Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-p9bg8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-13T16:44:14.942Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Race Apart: Insularity and Connectivity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 February 2014

Barry Cunliffe
Affiliation:
Institute of Archaeology, 36 Beaumont St, Oxford OX1 2PG

Abstract

This paper seeks to re-examine the long-held view that the Celtic language developed somewhere in west central Europe and was carried westwards to the Atlantic zone, eventually reaching Ireland. An overview of the archaeological evidence for Atlantic connectivity illustrates the longue durée of community interactions along the seaways, beginning around 9000 BC, to the second quarter of the 3rd millennium. At this time mobility increased dramatically and it has been shown clearly that the Maritime Bell Beaker package spread eastwards to impact on and interact with the Battle Axe/Corded Ware tradition. Connectivity was at its most intense during the subsequent Atlantic Bronze Age until, from the 8th century BC, what had been a unified zone began to fragment into a series of regional systems. This broad archaeological scenario, with its firm chronological framework, receives more support from recent DNA studies than does the previous view, which drew heavily on ancient and (now) antiquarian views of Celticness and invasion hypotheses. It is posited that the Celtic language could in fact have emerged in the Atlantic zone and spread eastwards.

Résumé

Cette étude a été présentée comme 17ème conférence Europa en mai 2008.

Cette étude cherche à ré-examiner le point de vue, accepté depuis longtemps, que la langue celte s'est développée quelque part dans l'ouest de l'Europe Centrale et à été emportée vers l'ouest jusqu'à la zone atlantique pour éventuellement atteindre l'Irlande. Une vue d'ensemble des vestiges archaéologiques pour la connectivité atlantique illustre la longue durée des interactions entre les communautés le long des voies martitimes, commençant vers 9000 av. J.-C., jusqu'au second quart du troisième millénaire. A cette époque, la mobilité a énormément augmenté et il a été clairement montré que le faciès campaniforme maritime s'est répandu vers l'est et a eu un impact et une interaction avec la culture des haches de guerre/poterie cordée. La connectivité était à son plus intense pendant l'âge du bronze atlantique qui a suivi jusqu'à ce que, à partir du 8ème siècle av.J.-C., ce qui avait été une zone unifiée commence à se fragmenter en une série de systèmes régionaux. Ce vaste scénario archéologique, avec son solide cadre chronologique, est davantage soutenu par les récentes études d'ADN que ne l'était la précédente théorie, qui reposait lourdement sur des notions anciennes et (maintenant) désuètes de celticité et des hypothèses d'invasion. On présume que la langue celte aurait pu, en fait, apparaître dans la zone atlantique et se propager vers l'est.

Résumen

Esta ponencia fue presentada como la 17a Conferencia Europa, en mayo 2008.

Este trabajo pretende re-examinar la largamente mantenida opinión de que el lenguaje celta se desarrolló en algún lugar de Europa centro-occidental, y que desde allí se extendió hacia el oeste a la zona atlántica hasta llegar eventualmente a Irlanda. Un repaso general a la evidencia arqueológica de conectividad atlántica ilustra la longue durée de las interacciones entre comunidades a lo largo de las rutas marítimas, comenzando alrededor de 9000 a.C., hasta el segundo cuarto del tercer milenio. En este momento la movilidad aumentó dramáticamente y está claramente demostrado que el Paquete Campaniforme Marítimo se extendió hacia el este hasta impactar en y relacionarse con la Tradición de la Cerámica Cordada. La conectividad fue más intensa durante el periodo siguiente, la Edad del Bronce Atlántica, hasta que, desde el siglo VIII a.C., lo que había sido una zona unificada comenzó a fragmentarse en una serie de sistemas regionales. Este escenario arqueológico general, con su firme marco cronológico, ha recibido más confirmación de los recientes estudios de DNA que la postura previa, muy basada en antiguas y (ahora) anticuadas ideas de lo que es celta y en hipótesis de invasión. Se propone que el lenguaje celta pudo, de hecho, haberse desarrollado en la franja atlántica y haberse extendido hacia el este.

