^{page 195 note 1} The Month xviii (12 1879), 534–49Google Scholar; xix (January 1880), 44–58, 392–410; xx (July 1880), 395–412.

^{page 195 note 2} Playfair, Robert L., A Bibliography of Morocco, Royal Geographical Supplementary Papers, vol. 3, Part 3 (1893), 203–476Google Scholar. For recent work on Salé, see p.204, n.16.

^{page 197 note 1} See the lacunae on p.231 n.37 and p.267 n.107.

^{page 197 note 2} Wadsworth, , p.32.Google Scholar

^{page 198 note 3} CRS 73 (1992), 65.Google Scholar

^{page 198 note 4} CRS 73 (1992), 50.Google Scholar

^{page 199 note 5} Norfolk Record Office, DIS 9/1a: lists of presentments at Archdeaconry Courts and indictments at Quarter Sessions, 1593–1616; ibid., Probate Register, Traver 19: Atkins, Richard' will of 7 04 1627.Google Scholar

^{page 199 note 6} CRS 10 (1911), 37, 52.Google Scholar

^{page 199 note 7} ARSI Baet. 5 II, f.18r.

^{page 199 note 8} ARSI Anglia 10, ff.97–8.

^{page 200 note 9} Foley, iii. 795Google Scholar, ii. 22–3; VCH Staffs iii (1970), 104–7.Google Scholar

^{page 200 note 10} The Trial, Conviction and Condemnation of Andrew Bromwich and William Atkins for being Romish priests, before the Right Honourable Lord Chief Justice Scroggs at Summer Assizes last at Stafford (London, for Robert Pawlett, 1679)Google Scholar; Tanner, Michael, Brevis Relatio Felicis Agonis quem pro Religione Catholica subierunt aliquot e Societate Jesu Sacerdotes (Prague, 1683), 86Google Scholar; Foley, v. 450–4.Google Scholar

^{page 201 note 11} Chatwin, A.H., ‘The Whitgreaves of Moseley’, Staffordshire Catholic History xix (1980), 1–11Google Scholar; Shaw, Stebbing, The History and Antiquities of Staffordshire (1801), i. 74–80.Google Scholar

^{page 201 note 12} Colaert became Admiral of the Dunkirk fleet in 1635 and died in August 1637 (Stradling, , 86–8, 101).Google Scholar

^{page 201 note 13} Sanderson, William, A Compleat History of the Lives and Reigns of Mary Queen of Scotland and of her Son and Successor James the Sixth (1656), 491.Google Scholar

^{page 203 note 14} Wadsworth, , 47.Google Scholar

^{page 203 note 15} Wadsworth, , A3.Google Scholar

^{page 204 note 16} For what follows, see SIHM, France, iii (1911), 187–98Google Scholar; Coindreau, R., Les corsaires de Salé (Paris, 1948)Google Scholar; Brown, K., ‘An urban view of Moroccan history: Salé, 1000–1800’, Hesperis-Tamuda xii (Rabat, 1971), 5–106Google Scholar; Friedman, , 25–8.Google Scholar

^{page 206 note 17} SIHM, Angleterre, ii (1925), 445–6.Google Scholar

^{page 206 note 18} Dan, , 173–90, 285, 407, 421–2.Google Scholar

^{page 206 note 19} Dunton, , E2–3.Google Scholar

^{page 207 note 20} On St Omers see Muir, T.E., Stonyhurst College, 1593–1993 (London, 1992)Google Scholar; Chadwick, Hubert, From St Omers to Stonyhurst (1962).Google Scholar

^{page 207 note 21} CRS 73 (1992), 123–5.Google Scholar

^{page 208 note 22} CRS 73 (1992), 124Google Scholar and note.

^{page 213 note 1} Calais became the main sea outlet for the Spanish Netherlands in April 1621, when Dunkirk and the other Flemish ports were blockaded by the Dutch. Hostilities between Spain and the United Provinces resumed that year. See Israel, 86.

