note 1 page 33 See Hertz, p. 69, 78, 97, 100. L. Vair, Trois livres des charmes, etc., Paris, 1583, p. 387; Wolf, Niederländische Sagen, No. 501. P. De l'Ancre, Tableau de l'Inconstance des Mauvais Anges, Paris, 1613, p. 317; Boquet, 364 ff.
Note 2 page 33 Verstegan, Restitution, etc., London, 1628.
Note 3 page 33 Olaus Magnus, XVIII, 45; Hauber, Bibliotheca Magica, 29 Stück, 1742, p. 286.
Note 4 page 33 Russwurm, “Aberglaube in Russland,” Wolf's Zeitschr. f. d. Mythol., IV, 156.
Note 5 page 33 Cervantes, Persiles y Sigismunda, I, 5, etc.
Note 6 page 33 So of the Neuri, Herod, IV, 105; Mela, I, 1, 13; Solinus, 15, 2; of the Lapps, etc., Hertz, p. 60, etc.
Note 1 page 34 See instances in Hertz, p. 82 ff. This belief, as McLenman (Cycl. Brit., art. “Lycanthropy”) remarks, prevented the absurdity of the werwolf superstition from showing itself earlier.
Note 2 page 34 Amélie Bosquet, La Normandie romanesque et merveilleuse, Paris, 1845, chap. 12.
Note 3 page 34 Boquet, Discours, etc., p. 341; Collin de Plancy, Dictionnaire Infernal, I, 386.
Note 4 page 34 Müllenhoff, p. 231 : Temme, Die Volkssagen von Pommern und Rügen Berlin, 1840, p. 308.
Note 5 page 34 A. Bosquet, id. ibid. If, moreover, the marksman confides his intention to anyone the blessed bullet avails him nothing.
Note 6 page 34 Kuhn, Westfäl. Sagen, p. 31; Grimm, D. M., 1056. In Westphalia this process is called “blank machen.” The wolfskin splits crosswise over the forehead and the naked man emerges. See, however, Grimm, D. M., 1056; Lyncker, Deuts. Sagen, No. 164.
Note 1 page 35 Pluquet, Contes populaires, etc., p. 15; Collin du Plancy, I, 388.
Note 2 page 35 A. Bosquet, id. ibid.
Note 3 page 35 Müllenhoff, p. 232; Grimm, D. M., 1049; Lyncker, p. 107. Hertz, p. 61, n. 1; cf. Goethe's Zigeunerlied, etc.
Note 4 page 35 Kuhn-Schwartz, Norddeuts. Sagen, p. 470.
Note 5 page 35 See Hertz, p. 109, 114, 117, etc., with references. In Greece those who are so irreverent as to be born on Christmas night are obliged to be werwolves every year during that week. 8ee Schmidt, Volksleben der Neugriechen, I, 145 ff. The same belief holds in Campania, Keller, Thiere dee Clas. Altertums, p. 403, n. 123.
Note 1 page 36 See Hertz, p. 63; Russwurm, Eibofölke, etc., II, 201 and 264.
Note 2 page 36 Mone, Reinh. Vulpes, p. 308; Chevalier au Barizel, V, 157. See quotations from de Coinsi in Hertz, p. 96; Laws of Canute, No. 26.
Note 3 page 36 Guyot de Pitaval, Causes Célébres; Lecky, Hist. of Rationalism, vol. 1; H. C. Lea, His. of the Inquisition, etc., 1887, vol. 3; Mackay, Popular Delusions, vol. 2, etc., etc.
Note 4 page 36 The results and methods of Sprenger's work are embodied in his famous book the Malleus Maleficarum (first ed. 1489).
Note 1 page 37 For example, Sprenger, pars I, quaest. 10; Liechtenberg, Hexenbüchlein, etc, 1575; J. Wier, De praestigiis Daemonum, 1583; Id., De Lamiis Liber, Cap. XIV; Bodin, De Magorum Daemonomania, 1603; Remigius, Daemonolatria, 1598, Lib. II, Cap. 1; James I, Daemonologie, etc., 1597, Book III, chap. 1; Boquet, Discours des Sorciers, 1608, chap. 53, etc.
Note 2 page 37 Elichius, Daemonomagia, c. 12.
Note 1 page 38 In modern parlance, the “astral shape.”
But this sort of a werwolf is, by no means, a figment of the 16th century philosophers. He is much earlier than the witch trials. Sprengel, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Medeein, I, 2, Stück, p. 65 ff.; Leubuscher, p. 9 ff.; Sennertus, Instit. Medicinae, 1641, Lib. II, Pars. 3, Sect. 1, Cap. 7.
The legend seems to be the werwolf plus the “doppelgänger.”
I owe an extremely interesting variant of this story to the great kindness of Miss Both-Hendriksen. The story, as yet unpublished, exists, so far as she has been able to discover it, only in two or three small districts of France. It is a belief which, as a rule, the peasantry never speak of except among themselves.
There are certain men who are bom with a double, and that double is a wolf. This, in many cases, ill-assorted, pair possess but one soul between them. Hence, it is only when the man is asleep or unconscious that the wolf may lead a life after his kind. At such times the man's soul leaves his body and animates the wolf. If the man dies first his soul goes into the wolf and remains there until the wolf dies. If the wolf dies first the man is free. Often it is a good and upright man who was born with this fearful cune. In such cases the wolf seeks death from a Christian; he submits, without the slightest resistance, to the fatal blow, for the man's soul within him knows that it is only in this way that he may be, set free.
