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Pictures at an Exhibition: Science, Patriotism, and Civil Society in Imperial Russia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Joseph Bradley
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Abstract

Organized by a Moscow learned society, the Polytechnical Exposition of 1872 helped mobilize resources for popularizing science that connected tsarist officialdom, the Moscow municipal government and business community, university scientists, and other private associations. Although the relationship between the autocratic government and society is often portrayed in terms of conflict, partnership was more typically the rule, especially in the effort to build a native science infrastructure. The grand exhibitions of science and industry of the nineteenth century were sites of modernity that displayed visions of progress, created a public culture, and fashioned national identity. Moscow's Polytechnical Exposition juxtaposed the modern and the foreign with the traditional and the Russian in order to demonstrate that Russia could have modern science and technology without abandoning its traditional culture. Paradoxically, to assert its place in European civilization in an age of nationalism and imperialism, Russia had to assert its Russianness—its cultural distinctiveness, patriotism, and imperial pride. With its emphasis on change and progress, as well as on traditional Russian culture, the exposition fostered a Russian public aware of its place in a changing world, of its place in history, of its identity as a nation.

Type
Displaying the Nation and Modernity in Russia: Directions in Russian Museum Studies
Information
Slavic Review , Volume 67 , Issue 4 , Winter 2008 , pp. 934 - 966
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 2008

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References

I presented earlier versions of this article to the seminar of Washington area Russian historians at Georgetown University and as the Norris lecture at Oklahoma State University and benefited from the comments I received at both venues. I am also grateful to Chris Ruane for her suggestions on an earlier draft and to the anonymous reviewers of Slavic Review. Epigraph from Viktor K. Della-Vos, referring to the 1872 Polytechnical Exposition in “Rech’ o zadachakh muzeia prikladnykh znaniia, proiznesennaia pri otkrytii muzeia 30 noiabria 1872 g.,” in Moskovskii muzei prikladnykh znanii, Materialy, kasaiushchiesia ustroistva muzeia, rechi, proiznesennye pri ego otkrytii i otchet vysochaishe uchrezhdennogo komiteta muzeia, i otchet Vysochaishe uchrezhdennogo Komiteta muzeia za pervyi god ego sushchestvovaniia po 30 noiabria 1873g., 3 vols., in Izvestiia OLEAE (Moscow, 1874-76), 1:61.

1. “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 116 (11 May 1872): 4, and no. 128 (23 May 1872): 4; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 14, 19, 27, 28, 30, 31, 100,112,126 (1872).

2. “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka s voennoi tochki zreniia,” Oruzheinyi sbornik, nos. 3 - 4 (1872): 4-5.

3. From the papers of Moscow's gradonachal'nik's office in Tsentral'nyi istoricheskii arkhiv Moskvy (TsIAM), f. 46, op. 2, d. 189 (OPolitekhnicheskoi vystavke), 1.105; and from the papers of the Third Section in Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi federatsii (GARF), f. 109, 1 eks., d. 32 (1870), 11. 20, 72-76ob.

4. I have been informed by a rich historiography of science societies and their public projects that includes: Ian Inkster and Jack Morrell, eds., Metropolis and Province: Science in British Culture, 1780-1850 (Philadelphia, 1983); Richard van Diilmen, The Society of the Enlightenment: The Rise of the Middle Class and Enlightenment Culture in Germany, trans. Anthony Williams (New York, 1992); James E. McClelland, Science Reorganized: Scientific Societies in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1985); Arnold Thackray, “Natural Knowledge in Cultural Context: The Manchester Mode,” American Historical Review 79, no. 3 (June 1974): 672-709; Robert Fox, “Learning, Politics and Polite Culture in Provincial France: The Societies Savantes in the Nineteenth Century,” Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques7, no. 2 -3 (1980): 554. On the “performance of science,” see Golinski, Jan, Scienceas Public Culture: Chemistry and Enlightenment in Britain, 1760-1820 (Cambridge, Eng., 1992)Google Scholar; Shapin, Steven, “The Audience for Science in Eighteenth-Century Edinburgh,” History of Science 12 (1974): 95–121 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stewart, Larry R., The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750 (Cambridge, Eng., 1992)Google Scholar; Jan Golinski and Simon Schaffer, eds., The Sciences in Enlightened Europe (Chicago, 1999); Simon Schaffer, “Natural Philosophy and Public Spectacle in the Eighteenth Century,” History of Science 21, no. 1 (March 1983): 1-43; C. C. Rupp, “The New Science and the Public Sphere in the Premodern Era,” Sciencein Context, no. 3 (1995): 487-507, esp. 487, 491, 496; and Harrison, Carol E., The Bourgeois Citizen in Nineteenth-Century France: Gender, Sociability and the Uses of Emulation (Oxford, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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6. E. I. Lamanskii, quoted in Reginald Zelnik, Labor and Society in Tsarist Russia: The Factory Workers of St. Petersburg, 1855-1870 (Stanford, 1963), 84. See also Vucinich, Alexander, Science in Russian Culture, 1861-191 7 (Stanford, 1970), 77.Google Scholar