^{page 213 note 2} Two words are illegible in the MS where the leaf has split.

^{page 213 note 3} Manchets = fine wheaten loaves. Preserves, conserves and candies are distinguishable as crystallised fruits, jams and crystallised sugar.

^{page 214 note 4} ‘Inbarked in a shippe belonging to Dunkerke which was then newly loaded for St Lucas in Spaine, having taken a false certification from the Governor of Callis that the ship and goods belonged thereunto’ (Wadsworth, 33). The Dutch had imposed punitive tariffs on Flemish goods.

^{page 214 note 5} sc. Jean Colaert. For his later career, culminating in his appointment as Admiral of Spain's Armada of Flanders in 1635, see Hambye, 3–11; Stradling, 86–8; Israel, 264. Wadsworth calls him Jaques Banburge, which was in fact the name of the French admiral of the convoy (see below, p.219). The Jesuit Province of Flanders, to which St Omers belonged, had a close connection with Dunkirk and in 1624 set up a ‘naval mission’ there to provide chaplains for its fleet. Seven Jesuits from this mission accompanied Colaert's victorious expedition against the Dutch in October 1624, and the English Jesuit Peter Stanihurst served as chaplain on Colaert's flagship in 1626–7. Colaert was later to declare: ‘Je préfère partir en mer au plus fort de danger mais accompagné d'un jésuite, que sortir du port sans lui bien qu'avec la certitude d'une navigation heureuse’ (Hambye, , 3–11, 121–2).Google Scholar

^{page 214 note 6} = small cannon of brass or iron.

^{page 214 note 7} According to Wadsworth (p.33) the ship was of 100 tons, with a crew of forty sailors, a surgeon and two trumpeters.

^{page 214 note 8} = German.

^{page 214 note 9} = Yule, or Christmas, games.

^{page 215 note 10} = light muskets.

^{page 215 note 11} ‘The Vice-Admiral, seeing how the case stood, said unto us 12 that wee were now to die with honour or survive with infamy; and because we were young and unexpert in sea fight, to encourage us the better made us to drinke each one of us a good draught of Aqua vitae with gunpowder’ (Wadsworth, 35).

^{page 215 note 12} According to Wadsworth this vessel was of some 200 tons, with a crew of 150.

^{page 216 note 13} ‘The chirurgion, saying these words, Si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos? was slaine on a sudden with a common bullet, and having one hand on my shoulder pulled mee downe along with him, his blood streaming out upon me’ (Wadsworth, , 36).Google Scholar

^{page 217 note 14} = broken.

^{page 218 note 15} See CRS 73 (1992), 84.

^{page 219 note 16} In 1635 (Stradling, pp.86–8).

^{page 219 note 17} = in undress (OED 1625).

^{page 219 note 18} = pantry.

^{page 220 note 19} = tail.

^{page 220 note 20} = pickle.

^{page 220 note 21} = full-bodied Dutch ales.

^{page 220 note 22} = blows that do not draw blood.

^{page 220 note 23} = went without a meal.

^{page 221 note 24} Lacuna of one word in MS.

^{page 221 note 25} Psalm 106.6.

^{page 223 note 26} In view of their pacifism and place of origin, these are likely to have been Mennonites. The founder of the sect, Menno Simons (1496–1561), settled at Oldesloe, near Hamburg.

^{page 224 note 27} = portholes (OED 1627).

^{page 224 note 28} = a ship of the United Dutch Provinces.

^{page 225 note 29} MS: ‘koole’. The text of this sentence is evidently corrupt, and difficult to reconstruct. ‘Shorkes’ may be a misreading of ‘strokes’.

^{page 225 note 30} = short prayers ‘darted’ up to God (OED 1624).

^{page 226 note 31} Vergil, Aeneid, 1.199, 1.203; Anon; Romans 8.18.

^{page 226 note 32} = sprit.