In this legend we have, as Miss Both-Hendriksen said at the time, an evident coalition of the werwolf story with the doctrine of metempsychosis prevalent among the ancient Celts and elsewhere. Many were wolves before reaching man's estate. In cases like the one above mentioned the transition from the one to the other was not, at the time of birth, altogether complete.
This belief evidently suggested Miss Cutherwood's story : “The Beauport Loupgaron,” Atlantic Monthly, LXXII, p. 630 ff. (November, 1893).
I recollect in the same connection a story which I read years ago : Elinor Putnam, “Lalage,” Scribner's Monthly, XVIII, p. 587 ff.
Note 2 page 38 The existing literature on this subject dates from the fourth century after Christ.
Oribasius Sardianus (time of Julian the Apostate, 360 A. D.); Avicenna. “Lycanthropia, which Avicenna calls cueubth, others lupinam insaniam or wolf-madness.” Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1826, vol. 1, p. 13; Böttiger, Kleine Schriften, Dresden, 1837, vol. 1, p. 135 ff.; Friedrich, Versuch einer Literargeschichte der Pathologie und Therapie, Wurzburg, 1830, p. 17 ff.; Webster, Duchess cf Malfi, Act 5, Scene 2; Leubuscher, p. 57 ff.; D. Costello, “Lycanthropy in London,” Bentley's Magazine, XXXVIII, 361 (same article in Living Age, XLVII, 385); Dr. D. H. Fiske, “Medical aspects of Lycanthropy,” Asylum Journal of Medical Science, III, 100 (with authorities cited there).
Note 1 page 40 When telling the vampire story suggested by the tale of his friend Niceros, Trimalchio says that, while the mistress was weeping over the body of her little son, they all heard the witches muttering their charms outside the door. Whereupon a tall Cappadocian slave drew his sword, rushed out of doors and, Trimalchio adds, using one of his hearers for illustration, “hit a woman just about in this spot—solvum sit quod tangam—and ran her through and through.” Here we have a pre-existing belief, the principle of which is identical with the idea we are discussing. The simple imitation of something dreadful may result in an actual repetition on the person of the innocent hearer who was used for illustration, of the very calamity which the narrator was describing as happening to someone else. See also Wuttke, Deutsche Volksglaube, 1869, p. 289; Vergil, Eclog., 8, 80, etc. This seems to be the idea at the bottom of the waxen image superstition. See Rossetti's Burd Helen, Theocritus, II, 1 ff.; Lucian, Hetaer. Dialog., 4, etc., etc.
Note 1 page 41 Lack of space has compelled me to omit a detailed discussion of the various theories which have been propounded by different scholars during the last two centuries. I trust, however, that I have stated my own theory with sufficient clearness to be understood.
I append, below, some of the most important of these theories.
Keysler, Antiquitates Selectae Septentrionales et Celticae Hanover, 1720, believed that the origin of this story is the madness known as Lycanthropy. He is followed, among others, by Böttiger, Kleine Schriften, 1837, I, 135 ff.; Leubuscher and 8. Baring-Gould, Book of Werwolves, London, 1865, who adds, what no one would deny, that the craving for blood is one of the primeval passions of humanity and lays especial stress upon the ancient connection of the wolf with the idea of outlawry.
Wachter, Glossarium Germanieum, believed that the idea originated in religious ceremonies, notably such as the priest celebrated by dressing in the skins of wolves and other beasts. The Arcadians, the Neuri of Herodotus, the Hirpini of Italy, etc., would, undoubtedly, be his text. He is followed by K. O. Müller, Dorier, vol. 1. Grimm, D. M., 997, 1047, inclines to the same view.
Herbert (Madden's William and the Werwolf, London, 1832, p. 19) thinks that the werwolf is to be connected with the human sacrifice and the periodic recurrence of it.
Dunlop, History of Prose Fiction, vol. I, p. 447, attributes the entire tradition to the tricks of medicine-men. He is, substantially, followed by Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. 2, p. 318.
Pluquet, Contes populaires . . . de l'arrondissement de Bayeux, Rouen, p. 15, connects the werwolf story with the outlaw.
Hanusch, “Die Werwölfe oder Vrkodlaci.” Wolf's Zeitschr. f. d. Mythol. 1859, IV, p. 193, identifies the werwolf with the “Wild Huntsman.”
Afanasief, Poeticheskiya, etc., Moscow, 1869, III, 527, inclines to what may be called the “sunlight and cloud theory.”
McLennan, Art “Lycanthropy,” Encyclop. Britan, agrees with Tylor that lycanthropy the disease is not the cause of the werwolf superstition, but suggests no definite theory of origin.
On the werwolf without a tail, see Hertz, p. 102, n. 2, and references, Grimm, D. M., p. 1048, etc.
The werwolf in literature, who really deserves an article by himself, I can only mention en passant.
In Prosper Merimée's “Lokis,” Dernieres Nouvelles, p. 1 ff., the point is the inherited appetite, without the change in form.