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Deliberative global governance and the question of legitimacy: what can we learn from the WTO?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 April 2010

Abstract

The integration of the global economy through the liberalisation of the trade regime, the deregulation of financial markets and the privatisation of state assets has led to what we now commonly call ‘globalisation’. These processes, however, have not been accompanied by a comparable development of the global polity. At the same time, it is increasingly recognised in policy circles that without the development of norms, institutions and processes to manage globalisation many of the advantages it has brought the world could be undone by a failure to mitigate the excesses and negative consequences that emanate from it, especially for large sections of the world's poor. This article addresses two broad questions: what might we understand by global governance in an era of increasingly contested globalisation and what role might international organisations play in making it more (democratically) legitimate? It addresses these questions in three steps. First, it proposes a heuristic definition that identifies two key strands of ‘governance’ in the contemporary debate. It is argued that global governance understood as effective and efficient collective decision-making and problem solving is insufficient for normative reasons and must, in addition, be complemented by global governance understood as the democratic legitimation of policy-making. In a second step, as an example of this latter type of governance, the article develops a deliberative two-track view of transnational legitimacy. It argues that deliberative democracy offers some fruitful theoretical tools in this context since it is equipped to address some of the qualitative problems of international decision-making as well as accommodate a plausible notion of political agency. Thirdly, from the point of view of this two-track view, the article examines the WTO and discusses its strengths and vulnerabilities, not only as a vehicle for trade liberalisation but also as an instrument of better global governance.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010

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References

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21 See for example John Dryzek, Deliberative Global Politics: Discourse and Democracy in a Divided World (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006).

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23 Ibid., p. 365.

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27 Ibid., 13 (2002), p. 32.

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32 Cohen, ‘Deliberative Democracy’, p. 596.

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38 John Simmons, ‘Justification and Legitimacy’, Ethics, 109:4 (1999), pp. 739–71.

39 Ibid., pp. 745–6.

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48 Erman, ‘Rethinking Accountability’, p. 268.

49 Risse, ‘Global Governance and Communicative Action’, p. 303.

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54 For a discussion of this transition see Amrita Narlikar, A Short History of the WTO (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).

55 Pascal Lamy to Richard Higgott, personal correspondence, 27 June 2006.

56 pace Aileen Kwa and Fatoumata Jawara, Behind the Scenes at the WTO: The Real World of Trade Negotiations (London: Zed Books, 2003).

57 Kapoor, ‘Deliberative Democracy’, p. 529; see also Markus Krajewski, ‘Democratic Legitimacy and Constitutional Perspectives of WTO Law’, Journal of World Trade, 35:1 (2001), p. 167–86; Richard H. Steinberg, ‘In the Shadow of Law or Power: Consensus Based Bargaining and Outcomes in the GATT/WTO’, International Organisation, 56:2 (2002), pp. 339–74.

58 This point is based on a detailed empirical analysis of the discussions of the Ministerial Meetings in the Doha Round from 2001 through to Geneva July 21–30, 2008. For insights into the nature of the negotiations processes in these meetings see the detailed ‘Daily Update’ analyses produced by the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development (ICTSD, Geneva) accessed at {http://ictsd.net/}.

59 Narlikar, ‘A Short History of the WTO’.

60 Warwick Commission, The Multilateral Trade Regime: Which Way Forward?, Warwick University, December 2007. Accessible at {http://go.warwick.ac.uk/go/warwickcommission}.

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62 The Financial Times (24 January 2007), p. 7.

63 That is the group within the WTO, not the G20 that has emerged from the Global Financial Crisis of 2008.

64 See the proposal and the safeguards for developing countries advanced in the Report of the Warwick Commission in to the Future of the Multilateral Trade Regime (2007), pp. 31–3.

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66 This is not a story exclusive to the trade regime. Whatever it effectiveness in restoring stability to the global financial regime, the 15 November 2008 G20 meeting in Washington confirmed the place of the major developing countries in discussions over the governance of the global economy.

67 See Sheila Page, Developing Countries: Victims or Participants Their Changing Role in International Negotiations (London: Overseas Development Institute, 2003).

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70 UN Millenium Project, Task Force on Trade (Washington DC, 2005), pp. 146–65.

71 Diane Stone, Banking on Knowledge: The Genesis of the Global Development Network (London: Routledge, 2001).

72 Richard Baldwin and Simon Evenett (eds), The Collapse of Global Trade: Murky, Protectionism and the Crisis: Recommendations for the G20, Geneva, VoxEU.org (2009).

73 Chang Ha-Joon, Kicking Away the Ladder: Development Strategy in Historical Perspective (London: Anthem Press, 2002).