7. On the literacy committees, see Khodnev, A. I., Istoriia Imperatorskogo vol'nogo ekonomicheskogo obshchestva s 1765 do 1865 goda (St. Petersburg, 1865), 358-59Google Scholar; Perepelkin, A. P., comp., Istoricheskaia zapiska o tridtsatiletnei deiatet nosti Imperatorskogo Moskovskogo obshchestva setskogo khoziaistva (Moscow, 1890), 45–50 Google Scholar; D. D. Protopopov, Istoriia S.- Peterburgskogo komiteta gramotnosti (St. Petersburg, 1898).

8. On RTO, see PolnoesobraniezakonovRossiiskoi imperii (PSZ), 2d sen, vol. 41 (1866), no. 43219; Gritsenko, N. N., Nauchno-tekhnicheskie obshchestva SSSR: Istoricheskie ocherki (Moscow, 1968), 11 Google Scholar; Filippov, N. G., Nauchno-tekhnicheskie obshchestva Rossii (1866-1917 gg.) (Moscow, 1976), 24 Google Scholar. For background concerning industry, labor, and technical education, see Zelnik, Labor and Society; Alfred J. Rieber, Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, 1982); and Harley David Balzer, “Educating Engineers: Economic Politics and Technical Training in Tsarist Russia” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1980).

9. “Pravila dlia ustroistva narodnykh chtenii v guberskikh gorodakh,” PSZ, 2d ser., vol. 51 (1876), no. 56762. The files of the central and local authorities are filled with requests for permission for public lectures. See, for example, “O dozvolenii raznym litsam chteniia publichnykh lektsii,” GARF, f. 109, 3 eks., op. 156 (1871), d. 9. See also Gruzinskii, A. E., Tridtsat’ let zhizni Uchebnogo otdela Obshchestva rasprostraneniia tekhnicheskikh znanii (Moscow, 1902), 5, 14, 19-20, 37, 69-76.Google Scholar

10. Chaline, Jean-Pierre, Sociabilite et Erudition: Les societes savantes en France XLXe-XXe siecles (Paris, 1995), 70–71.Google Scholar

11. Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv (RGIA), f. 735, op. 6, d. 181 (“Ob uchrezhdenii periodicheskikh s“ezdov naturalistov i vrachei“), 11. 5-8; f. 735, op. 6, d. 52 (“Ob uchrezhdenii periodicheskikh s“ezdov“), 11. 2-2ob. The university statute is “Obshchii ustav Imperatorskikh Rossiiskikh universitetov,” PSZ, 2d ser., vol. 38 (1863), no. 39752. In 1862 a censorship decree allowed die officers of learned societies to serve as censors for their publications, a privilege previously enjoyed only by the Academy of Sciences and die Free Economic Society. This increased the rapidity and quantity of scholarly work that could be published. See Charles Ruud, Fighting Words: Imperial Censorship and the Russian Press, 1804-1906 (Toronto, 1982), 126. On scientific congresses, see A. V. Pogozhev, Dvadtsatipiatiletie estestvenno-nauchnykh i'ezdov v Rossii, 1861-1886 (Moscow, 1887), 6, 57.

12. The details of the society's founding may be found in RGIA, f. 733, op. 142, d. 92 (“Ob uchrezhdenii OLEAE“), 11. 1-10; and in Arkhiv Rossiiskoi akademii nauk (Arkhiv RAN), f. 446, op. la, d. 59 (“Materialy po OLEAE“), 1. 9, 11-12. The society's charter and bylaws (ustav) may be found in Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 3, no. 1 (1866): col. 1-2. See also the society's jubilee history, Bogdanov, V. V., Piatidesiatiletie Imperatorskogo Obshchestva liubitelei estestvoznaniia, antropologii i etnografii, 1863-1913 (Moscow, 1914), 25.Google Scholar

13. On Bogdanov, see Raikov, B. E., Russkie biologi-evoliutsionnisty do Darvina: Materialy k istorii evoliutsionnoi idei v Rossii, 4 vols. (Moscow, 1951-1959), 4:203–467 Google Scholar. For biographical information on Shchurovskii, see B. E. Raikov, Grigorii Efimovich Shchurovskii: Uchenyi, naturalist i prosvetitel’ (Leningrad, 1965), 7-8, 17, 34, 58-65; “Grigorii Efimovich Shchurovskii,” Liudi russkoi nauki: Geologiia, geografiia (Moscow, 1962), 16-22; and Polovtsov, A. A. and Modzalevskii, B. L., eds., Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 25 vols. (Moscow- St. Petersburg, 1896-1918), 24:159-62Google Scholar. See also Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 3, no. 2 (1886): col. 109-10; and Iubilei G. E. Shchurovskogo, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 33 (1885). In addition to his research and teaching duties, Shchurovskii delivered many public lectures in an effort to popularize the study of science in Russia, including an address before the First Congress of Naturalists in 1867 in St. Petersburg. G. Shchurovskii, “Ob obshchedostupnosti ili populiarizatsii estestvennykh nauk,” Zhurnal Ministerstva narodnogoprosveshcheniia (January 1868): 39-52.