^{page 228 note 33} = salt of Bayonne or Bourgneuf.

^{page 228 note 34} = starve (northern dialect).

^{page 229 note 35} sc. Hillebrant Quast. At this time the Dutch fleet was concentrating on its blockade of the Flemish ports and rarely took the offensive against the Spanish, but in November 1622 (two months after this encounter) a squadron under Quast's command scoured the Portuguese coast for three weeks, captured two Brazil ships and then reconnoitred the Canaries (Israel, 115). In 1635 Quast suffered a heavy defeat in the North Sea at the hands of Jean Colaert (ibid., 264). Wadsworth does not name him.

^{page 230 note 36} MS: ‘goodes’.

^{page 231 note 37} MS: ‘Tet his’. The sea goddess Tethys was the wife of Oceanus.

^{page 231 note 38} = sea passage.

^{page 232 note 39} = uproar. The OED cites a usage in 1680 to mean ‘battle-cry’, but Ducange (Thesaurus Linguae Latinae) quotes texts where it denotes a clamor nauticus.

^{page 232 note 40} Both Atkins and Wadsworth often use this as a generic term to mean Muslims of whatever origin. (But cf. p.249, n.77).

^{page 232 note 41} See CRS 73 (1992), 50. Appleby, at 31, was older than most of his companions.

^{page 232 note 42} ‘A gaily of 18 oares on each side, having in him besides about 100 Moores, Moriscoes and other runnagates’ (Wadsworth, , 37).Google Scholar

^{page 233 note 43} The corner of the leaf has been torn. I have attempted a reconstruction of the text where possible.

^{page 233 note 44} Algiers.

^{page 233 note 45} On Salé, see p.204. In his Discourse on Pirates the ex-pirate Henry Mainwaring claimed to have made ‘peace with Sallee’ c.1612–14 (Navy Records Society, lv.10), but there is no other record of any such agreement. In December 1621 John Duppa concluded a treaty with the Mokaddem of Tetuan whereby the buying and selling of English slaves was forbidden there (SIHM, Angleterre, ii.521).

^{page 233 note 46} The corner of the leaf has been torn.

^{page 234 note 47} Lacuna of two words in the MS.

^{page 234 note 48} Matthew, v.11.

^{page 235 note 49} MS: ‘Nuetas’. I owe the emendation to T. A. Birrell. Nicetas was the eponymous hero of Nicetas, sau triumphata incontinentia, by Jeremias Drexel, S. J. Originally published for Jesuit sodalities at Munich in 1624, it went through fourteen editions in Latin by 1633 and was translated into several modern languages. An English translation by ‘R.S.’, Nicetas, or the Triumph over Incontinence, was published in 1633 (facsimile edition by the Scolar Press, 1973). A. F. Allison and D. M. Rogers in their Catalogue of Catholic Books in English attribute the translation on the basis of the initials to Robert Stanford, a Staffordshire Jesuit who was one of Atkins' superiors at the Jesuit novitiate in Watten in 1629–30 (Foley vii(ii).731). Nicetas was a fictional Egyptian youth who, bound with silken cords to a bed of swansdown, resisted the advances of a temptress by biting off his tongue and spitting it out with the words [sic] ‘I had rather be dumb than unchaste’.

The whole of the episode that follows was omitted in the version of the Relation published in The Month.

^{page 235 note 50} 8 September.

^{page 236 note 51} = virginal.

^{page 236 note 52} Lacuna of two words in the M S.

^{page 237 note 53} = smartened.

^{page 237 note 54} See CRS 73 (1992), 77.

^{page 238 note 55} Wadsworth's father converted to Roman Catholicism at Madrid in 1604. James (b.1604) joined him in Spain in 1610 and was educated in Madrid and Seville before proceeding to the college at St Omer in 1618.

