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5 Huysmans, ‘The Question of the Limit’, pp. 572–3. See also Roe, ‘Securitization and Minority Rights’, pp. 282–3.

6 Taureck, ‘Securitization Theory and Securitization Studies’, p. 59; Floyd, ‘Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation’, pp. 330, 335; Aradau, ‘Security and the Democratic Scene’, pp. 389–90 and 406; see also Williams, ‘Words, Images, Enemies’, p. 521. Floyd and Aradau are right that emancipation is refuted, but emancipation is not the only concept, through which a normative claim can be made. Floyd is also right, that Wæver describes ethical issues as the domain of ‘securitization studies’, but a possible distinction between securitisation studies and securitisation theory is not suggested elsewhere. As this article will show, if there is such a distinction, it must be one, that locates the former within the latter. Taureck, ‘Securitization Theory and Securitization Studies’, p. 55; Wæver, ‘The EU as a Security Actor’, p. 252.

7 Huysmans, ‘The Question of the Limit’; Williams, ‘Words, Images, Enemies’; Behnke, ‘No Way Out’; Taureck, ‘Securitization Theory and Securitization Studies’, p. 59; Diez and Higashino, unpublished paper presented at BISA 2004, quoted by Taureck ‘Securitization Theory and Securitization Studies’, p. 59; Aradau, ‘Security and the Democratic Scene’, p. 396; Stritzel, Holger, ‘Towards a Theory of Securitization: Copenhagen and Beyond’, European Journal of International Relations, 13:3 (2007), pp. 357–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Floyd, Rita, Security and the Environment: Securitisation Theory and US Environmental Security Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 14–17, 26–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jutila, ‘Desecuritizing Minority Rights’, pp. 172–4.

8 Buzan et al., Security, pp. 142–3; Floyd, Security and the Environment, p. 9.

9 Aras, Bülent and Polat, Rabia Karakaya, ‘From Conflict to Cooperation: Desecuritization of Turkey's Relations with Syria and Iran’, Security Dialogue, 39:5 (2008), pp. 495–515CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Åtland, ‘Mikhail Gorbachev, the Murmansk Initiative’; MacKenzie, ‘Securitization and Desecuritization’.

10 This conception is located within ‘the classical tradition that contains Machiavelli as well as Arendt’. Buzan et al., Security, p. 144.

11 Ibid., p. 143.

12 Ibid., p. 23.

13 Ibid., p. 4.

14 Ibid., p. 23.

15 Williams, Michael C., The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 112CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Williams identifies these themes in a discussion of Morgenthau, but they are, as this article will show, at the heart of debates over politics and security more generally.

16 Huysmans, ‘The Question of the Limit’; Williams, ‘Words, Images, Enemies’, pp. 516–17.

17 Huysmans, ‘The Question of the Limit’, p. 584.

18 Williams, ‘Words, Images, Enemies’, p. 518; see also Williams, The Realist Tradition.

19 Williams, ‘Words, Images, Enemies’, p. 520.

20 Buzan et al., Security, p. 143; Wæver, ‘The EU as a Security Actor’, pp. 284, 286.

21 Owens, Patricia, Between War and Politics: International Relations and the Thought of Hannah Arendt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 25–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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23 Wæver, ‘The EU as a Security Actor’, p. 252.

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27 Ibid., p. 67.

28 Aradau holds that desecuritisation is ‘the necessary supplement or challenge to securitization’, but she does not see it as supplementary in Derridarian terms, but rather as ‘deprived of any political sting’. Aradau, ‘Security and the Democratic Scene’, pp. 405–6.

29 Thus, according to Nicole J. Jackson, securitisation theory is difficult to apply to authoritarian states, because of the absence of ‘normal politics’ in those settings. Jackson, Nicole J., ‘International Organizations, Security Dichotomies and the Trafficking of Persons and Narcotics in Post-Soviet Central Asia: A Critique of the Securitization Framework’, Security Dialogue, 37:3 (2006), pp. 299–317, p. 312CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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31 Ibid., p. 29. For a further discussion of the relationship between the securitised and the non-politicised, see Hansen, Lene and Nissenbaum, Helen, ‘Digital Disaster, Cyber Security, and the Copenhagen School’, International Studies Quarterly, 53:4 (2009), pp. 1155–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Floyd, Security and the Environment, pp. 56–7, who suggests conceptualising desecuritisation as falling into two categories: the politicised and the depoliticised.

32 Owens, Between War and Politics, p. 26.

33 Williams, ‘Words, Images, Enemies’, p. 523.

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44 Floyd, Security and the Environment, p. 27.

45 Wæver, ‘The EU as a Security Actor’, p. 266.

46 Much of the debate about responsibility has centred on the role of the security analyst, but I would argue that the audience for Wæver's plea for responsibility is wider than that and includes all who might manifest themselves as securitising actors. Eriksson, Johan, ‘Observers or Advocates? On the Political Role of Security Analysts’, Cooperation and Conflict, 34:3 (1999), pp. 311–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wæver, Ole, ‘Securitizing Sectors? Reply to Eriksson’, Cooperation and Conflict, 34:3 (1999), pp. 334–40, p. 335CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Williams, Michael C., ‘The Practices of Security: Critical Contributions – Reply to Eriksson’, Cooperation and Conflict, 34:3 (1999), pp. 341–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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49 Wæver, ‘Securitizing Sectors?’, pp. 338–9; Wæver, ‘The EU as a Security Actor’, p. 283.