14. These passages are from Shchurovskii's address to the society's 22nd meeting (23 April 1867), just before the opening of the 1867 Ethnographic Exposition. Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 3, no. 2 (1886): col. 65-66. On the Ethnographic Exposition, see Nathaniel Knight, “The Empire on Display: Science, Nationalism and the Challenge of Human Diversity in the Ail-Russian Ethnographic Exposition of 1867” (paper presented at the AAASS annual meeting, Washington, D.C., 2001).

15. Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 3, no. 1 (1866): col. 2-3,109-10; Bogdanov, Piatidesiatiletie, 33

16. D. A. Naumov, “Po povodu predpolagaemoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki v Moskve v 1872 g.,” Otechestvennyezapiski 194, no. 2 (1871): 151-76, esp. 161. Viktor Butovskii's articles: “Pis'mo k izdateliam,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 176 (14 August 1871): 3; “Zametka o muzeiakh Parizha i Londona,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 186 (26 August 1871): 3-4; “Muzeum i shkola,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 191 (3 September 1871): 3-4. See also Bogdanov, Piatidesiatiletie, 45-47. For background on Russia's manufacturing exhibitions, see A. I. Mikhailovskaia, “Iz istorii promyshlennykh vystavok v Rossii pervoi poloviny XIX veka,” Ocherki istorii muzeinogo dela vRossii, vol. 5 (1961): 79-154; and V. G. Petelin, “Pervaia vystavka manufakturnykh izdelii Rossii,” Voprosy istorii, no. 3 (1981): 178-81. On Russia at the world's fairs, see David C. Fisher, “Russia and the Crystal Palace in 1851” (unpublished paper delivered at die Midwest Russian History Workshop, Madison, Wisconsin, 20-21 April 2001).

17. Vek, no. 50 (1861): 1405-6.

18. Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 3, no. 2 (1886): col. 65-66, 90, 229-30; and in hvestiiavol. 9, no. 1 (Moscow, 1871): 35; two statements concerning the goals of the exposition by Bogdanov and Della-Vos as well as a draft plan of the exposition can be found in Politekhnicheskaia vystavka Imperatorskogo obshchestva liubitelei estestvoznaniia, antropologii i etnografii (Moscow, 1870); A. P. Bogdanov, “Pervyi kamen’ osnovaniia Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” Arkhiv RAN, f. 446, op. la, d. 41a, 11. 30-30ob.; OLEAE, Vserossiiskaia etnograficheskaia vystavka (Moscow, 1867), 3.

19. The imperial decree authorizing OLEAE to organize the exposition can be found in PSZ, 2d ser., vol. 45 (1870), no. 48367. This followed the approval of the Ministry of Education. Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 8, no. 1 (1871): col. 123- 35. See also “Doklad Komissii ob ustroistve v Moskve obshche-obrazovatel'nogo muzeia prikladnykh znanii,” in Moskovskaia gorodskaia duma, Doklady (25 August 1870): 2, 6. On the Polytechnical Museum, see A. P. Bogdanov, “Obrazovatel'nyi Politekhnicheskii muzei v Moskve,” and G. E. Shchurovskii, “Sposob osnovaniia muzeev posredstvom vystavok,“ in Moskovskii muzei prikladnykh znanii, Materialy, 1:13-21, 53-54; and Joseph Bradley, “Nauka v gorode: Osnovanie Moskovskogo politekhnicheskogo muzeia,” in Rossiia XXI, no. 2 (2005): 96-127.

20. VestnikMoskovskoiPolitekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 48 (1872): 2; Golos, no. 158 (9June 1871): 2; Politekhnicheskaia vystavka Imperatorskogo OLEAE, 5-6. Pos'et was a member of numerous associations, including OLEAE, the Russian Geographical Society, the Russian Technical Society, and the SOS Society. See Entsiklopedicheskii slovar’ Brokgauza i Efrona: Biografii (Moscow, 1991), 601-6; Al'manakh sovremennykh russkikhgosudarstvennykh deiatelei (St. Petersburg, 1897), 59-61.

21. “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka s voennoi tochki zreniia,” 1-2, 14. For Miliutin in the Geographical Society, a good place to start is P. P. Semenov, Istoriia poluvekovoi deiatel'nosti Imperatorskogo Russkogo geograficheskogo obshchestua, 1845-1895, 3 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1896). See also Joseph Bradley, Voluntary Associations in Tsarist Russia: Science, Patriotism and Civil Society (Cambridge, Mass., forthcoming).