Zusammenfassung

Die Grundlage dieses Beitrags ist der im Mai 2008 gehaltene 17. Europa Festvortrag.

Der Artikel die versucht die lang gehegte Forschungsmeinung, dass sich die keltische Sprache irgendwo im westlichen Zentraleuropa entwickelt, sich von dort in westlicher Richtung in die atlantische Zone ausgebreitet und schließlich auch Irland erreicht hat, in neuem Licht zu betrachten. Ein Überblick zu den archäologischen Befunden, die eine atlantische Verbundenheit zeigen, illustriert die langfristigen Interaktionen von Gemeinschaften entlang der Seewege, die von ca. 9,000 BC bis ins zweite Viertel des 3. Jahrtausends reichen. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt lässt sich ein dramatisches Ansteigen der Mobilität erkennen, indem sich das so genannte maritime Glockenbecher Packet ostwärts bewegt und somit auf die Streitaxt/Schnurkeramik Tradition trifft und auf sie Einfluss nimmt. Eine enge Verbundenheit zeigt sich aber am deutlichsten während der nachfolgenden atlantischen Bronzezeit und setzt sich bis zum 8. Jh. BC fort; dann kann ein Zerfallen dieser einheitlichen Zone in regionale Einzelsysteme beobachtet werden. Dieses umfassende und großräumige und auf eine solide archäologische Grundlage fußendes Szenario wird durch neuere DNA Studien unterstützt und stellt die bisherige Sichtweise, die sich stark auf altertümliche und (jetzt) antiquarische Sichtweisen zum Keltischen und zu Invasionshypothesen stützte, in Frage. Es wird deshalb postuliert, dass die keltische Sprache aus der atlantischen Zone stammt und sich anschließend in östlicher Richtung weiter verbreitete.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Prehistoric Society 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Andersen, S.H. 1985. Tybrind Vig. Journal of Danish Archaeology 4, 5269CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aubet, M.E. 1987. The Phoenicians and the West. Cambridge: University PressGoogle Scholar
Brun, P. 1988. L'entité ‘Rhin-Suisse-France oriental’: nature et évolution. In Brun, P. & Mordant, C. (eds), Le groupe Rhin-Suisse-France orientale et la notion de civilisation des Champs d'Urnes, 599620. Nemours: Mémoires de la Musée de Préhistoire d'Ile de France 1Google Scholar
Case, H. 2004. Beakers and Beaker culture. In Czebreszuk, J. (ed.), Similar but Different: Bell Beakers in Europe. PoznánGoogle Scholar
Childe, V.G. 1935. The Prehistory of Scotland. London: Keegan PaulGoogle Scholar
Clark, J.G.D. 1966. The invasion hypothesis in British prehistory. Antiquity 40, 172–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Clark, J.G.D. 1977. The economic context of dolmens and passage graves in Sweden. In Markotic, V. (ed.), Ancient Europe and the Mediterranean: studies presented in honour of Hugh Hencken, 3549. Warminster: Aris & PhillipsGoogle Scholar
Clarke, D. 1978. Mesolithic Europe: the economic basis. London: DuckworthGoogle Scholar
Clough, T.H.McK. & Cummins, W.A. (eds). 1988. Stone Axe Studies. Vol. 2 The Petrology of Prehistoric Stone Implements from the British Isles. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 67Google Scholar
Collis, J. 1999. George Buchanan and the Celts of Britain. In Black, R., Gilles, W. & Ó Maolalaigh, R. (eds), Celtic Connections, 91107. East Linton: Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Celtic Studies 1Google Scholar
Cunliffe, B. 2001a. The Extraordinary Voyage of Pytheas the Greek. London: PenguinGoogle Scholar
Cunliffe, B. 2001b. Facing the Ocean: The Atlantic and its Peoples. Oxford: University PressGoogle Scholar
Cunliffe, B. 2005. Iron Age Communities in Britain (4th edn). London: RoutledgeGoogle Scholar
Cunliffe, B. 2009. Looking forward: maritime contacts in the first millennium BC. In Clark, P. (ed.), Bronze Age Connections: cultural contact in prehistoric Europe. OxfordGoogle Scholar