50 Floyd, ‘Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation’.

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56 Wæver, ‘The EU as a Security Actor’, p. 283.

57 Ibid., 284.

58 Wæver, ‘Securitizing Sectors?’, p. 339. For an alternative normative theory which distinguishes between morally right and wrong securitisations and desecuritisations, see Floyd, Security and the Environment.

59 For an exception, see Floyd, Security and the Environment, p. 27, n. 58, and pp. 33–8.

60 Wæver's ‘Moments of the Move’ from 1989 is an early indication of the ‘theory in the background’ strategy of securitisation theory. Footnote 1 refers to an earlier, unpublished paper on ‘the political move’ in Aristotle, Machiavelli, and ‘especially Hannah Arendt’, yet the present paper will be ‘burdened as little as possible by philosophical and theoretical discussions’. Wæver, Ole, ‘Moment of the Move: Politico-Linguistic Strategies of Western Peace Movements’, Working Paper no. 1989/13 (Copenhagen: Centre for Peace and Conflict Research, 1989)Google Scholar, printed in Wæver, Ole, Concepts of Security (Copenhagen: Institute of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, 1997), pp. 183–210, p. 186Google Scholar. This ‘theory in the background’ strategy might have contributed to the controversy over the status of securitisation as political theory. Alker, ‘On Securitization Politics’.

61 Wæver, ‘Securitization and Desecuritization’, p. 75.

62 Ibid., p. 77.

63 Ibid.

64 See for instance, Wæver, Ole, ‘Ideologies of Stabilization – Stabilization of Ideologies: Reading German Social Democrats’, in Harle, Vilho and Sivonen, Pekka (eds), Europe in Transition: Politics and Nuclear Strategy (London: Pinter, 1989), pp. 110–39Google Scholar; Wæver, Ole, ‘Conceptions of Détente and Change: Some Non-Military Aspects of Security Thinking in the FRG’, in Wæver, Ole, Lemaitre, Pierre and Tromer, Elzbieta (eds), European Polyphony: Perspectives beyond East-West Confrontation (London: Macmillan, 1989), pp. 186–224CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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66 Wæver, ‘Ideologies of Stabilization’, p. 116.

67 Wæver, ‘Conflicts of Vision’, p. 324, n. 82.

68 Wæver also quotes Richard K. Ashley to the effect that the inside/outside dichotomy is highly likely to keep informing states' view of their security. Wæver, ‘Conflicts of Vision’, pp. 293–4.

69 Wæver, ‘Ideologies of Stabilization’, p. 115

70 Wæver, ‘Conflicts of Vision’, p. 314.

71 Wæver, ‘Moment of the Move’, p. 205; Wæver, ‘Conflicts of Vision’, p. 316.

72 Wæver, ‘Ideologies of Stabilization’, p. 116.

73 Wæver, Ole, ‘Three Competing Europes: German, French, Russian’, International Affairs, 66:3 (1990), pp. 477–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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75 Ibid., p. 285.

76 Buzan, Barry and Wæver, Ole, ‘Macrosecuritisation and Security Constellations: Reconsidering Scale in Securitisation Theory’, Review of International Studies, 35:2 (2009), pp. 253–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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78 On the possibility of disappearance as progress, see Floyd, ‘Towards a Consequentialist Evaluation’, p. 343, n. 56.

79 There might thus be some overlap between desecuritisation as détente and Paul Roe's ‘security through management’. Roe, ‘Securitization and Minority Rights’.

80 Valentina Pop, ‘Hungary Heading for Fresh EU Controversy with “History Carpet”’, euobserver.com (12 January 2011), available at: {http://euobserver.com/843/31629} accessed 11 August 2011.

81 Wæver, ‘Ideologies of Stabilization’.

82 Aradau, Claudia, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics out of Security (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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84 Bilgin, ‘Making Turkey's Transformation Possible’, p. 566.

85 Behnke, ‘No Way Out’. p. 64.

86 Ibid.

87 Roe, ‘Securitization and Minority Rights’; Roe, ‘Reconstructing Identities’.

88 Aras and Polat, ‘From Conflict to Cooperation’, p. 512.

89 For a fuller account of this triple move, see Walker, R. B. J., ‘Lines of Insecurity: International, Imperial, Exceptional’, Security Dialogue, 37:1 (2006), pp. 65–82, pp. 78–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Ashley, Richard K., ‘Geopolitics, Supplementary; Criticism: A Reply to Professors Roy and Walker’, Alternatives, 13:1 (1988), pp. 88–102, pp. 94–5Google Scholar; Campbell, David, National Deconstruction: Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), pp. 209–43Google Scholar.

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94 MacKenzie, ‘Securitization and Desecuritization’, p. 245.

95 Ibid., p. 244.

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