22. Vestnik Moskovskoi politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 12 (1872): 1. The major military journals—Voennyi sbornik, Morskoi sbornik, Artilleriiskii zhurnal, Oruzheinyi sbornik, and the newspaper Russkii invalid, assiduously reported on displays of military technology in Europe and Russia. For a discussion of some of these projects, especially the modernization of small arms, see Bradley, Joseph, Guns for the Tsar: American Technology and the Small Arms Industry in Nineteenth-Century Russia (DeKalb, 1990)Google Scholar.

23. TsIAM, f. 227, op. 1, d. 4 (“Zapiski Komiteta dlia ustroistva muzeia prikladnykh znanii“), 11. 1-20; “Uchrezhdenie Komiteta dlia ustroistva v Sankt-Peterburge obshchego muzeia prikladnykh znanii,” PSZ, 2d ser., vol. 46 (1871), no. 49623; N. Kh. Vessel', “Kak voznik pervyi v Rossii Muzei prikladnykh znanii v Peterburge, v Solianom gorodke: Iz moego dnevnika,” Russkaia shkola, no. 1 (January 1894): 9-30.

24. TsIAM, f. 227, op. 1, d. 5 (“Zhurnaly zasedanii Komiteta dlia ustroistva muzeia prikladnykh znanii“), 11. 1-11; RGIA, f. 1263, op. 1, st. 475, d. 3598, 11. 14-25 (“Osobyi zhurnal Komiteta ministrov po predstavleniiu Ministra finansov ob uchrezhdenii muzeia prikladnykh znanii,” 1872). The story is also recounted by Shchurovskii: “Rech'proiznesennaia pri otkrytii Politekhnicheskogo muzeia 30 noiabria 1872 tovarishchem pochtenogo predsedatelia muzeia G. E. Shchurovskim,” in Moskovskii muzei prikladnykh znanii, Materialy, 1:53-58, esp. 56-57. On Cherkasskii, see Kniaz! Vladimir Aleksandrovich Cherkaskii: Ego stat'i, ego rechi i vospominaniia o nem (Moscow, 1879); Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 22:198- 208; S. Frederick Starr, Decentralization and Self-Government in Russia, 1830-1870 (Princeton, 1972), 74-79; Thomas C. Owen, Capitalism and Politics in Russia: A Social History of the Moscow Merchants, 1855-1905 (Cambridge, Eng., 1981), 75. The address to Alexander II is discussed in V. A. Nardova, Gorodskoe samoupravlenie v Rossii v 60-kh nachalo 90-kh godov XIXv.: Pravitel!stvennaiapolitika (Leningrad, 1984), 153-62; and L. F. Pisar'kova, Moskovskaia gorodskaia duma, 1863-1917 (Moscow, 1998), 236-38. Bogdanov's report to the City Council is in “Doklad Komissii ob ustroistve,” 2.

25. Owen, Capitalism and Politics, 54-59; Rieber, Merchants and Entrepreneurs, 135-37.

26. Gobs, no. 45 (14 February 1871): 1; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 5 (1872): 1; Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1869-71): 1:34; Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 9, no. 1 (1872): col. 31-33; Protokoly chetvertogo zasedaniia Kommissii po obsuzhdeniiu programmy i plana Moskovskogo tsentral'nogo politekhnicheskogo muzeia (Moscow, 1874), 1-4. On Popov, see Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 14:561-65.

27. RGIA, f. 733, op. 142, d. 530, 11. 11-13 (“Ob uchrezhdenii muzeia prikladnykh znanii“); RGIA, f. 1263, op. 1, st. 475, d. 3598,11. 13-25 (“Osobyi zhurnal Komiteta ministrov po predstavleniiu Ministra finansov ob uchrezhdenii Moskovskogo muzeia prikladnykh znanii,” 1872).

28. On Isakov, see Russkii biograficheskii sbvar', 8:143-44; Entsiklopedicheskii slovar' Brokgauza iEfrona, 86 vols. (Moscow, 1890-1907), 25:363.

29. RGIA, f. 733, op. 142, d. 466a, 11. 46-47, 157-58 (“Ob ustroistve v Moskve Politekhnicheskoi vystavki i Politekhnicheskogo muzeia“); RGIA, f. 934, op. 2, d. 158,11. 1-2 (G. E. Shchurovskii to P. P. Durnovo, 19 November 1870); Bogdanov, Piatidesiatiletie, 7; “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 115 (9 May 1872): 4.