Dillon, M. & Chadwick, N. 1967. The Celtic Realms. London: PhoenixGoogle Scholar
Emery, F. 1971. Edward Lhuyd FRS. Cardiff: Gwasg Prifysgol CymruGoogle Scholar
Forster, P. & Toth, A. 2003. Toward a phylogenetic chronology of ancient Gaulish, Celtic, and Indo-European. Proceedings of the National Academy of Science USA 100, 9079–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Foster, I. 1986. Sir John Rhӯs. In Evans, E., Griffith, J.G. & Jope, E.M. (eds), Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Celtic Studies, 1014. OxfordGoogle Scholar
Gray, R. & Atkinson, Q. 2003. Language-tree divergence times support the Anatolian theory of Indo-European origin. Nature 405, 1052–5Google Scholar
Harrison, R. & Heyd, V. 2007. The transformation of Europe in the third millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I and III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82, 129214CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hawkes, C.F.C. 1959. The ABC of the British Iron Age. Antiquity 33, 170–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Henderson, J. 2007. The Atlantic Iron Age. London: RoutledgeCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Heyd, V. 2007: Families, prestige goods, warriors and complex societies: Beaker groups and the 3rd Millennium cal BC. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 73, 327–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hodson, R.F. 1960. Reflections on the ‘ABC’ of the British Iron Age. Antiquity 34, 138–40Google Scholar
Hodson, R.F. 1962. Some pottery from Eastbourne, the ‘Marnians’ and the pre-Roman Iron Age in southern Britain. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 28, 140–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hodson, R.F. 1964. Cultural groupings within the British pre-Roman Iron Age. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 30, 99110CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holmes, T. Rice. 1907. Ancient Britain and the invasions of Julius Caesar. Oxford: ClarendonGoogle Scholar
Isaac, G.R. 2004. The nature and origins of the Celtic languages: Atlantic seaways, Italo-Celtic and other paralinguistic misapprehensions. Studia Celtica 38, 4958Google Scholar
James, S. 1999. The Atlantic Celts. Ancient People or Modern Invention? London: British Museum PressGoogle Scholar
Koch, J. 1986. New thoughts on Albion, Ierné and the Pretannic Isles. Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium 6, 128Google Scholar
Koch, J. 1991. Eriu, Alba and Letha: when was a language ancestral to Gaelic first spoken in Ireland? Emania 9, 1727Google Scholar
Koch, J. 2009. Tartessian. Celtic in the South-west at the Dawn of History. Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies PublicationsGoogle Scholar
Le Roux, C.-T. 1999: L'outillage de pierre polie en metadolerite du type A. Les ateliers de Plussulien (Côtes-d'Armor). Rennes: Travaux du laboratoire anthropologie, préhistoire, protohistoire, quaternaire armoricainsGoogle Scholar
Lichardus, J. 2002. Südostbulgarien zwischen Ägäis und Pontikum in der frühen Vorgeschichte. In Fol, A. (ed.), Thrace and the Aegean. Proceedings of the 8th International Congress of Thracology, Sofia-Yambol, 935. SofiaGoogle Scholar
McEvoy, B., Richards, M., Forster, P. & Bradley, D.G. 2004. The longue durée of genetic ancestry: multiple genetic marker systems and Celtic origins on the Atlantic façade of Europe. American Journal of Human Genetics 75, 693702CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