^{page 239 note 56} ‘Machaeromancy’, using knives or swords, is one of the forms of magical divination listed by John Gaule in his Πυα-μαντία: The Mag-Astro-Mancer (London, 1652, 165)Google Scholar. P. Dan describes the use of arrows before battle to divine the likely result (Dan, 297). According to Wadsworth the priest put his powers to other good use. ‘The day before our arrivali there [at Salé], being destitute of victuals, the priest, called their Alfaqui, conjured the fish of the sea to draw neere to the gaily so that they tooke them up with their hands as many as sustained us till wee arrived at Sally’ (p.39). It is notable that neither Atkins nor Wadsworth questions the authenticity and efficacy of such divination.

^{page 240 note 57} = small cannon of brass or iron.

^{page 240 note 58} = rogues. On the distinction between ‘Turks’ and ‘Moores’ see p.249, n.77.

^{page 240 note 59} = crowd of onlookers (OED c.1630).

^{page 242 note 60} After the death of Mawlay Ahmad al Mansur (‘the Golden’) in 1603 his kingdom was split in two, with Marrakech and Fez as rival capitals. ‘New’ Salé was nominally subject to the King of Morocco at Marrakech, while ‘old’ Salé on the northern bank belonged to the kingdom of Fez. See Cambridge History of Africa, ed. Richard, Gray (1975), iv. 148Google Scholar. Whereas in this passage Atkins applies the term ‘castle’ to the whole of new Salé, elsewhere he uses it more correctly to denote the citadel, or Casbah, which the Caïd, or Governor, shared with the dominant Hornacheros. The Moriscos, otherwise known as Andalos, and other newcomers settled in the new town which grew up to the south of the Casbah (see map, p.241).

^{page 242 note 61} Wadsworth's account is slightly different: ‘We were carried to the Castle and there crammed like capons that we might grow fatter and better for sale, and being brought to the market were shared amongst them and sold’ (pp.39–40). ‘I fell’, he adds, ‘to the Captaine of the shippe, whose name was Alligalan, a Morisco’. This is the man referred to by Atkins (p.252) as Gallante. All the slaves, about 800 hundred in number, including Spanish, French, English, Portuguese, Italians and Flemish, were lodged at night in a ‘dungeon’ in the market place, manacled with irons (Wadsworth, , p.41Google Scholar). At Salé these dungeons were ironically called matamoros (Dan, , 407Google Scholar), a Hispanicisation of the local term matmoura – a grain silo which served as a lock-up (SIHM, France, iii (1911), 234, n.4).Google Scholar

^{page 243 note 62} Not in OED. The Spanish verb tajar, or taxar = ‘to chop’, so tajados would be diced steak

^{page 243 note 63} = red pepper.

^{page 243 note 64} On John Ward, see DNB and Corbett, Julian, England in the Mediterranean (London 1904), i.10–20Google Scholar. He was established at Tunis by about 1605 and entertained the traveller William Lithgow there in 1615 (Lithgow, 1906, 315). He died in 1622. I have been unable to trace Atkins' source for the ‘epitaph’.

^{page 244 note 65} According to Father Dan the serivanos (a Morisco term, from Spanish escribano = scribe) were receivers of the levy paid by the corsairs on their booty. For his account of the government of Salé in the decade following, see Dan, , 173–7.Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 66} Santon was the European term for a Muslim holy man, or wandering dervish. Its misapplication here may be due to a confusion with sanjak, the Ottoman word for a provincial governor (cf. Lithgow, , 1906, 323).Google Scholar

^{page 245 note 67} = turbans.

^{page 245 note 68} = a short coat (OED 1654).

^{page 245 note 69} = ornamental braiding (OED 1746).

^{page 246 note 70} The students' fears were not unfounded. In 1618 Roger Hurt, the 10 year-old son of a Bristol merchant, was captured by a Salé ship while on his way to Seville to learn Spanish. By 1638 he was ‘chief of the English eunuchs’ at the Moroccan court, falconer to Prince Abdalah Meleh, and ‘a devout Moor’ (SIHM, Angleterre, ii.48).