30. GARF, f. 109, 1 eks., d. 32 (1870), 11. 15-15ob.; Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 9, no. 1 (1872): 38; Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:17. See also N. V Nikitin, “Otchet o proizvedennom po porucheniiu Imperatorskogo obshchestva liubitelei estestvoznaniia osmotra zagranichnykh muzeev,” in Materialy, 1:30-49, esp. 30-31; “Iz Moskvy,” Golos, no. 192 (13July 1871): 2, no. 256 (16 September 1871): 1, and no. 40 (9 June 1872): 1; VestnikMoskovskoiPolitekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 29 (1872): 2, no. 31 (1872): 3, no. 32 (1872): 3, and no. 85 (1872): 2.

31. Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:8-9, 31 and 2:5-11, 31, 135-37. See also Doklad chlenov Moskovskogo arkhitekturnogo obshchestva N. A. Shokhina i N. V. Nikitina o poezdke v Sankt Peterburg po delu organizatsii Arkhitekturnogo otdela Politekhnicheskoi vystavki (Moscow, n.d.); Kirichenko, Evgeniia I., “K voprosu o poreformennykh vystavkakh Rossii kak vyrazhenii istoricheskogo svoeobraziia arkhitektury vtoroi poloviny XIX v.” in Sternin, G. Iu., Khudozhestvennye protsessy v russkoi kul'ture vtoroi poloviny XlXveka (Moscow, 1984), 83–136 Google Scholar, esp. 119.1 am grateful to Katia Dianina for alerting me to this source.

32. TsIAM, f. 227 (Muzei prikladnykh znanii), op. 2, d. 6, II. 1, 138-39; Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 3, no. 2 (1886): col. 273; Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:17. For a list of donors, see Obshchee obozrenie Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki (Moscow, 1872), 1-58.

33. Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 2:6; Protokoly zasedaniia OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 9, no. 1 (1872): 32; “Doklad Komissii ob ustroistve,“ 6; Bogdanov, Piatidesiatiletie, 14.

34. Golos, no. 147 (29 May 1871): 3. See also Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 131 (27 May 1872): 2, and no. 132 (28 May 1872): 2; and Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 1 (1872): 2. A Moscow guidebook prominendy featured maps of die exposition: V. A. Dolgorukov, Putevoditel’ po Moskve i ee okrestnostiam (Moscow, 1872).

35. Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 113 (7 May 1872): 3; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 15 (1872): 2, no. 28 (1872): 2, and no. 32 (1872): 3.

36. Cited passages in “Torzhestvennoe otkrytie Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 10, no. 2 (1874): ix-xi; and “Rech’ o zadachakh muzeia prikladnykh znaniia, proiznesennaia pri otkrytii muzeia 30 noiabria 1872 g.,” in Moskovskii muzei prikladnykh znanii, Materialy, 1:61. See also Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 22, 31, 37 (1872). Opened as a trade school for orphans in 1839, the Imperial Technical School became well known in Russia for combining theoretical knowledge with practical training. Delia-Vos developed die first systematic program of workshop instruction. See Pamiati Viktora KarlovichaDella-Vos (Moscow, 1897); Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 6:192-94.

37. Gobs, no. 41 (lOJune 1872): 3; VestnihMoskovskoiPolitekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 37, 39-43, 45-46, 48, 81-84 (1872); Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 151 (17June 1872): 3.

38. Solov'ev, S. M., “Znachenie Petra Velikogo vo vsekh otrasliakh ego raznoobraznoi deiatel'nosti,” hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 10, no. 2 (1874): ii–iv Google Scholar; Gobs, no. 41 (10 June 1872): 3. In an expanded version of his banquet address, a series of public lectures on Peter the Great, Solov'ev emphasized Peter's role as teacher of the nation. S. M. Solov'ev, “Politekhnicheskaia vystavka i 200-letnii iubilei Petra Velikogo,” hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 9, no. 1 (1872): 36. See also Richard Wormian, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy, 2 vols. (Princeton, 2000), 2:123-24.

39. Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 4 (1872): 1.

40. Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 116 (11 May 1872): 1, no. 143 (9 June 1872): 4, no. 145 (11 June, 1872): 2, and no. 152 (18 June 1872): 2-3; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 10-12, 68, 76, 99, 115—16 (1872). As I. L. Zhuravskaia points out, however, the modern looking glass and iron structure incorporated the traditional head-dress motif (kokoshnik) in the design of the arches. See I. L. Zhuravskaia, “K istorii Politekhnicheskoi vystavki v Moskve,” in V L. Egorov, ed., Istoricheskii muzei: Entsiklopediia otechestvmnoi istorii i kul'tury (Moscow, 1995): 11.

41. Golos, no. 39 (1872): 3; Moskovskievedomosti, no. 145 (11 June 1872): 2 - 3. Several articles were devoted to the Sevastopol’ section. See Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 116 (11 May 1872): 1, no. 152 (18June 1872): 2, no. 163 (29June 1872): 3, and no. 233 (18 September 1872): 2 - 3. The glorification of Sevastopol’ recalled the Moscow merchants’ extravagant honor of the Sevastopol’ defenders upon their return in 1856. See Owen, Capitalism and Politics, 31, 35. The Sevastopol’ section eventually became the basis for the Imperial Historical Museum in Red Square. See Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 14 (1874): col. 33; and A. M. Razgon, “Rossiiskii istoricheskii muzei: Istoriia ego osnovaniia i deiatel'nosti, 1872-1917,” Ocherki istorii muzeinogo dela v Rossii, vol. 2 (I960): 224-99.