McMahon, A. & McMahon, R. 2003. Finding families: quantitative methods in language classification. Transactions of the Philological Society 101, 755CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McMahon, A. & McMahon, R. 2006. Why linguists don't do dates: evidence from Indo-European and Australian languages. In Forster, P. & Renfrew, C. (eds), Phylogenetic Methods and the Prehistory of Language, 153–60. Cambridge: MacDonald InstituteGoogle Scholar
Marcigny, C., Gheasquiere, E. & Kinnes, I. 2007. Bronze Age cross channel relations. The Lower Normandy (France) example: ceramic chronology and first reflections. In Burgess, C., Topping, P. & Lynch, F. (eds), Beyond Stonehenge: Essays on the Bronze Age in Honour of Colin Burgess, 255–67. Oxford: OxbowGoogle Scholar
Marcigny, C.K., Aubrey, B., Verney, A., Vacher, S. & Thooris, C. 2002. Découvertes récentes de l'Age du Bronze moyen dans le département de la Sarthe (Pays-de-la-Loire). Revue Archéologie de l'Ouest 19, 713CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morgan, P.T.J. 1965. The abbé Pezron and the Celts. Transactions of the Honourable Society Cymmrodorion for 1965, 286–95Google Scholar
Needham, S. 2009. Encompassing the sea: maritories and Bronze Age maritime interactions. In Clark, P. (ed.), Bronze Age Connections: cultural contact in prehistoric Europe. Oxford:Google Scholar
O'Connor, B. 1980. Cross-Channel Relations in the Later Bronze Age. Oxford: British Archaeological Report S91Google Scholar
Oppenheimer, S. 2006. The Origins of the British. London: Constable & RobinsonGoogle Scholar
Petrequin, P., Sheridan, A., Cassen, S., Errera, M., Gauthier, E., Klassen, L., Maux, N. le & Pailler, Y. 2008. Neolithic Alpine axeheads, from the Continent to Great Britain, the Isle of Man and Ireland. Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 40, 261–80Google Scholar
Rassamakin, J.J. 2004. Die nordpontische Steppe in der Kupferzeit: Gräber aus der Mitte des 5 Jts. bis Ende des 4 Jts. v. Chr. Mainz: Archäologie in Eurasien 14Google Scholar
Renfrew, C. 1987. Archaeology and Language. London: Jonathan CapeGoogle Scholar
Roberts, B.F. 1986. Edward Lhuyd and Celtic linguistics. In Evans, E., Griffith, J.G. & Jope, E.M. (eds), Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Celtic Studies, 19. OxfordGoogle Scholar
Salanova, L. 2000. La question du campaniforme en France et dans les Îles Anglo-Normandes. ParisGoogle Scholar
Sheridan, A. 2007. From Picardie to Pickering and Pencraig Hill? New information on the ‘Carinated Bowl Neolithic’ in northern Britain. In Whittle, A.W.R. & Cummings, V. (eds), Going Over: the Mesolithic–Neolithic transition in North-West Europe, 441–92. London: Proceedings of the British Academy 144Google Scholar
Sims-Williams, P. 1986. The visionary Celt: the construction of an ethnic preconception. Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 11, 7196Google Scholar
Sims-Williams, P. 1998. Celtomania and Celtoscepticism. Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 36, 135.Google Scholar
Sims-Williams, P. 2006. Ancient Celtic Place-Names in Europe and Asia Minor. Oxford:Google Scholar
Smith, R.A. 1905. A Guide to the Antiquities of the Early Iron Age. London:Google Scholar
Sykes, B. 2006. Blood of the Isles. London: BantamGoogle Scholar
Tresset, A. 2003. French connections II: of cows and men. In Armit, I., Murphy, E., Nelis, E. & Simpson, D. (eds), Neolithic Settlement in Ireland and Western Britain, 1830. Oxford: OxbowGoogle Scholar
Waddell, J. & Conroy, J. 1999. Celts and others: maritime contacts and linguistic change. In Blench, R. & Spriggs, M. (eds), Archaeology and Language. IV Language Change and Cultural Transformation, 125–37. London: RoutledgeCrossRefGoogle Scholar
Woodman, P. & McCarthy, M. 2003. Contemplating some awful(ly interesting) vistas: importing cattle and red deer into prehistoric Ireland. In Armit, I., Murphy, E., Nelis, E. & Simpson, D. (eds), Neolithic Settlement in Ireland and Western Britain, 31–9. Oxford: OxbowGoogle Scholar