^{page 246 note 71} Possibly Captain William Clark, one of the pirates formerly based at Mamora, who in 1614 raided the Westmann Islands, off Iceland. He later moved to Algiers. See Senior, Clive, A Nation of Pirates (1976), 63–4, 77Google Scholar; Lewis, Bernard, ‘Corsairs in Iceland’, Revue de l'Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée, xv–xvi (Aix, 1973), 139–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 247 note 72} Wadsworth names him as Jehan de la Goretta, a French merchant who traded from Salé ‘to Sivill and Cales, and used to traffique for slaves and other commodities’ (42). Wadsworth claims that he took the initiative in seeking the Frenchman's help.

^{page 247 note 73} The text does not make sense unless amended along the lines suggested.

^{page 248 note 74} The tribes of the Moroccan hinterland.

^{page 248 note 75} = a pizzel, or bull's penis, used for flogging.

^{page 248 note 76} P. Dan relates the similar misfortune of a Breton captive caught while trying to escape to Mamora. He not only had his ears cut off but was made to eat them (Dan, , 421–2).Google Scholar

^{page 249 note 77} The distinction appears to be between, on the one hand, the Anatolian Turks who were present at Salé as soldiers of fortune and, on the other, Hornacheros, Moriscos, and indigenous Arabs or Berbers. The same distinction is made by William Lithgow, who was in Morocco, though not at Salé, some seven years before Atkins (Lithgow, , 319–26Google Scholar and passim). For evidence of Turkish-speakers at Salé, see note 78. The comparison of Puritanism with Islamic fundamentalism was a commonplace of recusant polemic. See Reynolds, William, Calvino-Turcismus (Antwerp, 1597)Google Scholar and the works cited in Milward, Peter, Religious Controversies of the Elizabethan Age (London, 1977), pp.145–7.Google Scholar

^{page 249 note 78} Though distorted, the names of the hours of prayer are, as Dr Colin Heywood has pointed out to me, recognizably Turkish rather than Arabic in form (- namas being a version of the Perso-Turkish namāz, meaning ‘canonical prayer’). Doubtless Atkins heard the terms spoken colloquially, which may account for the deformation.

^{page 250 note 79} The translation of the call to prayer (adan) is incorrect. La ilaha il Allah, Muhammad al-Rasul Allah may be rendered as ‘There is no God but God, and Mahomet is God's apostle’.

^{page 250 note 80} A term applied in mockery to metrical versions of the psalms (OED 1673).

^{page 251 note 81} Atkins is not alone in confusing the fast of Ramadan with the feast of Biran. According to Lithgow ‘the Lent of the Turkes is called Byrham … Some name it also Ramadan’, and the author of A True Historical Account of Muley Hamets Rising (1609)Google Scholar names among principal feasts ‘the Easter which is called Rumedan’. In 1622 (A.H. 1031) Ramadan would have ended on 8 August, followed by Biran on 9 August, before Atkins’ arrival in Salé.

^{page 251 note 82} = a waggon carrying the bride's gifts to the groom's house (OED 1807).

^{page 252 note 83} = plaited cords.

^{page 253 note 84} MS: ‘and his braines beaten out downe to the walles’.

^{page 253 note 85} Lacuna of one or two words in the MS.

^{page 253 note 86} The Caid of Salé, described by Atkins as the ‘Captain’, and by Wadsworth as the ‘Governor’, was at this time Abd el-Aziz ez-Zarouri (SIHM, France, iii (1911), 191Google Scholar). He was the representative at Salé of the King of Morocco but as this episode illustrates he had difficulty in imposing his authority and was removed in 1625. Salé declared its independence in 1627 (ibid., 192).

^{page 254 note 87} = rabble (archaic by the 17th century).

^{page 255 note 88} Possibly a misreading of a variant of beignets (fritters), though the earliest use of beignets recorded by the OED is of 1835. The fritters described by Atkins correspond with the sfenj still eaten in Morocco today.