42. Doklad chlenov Moskovskogo arkhitekturnogo obshchestva; Golos, no. 39 (1872): 3; Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 145 (11 June 1872): 2 - 3. On Gartman, see Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 4:242-43; Rieber, Merchants and Entrepreneurs, 169-70. On Nikitin, see Shmidt, S. O., Andreev, M. I., and Karev, V. M., eds., Moskva: Entsiklopediia (Moscow, 1997), 558.Google Scholar

43. Kirichenko, Evgeniia, Russian Design and the Fine Arts, 1750-1917, trans. Tait, Arch (New York, 1991), 99, 102Google Scholar; Kirichenko, “K voprosu o poreformennykh vystavkakh,” 109, 117-21. See also Lisovskii, V G., “Natsional'nyi stil'” v arkhitekture Rossii (Moscow, 2000), 135;Google Scholar Ekaterina A. Dianina, “Nation on Display: Russian Museums and Print Culture in the Age of the Great Reforms” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2002), chap. 7.1 am grateful to Katia Dianina for alerting me to Lisovskii's book.

44. A description of the Technology Pavilion, including the sections for photography and applied physics, may be found in Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 34, 53, 55, 95-97, 102, 110, 117, 122, 126-27, 130, 134, 137, 140, 142, 144, 149 (1872); descriptions of the postal section may be found in nos. 3,63,87,89,116,124,147,150 (1872) and of the Turkestan pavilion in nos. 5, 105, 149 (1872).

45. Benedict, ed., Anthropology of World's Fairs; Stocking, George W., Victorian Anthropolgy (New York, 1987)Google Scholar; Keuren, D. K. Van, “Museums and Ideology: Augustus Pitt-Rivers, Anthropology Museums and Social Change in Later Victorian Britain,” Victorian Studies28 (Autumn 1984): 171-89, esp. 185Google Scholar.

46. “Torzhestvennoe otkrytie Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 10, no. 2 (1874): ix-xi; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 22, 31, 37 (1872).

47. Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:17; Protokoly zasedaniia OLEAE, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 9, no. 1 (1872): col. 37; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 5 (1872): 1; Obshchee obozrenie Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki (Moscow, 1872): 1-58.

48. Politekhnicheskaia vystavka Imperatorskogo obshchestva, 39. Shatilov was a member of OLEAE as well as of the Free Economic Society, the Moscow Society of Naturalists, the Forestry Society, and others. Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 22:542-46.

49. Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 148 (14 June 1872): 3.

50. Meller, Helen Elizabeth, Leisure and the Changing City, 1870-1914 (London, 1976), 172.Google Scholar

51. Golos, no. 84 (23July 1872): 2-3; “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 116 (11 May 1872): 4. At the same time, one correspondent hinted that some visitors viewed the model home “with dishes that you never see anywhere” with some amusement. Golos, no. 209 (30July 1871): 2-3.

52. Salmond, Wendy R., Arts and Crafts in Late Imperial Russia: Reviving the Kustar Art Industries, 1870-1917 (Cambridge, Eng., 1996), 1–4 Google Scholar; Kirichenko, “Kvoprosu o poreformennykh vystavkakh,” 121. Descriptions of the kustar section maybe found in Veslnik MoskovskoiPolitekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 39, 41, 46, 54, 57, 78, 107 (1872).

53. Mokyr, Joel, The Gifts of Athena: Historical Origins of the Knoiuledge Economy (Princeton, 2002).Google Scholar

54. Cited passages from Golos, no. 84 (23 July 1872): 2-3; and “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 116 (11 May 1872): 4. See also Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 148 (14 June 1872): 4; and Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 5, 18, 24, 38, 42, 45, 48, 58, 73, 77, 80, 83, 85-87,120, 122, 136 (1872).

55. Auerbach, Great Exhibition, 10, 94, 108, 111; Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas, 29, 145.

56. The official name of the congress was Pervyi Vserossiiskii s“ezd narodnykh uchitelei i inspektorov narodnykh uchilishch. More material on the educational function of the exposition can be found in Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:28,114; and in Vestnik MoskovskoiPolitekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 22, 69-70, 72-73, 75-77, 79-81 (1872). See also Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 129 (5 May 1872): 3, no. 142 (8 June 1872): 3, and no. 167 (4 July 1872): 2; and Golos, no. 96 (4 August 1872): 2. An example of a teacher's reaction is K. Chekhovich, “Otchet po komandirovke na Politekhnicheskuiu vystavku v Moskve 1872 g.,” Tsirkuliarpo Vilenskomu uchebnomu okrugu, no. 11 (1872): 1-27. The “discovering America” quote is from Marietta Shaginian, Pervaia Vserossiiskaia: Romankhronika (Moscow, 1965), 38. Shaginian builds her historical novel about the exposition around the fact that one of the delegates to the teachers’ courses was a school inspector from Simbirsk, Il'ia Ul'ianov, Lenin's father. Technical and vocational education occupied a prominent position at the other major congress held at the exposition, the Manufacturing Congress.

57. Auspitz, Katherine, The Radical Bourgeoisie: The Ligue de Venseignement and the Origins of the Third Republic, 1866-1885 (Cambridge, Eng., 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Auerbach, Great Exhibition, 10, 94, 108, 111; Sanford Elwitt, “Social Reform and Social Order in Late Nineteenth- Century France: The Musee Social and Its Friends,” French Historical Studies 11, no. 3 (Spring 1980): 431-52; Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas, 29, 145; Moskovskii muzei prikladnykh znanii, Materialy, 2:29.

58. Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 2:8. Accounts of the planning sessions may be found in TsIAM, f. 227, op. 2, d. 28 (“Perepiska s Ministerstvom narodnogo prosveshcheniia ob organizatsii pri Politekhnicheskom vystavke otdela popecheniia o rabochikh i remeslennikov i narodnogo teatra“), 11. 26-31; and GARF, f. 109, 3 eks. (1872), d. 94,11. 1-6.

59. Quoted in Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 73 (1872): 3. See also “Doklad Komissii ob ustroistve,” 2, 6; Naumov, “Po povodu predpolagaemoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” 161.

60. Quoted passage in TsIAM, f. 16, op. 25, d. 116 (“Ob ustroistve Politekhnicheskoi vystavki“), vol. 2,11. 13-16. See also TsIAM, f. 227, op. 2, d. 28,11. 115-117ob.; and GARF, f. 109, 3 eks. (1872), d. 94,11. 10-11, 52-53, 79-81.

61. TsIAM, f. 227, op. 2, d. 28, 11. 20-22; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 4 (1872): 1. For more on the popular theater movement at the exposition, see Thurston, Gary, The Popular Theatre Movement in Russia, 1862-1919 (Evanston, 1998), 10, 54–57 Google Scholar; Swift, Eugene Anthony, Popular Theater and Society in Tsarist Russia (Berkeley, 2002)Google Scholar; and Frame, Murray, School for Citizens: Theatre and Civil Society in Imperial Russia (New Haven, 2006)Google Scholar. Louise McReynolds samples other late-imperial leisure in Russia at Play: Leisure Activities at the End of the Tsarist Era (Ithaca, 2003).

62. Arkhiv RAN, f. 446, op. la, d. 41a, 1. 37ob.; Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 115 (9 May 1872): 4 and no. 125 (20 May 1872): 3; Bogdanov, Piatidesiatieletie, 45-47; Lisovskii, “Natsional'nyi stil',” 136. Among the plays performed were Nikolai Polevoi, Dedushka russkogo flota; Nikolai Gogol', Revizor; Rusalka (Aleksandr Pushkin's play and Aleksandr Dargomyzhskii's opera); Mikhail Glinka, Zhizri za tsaria; several plays by Aleksandr Ostrovskii, including Bednost’ neporok, Ne v svoi sani ne sadis1, and Svoi liudi sochtemsia, as well as a Moliere farce, comic opera, and vaudeville. TsIAM, f. 227, op. 2, d. 28, 11. 94-94ob. A seasonal roundup can be found in Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 149 (1872): 3; other reviews and features about the theater are in nos. 35, 41, 43, 70, 138, and 141 (1872).

63. H. Cunningham, “Leisure and Culture,” and Morris, R.J., “Clubs, Societies and Associations,” in Thompson, F. M. L., ed., The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1750- 1950 (Cambridge, Eng., 1990), 2:279–339 and 3:395-443Google Scholar; Michael Rose, “Culture, Philanthropy,” in Alan J. Kidd and Kenneth Roberts, eds., City, Class and Culture: Studies of Social Policy and Cultural Production in Victorian Manchester (Manchester, Eng., 1985), 112; A. R. H. Baker, “Sound and Fury: The Significance of Musical Societies in Loir-et-Cher during the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Historical Geography 12, no. 3 (July 1986): 249-68; Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849-1929 (Chicago, 1982).

64. RGALI (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art), f. 661 (Russian Musical Society), op. 1, d. 53,11. 32-33; Vestnik Moskovskoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 15, 28, 32, 47, 85, 106 (1872); “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 113 (7 May 1872): 3 and no. 115 (9 May 1872): 4.