^{page 256 note 89} The aspre, or asper (from Greek aspron) was the standard coin in the Ottoman Empire from the earliest period until the late 17th century. Ottoman coins were regularly struck at Algiers. Their use at Salé is further evidence of Turkish influence there.

^{page 256 note 90} = sherbet.

^{page 256 note 91} = mead.

^{page 256 note 92} Perhaps related to the military engineer Luis Bravo de Laguna who in 1577 was commissioned by Philip II to report on the coastal defences of Andalusia against the corsairs (Friedman, 40).

^{page 258 note 93} = small two-masted ships.

^{page 258 note 94} MS: ‘lawes’.

^{page 258 note 95} = hoisted.

^{page 258 note 96} According to Wadsworth one of the merchant's enemies had given him a ‘poisoned tart’, which took delayed effect.

^{page 260 note 97} Mamora (now Mehdia), occupied by the Spanish from 1614 to 1681, lies on the River Sebu, eighteen miles north of Rabat.

^{page 261 note 98} On John Nutt, the Torbay pirate, see Forster, John, Sir John Eliot, 1590–1632 (1865)Google Scholar, i.26–49. Captain Catesby may be the man who accompanied Sir Thomas Sherley on his raiding expedition to Portugal in 1602. See Andrews, Kenneth, Elizabethan Privateering (Cambridge, 1964), 56Google Scholar. For the names of other English pirates operating from Mamora, cf. Clark, G. N., ‘Barbary Corsairs in the 17th century’, Cambridge Historical Journal, viii (1945–1946), 22–35.Google Scholar

^{page 262 note 99} According to Wadsworth (45) the attack on Mamora was led by ‘the Moore whom they call the Saint of Salley, with 30,000 other Alarabes’. This was the marabout Sidi Muhammad ben Ahmad Zayani (1573–1641), known as al-Ayyashi (Dan, 176, calls him ‘Layasse’) who rebelled against Sultan Mawlay Zidan and took refuge in old Salé, using it as a base for a jihad against the Spanish presidios (SIHM, France, iii (1911), 189Google Scholar). He had earlier attacked Mamora in May 1621 and May 1622, aided in the second attempt by the Dutch. Cf. García Figueras, 145 et seqq. John Dunton, describes him in 1637 as ‘pettie King of the old towne’, at war both with new Salé and with the Sherif of Morocco (Dunton, , 6–7).Google Scholar

^{page 262 note 100} 18 October.

^{page 263 note 101} sc. Pyrenaean.

^{page 264 note 102} = salt hake.

^{page 264 note 103} Larache (now al-Araish), 45 miles S.W. of Tangier, was captured by the Spanish in 1610 and remained a presidio until 1689.

^{page 265 note 104} ‘I and another of my companions got on shoare, unwilling to venture any further in the ship, but finding there a lighter boate of the Governors ready for Cales wee embarkt our selves therein’ (Wadsworth, , 45Google Scholar). For Peter Edwards, alias Amesius Eveleigh, see CRS 73 (1992), 65.Google Scholar

^{page 265 note 105} = dysentery.

^{page 266 note 106} sc. kex, a hollow stalk, or straw.

^{page 267 note 107} Lacuna of one word in the MS.

^{page 267 note 108} 28 October.

^{page 268 note 109} = fore and aft sails set on opposite sides of the ship to catch the wind.

^{page 269 note 110} John Robinson, at 34, was the eldest of the party. Both he and Neale later became Jesuits. See CRS 73 (1992), 86, 92.

^{page 269 note 111} The Governor of Tangier, appointed in April 1622, wasjorge Mascarenhas (García Figueras, 153).

^{page 271 note 112} Spanish alguaciles.

^{page 272 note 113} MS: ‘before’.

^{page 274 note 114} = reckoning.

^{page 274 note 115} = wild, solitary (archaic by 1630).

^{page 274 note 116} Lacuna of one word.

^{page 274 note 117} The distance from Gibraltar to Medina Sidonia is about 74 km. For the students to have covered it in two days, as Atkins suggests, was good going. By the river ‘Lethe’ he means the Guadalete. For this fanciful identification, cf. Mercator's Atlas (Amsterdam, 1611), 120: ‘Ad ostium Lethes fluminis, quod hodie Guadalete …’. In fact, on the way to Medina Sidonia, the students would have crossed not the Guadalete (which flows into the Bay of Cadiz further north) but the Barbate.

^{page 274 note 118} According to Wadsworth (47, in marg.) Coniers ‘dyed upon his arrivall at Sivill thorow the misery he endured’.

^{page 277 note 119} Not otherwise known.

^{page 277 note 120} = outstripped (archaic by 1630).

^{page 277 note 121} Not otherwise known.

^{page 279 note 122} An adaptation of Psalm 77.4.

^{page 279 note 123} Puerto Real, the ‘royal port’, owes its name to Isabel the Catholic, who rebuilt it in 1483.

^{page 280 note 124} MS: ‘brought’.

^{page 280 note 125} Psalm 146.9.

^{page 281 note 126} A Juan Skerone (Hispanice Esquero) signed an affidavit at Marrakech injuly 1609. Anthony Sherley described him in 1622 as chief of the English merchants in Morocco (SIHM, Angleterre, ii. 545).Google Scholar

^{page 281 note 127} = forewarned.

^{page 281 note 128} On the Trinitarian order, founded by St John of Matha in 1198 for the ransoming of captives, see Dan (himself a Trinitarian), 464–514.

^{page 281 note 129} Lacuna of? four words.

^{page 282 note 130} Lacuna of? three words.

^{page 283 note 131} Eight hundred English captives were held at Salé in 1625, and over fifteen hundred in 1626 (CSP Dom. 1625–6, 414, 516Google Scholar). In a pathetic letter sent from there to his father in November 1625, Robert Adams of Ratcliff explained that those considered to be of wealthy family were treated worse than the rest (SIHM, Angleterre, ii. 591Google Scholar). Cf. HMC 23, Cowper i (1888), 231.Google Scholar

^{page 283 note 132} ‘The Jesuites of Sivill, having been informed that the merchant disbursed not ready money for their ransome but was to pay it at his returne, now (he not returning) they affirmed that they thought in conscience they were out of debt for the matter, never considering that the merchant had left his warehouse fraught with the value of 10,000 crowns behind, which their deceit his daughter now seeing sued them in the law, but the Jesuites so possessed the judges that they overthrew her in the cause, so that now she was left destitute of father and goods, the foresaid Moores and Jesuites being trebly paid. Now the Jesuites wrote to England to their friends for their ransomes, which being speedily sent they enjoyed themselves. Moreover they made a Tragicall-comedy of our voyage, whereby they got much money and honour, whereupon all people admired Gods providence and our delivery out of such manifest dangers, which the Jesuites ascribed only to their protector S. Ignatius, we being their schollers, and thereupon they collected no small summes of money which they pretended was to pay for our ransoming' (46–7).

^{page 284 note 133} Wadsworth claims to have met up with his companions at Sanlúcar, where he had been staying with his uncle the consul, and to have accompanied them ‘to their Colledge in Sivill, whence taking my leave I left them, being not willing to last any more of their discipline, and wishing them withall to take order to satisfie the merchants daughter, having alreadie done it for me. The Rector made answer for them to me that he would take that to his charge'.

^{page 284 note 134} = debauched. Wadsworth was a ‘Captain’ on the strength of the commission he obtained in the army of Flanders c.1624.

^{page 284 note 135} The Hospice of St George at Sanlúcar, originally founded as a refuge for English sailors in 1517, was acquired by Robert Persons in 1591 as a residence for English priests. See CRS 73 (1992), 1, 5–6.Google Scholar