65. Protokoly zasedanii Komitetapo ustroistvuPolitekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:8-9; VestnikMoskovshoi Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, no. 31 (1872); “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka s voennoi tochki zreniia,” 4-5; Shaginian, Pervaia Vserossiiskaia, 81

66. Vestnik Moskovskoi Politehhnicheskoi vystavki, nos. 4, 7, 36, 40, 41, 44, 48, 59, 70, 80, 138, 141, 149 (1872); “Moskovskaia Politekhnicheskaia vystavka,” Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 115 (9 May 1872): 4, no. 128 (23 May 1872): 4, no. 146 (12June 1872): 2, and no. 204 (13 August 1872): 2; Golos, no. 46 (15 June 1872): 3; Zhuravskaia, “Kistorii,” 20. Like the education efforts, popular amusements were scrutinized closely by a government suspicious of activities pitched at the laboring population. See GARF, f. 109, 3 eks. (1872), d. 94, 11. 1-11, 52-53, 79-81. In his jubilee history of OLEAE, Bogdanov notes the government's nervousness when it came to the public amusements. Bogdanov, Piatidesiatiletie, 45-47.

67. Just before the official closing, attendance was 30,180 on August 27; 23,862 on August 28; and 37,579 on August 29. See two stories about the closing of the exposition and about the final report of the exposidon submitted to OLEAE in Moskovskie vedomosti, no. 272 (1 October 1872): 1-2 and no. 304 (1 December 1872): 3-4. On the Imperial Historical Museum, see Razgon, “Rossiiskii istoricheskii muzei“; and Dianina, “A Nation on Display,” chap. 7, pp. 38-58.

68. Kirichenko, “Kvoprosu o poreformennykh vystavkah,” 95; Lisovskii, “Natsional'nyi stil',” 147-51, 234-37.

69. Bogdanov, Piatidesiatiletie, 45. The Russian government may have been less singular in this regard than commonly thought. Long ago Tocqueville, Alexis de opined that “Everywhere at the head of a new undertaking, you see the government in France.” Democracy in America, trans, and eds., Mansfield, Harvey and Winthrop, Delba (Chicago, 2000), 2:489.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

70. Quote from V V Stasov, “Nasha etnograficheskaia vystavka i ee kritiki,” Sankt- Peterburgskie vedomosti, nos. 179 and 182 (1867); reprinted in Sobranie sochinenii V. V. Stasova, 3 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1894), 3:col. 936. Although Stasov was writing about the 1867 Ethnographic Exhibition, also organized by OLEAE, his assessment pertains equally to the Polytechnical Exposition. References to individual initiative may also be found in “Torzhestvennoe otkrytie Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, 1872-1873, in hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 10, no. 2 (1874): xi; in a report of the exposition presented by A. Iu. Davidov to a meeting of OLEAE, 15 October 1872, in Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, in hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 10, no. 2 (1874): col. 22; and by Bogdanov, in Zasedaniia Komiteta muzeia za 1877-82, in hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 36, no. 3 (1883): 1.

71. Such rhetoric was pervasive. One can find it in the minutes of the meetings of OLEAE and of the exposition planning committee. A good example is A. P. Bogdanov and I. Beliaev, “O tseli i kharaktere Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” and Viktor Della-Vos, “Po povodu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki,” in Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 1:18-23; “Protokoly chastnogo sobraniia chlenov Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki 17go oktiabria 1870 g.,” in Protokoly zasedanii Komiteta po ustroistvu Politekhnicheskoi vystavki, 2:7-11.

72. See Bradley, Joseph, “Subjects into Citizens: Societies, Civil Society and Autocracy in Tsarist Russia,” American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (October 2002): 1094–1123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

73. At the Paris World Exposition of 1878, Russia had agricultural, technical, and natural history sections; in general, the Russian collections were largely educational. Protokoly zasedanii OLEAE, 1876-1880, in Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 37, no. 1 (1881): 114.

74. See Artz, Frederick B., The Development of Technical Education in France, 1500-1850 (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), 133, 143-45Google Scholar; Outram, Dorinda, Georges Cuvier: Vocation, Science and Authority in Post-Revolutionary France (Manchester, Eng., 1984), 94, 109-10, 162-65Google Scholar; Peter Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, 1830-1885 (London, 1978).

75. Bogdanov, A. P., “Zametki o zoologicheskikh sadakh: Iz putevykh vpechatlenii po zagranichnym zoologicheskim sadam,” Izvestiia OLEAE, vol. 25, no. 1 (1876): 1–2 Google Scholar.

76. Trigger, Bruce G., A History of Archaeological Thought (Cambridge, Eng., 1989), 210 Google Scholar; Merrill, Lynn L., The Romance of Victorian Natural History (Oxford, 1989), 78, 97Google Scholar; Blackbourn, David, The Long Century: A History of Germany, 1780-1918 (Oxford, 1998), 275 Google Scholar. See also Dianina, “Nation on Display,” chap. 7, p. 34.

77. From Shchurovskii's remarks, opening a meeting of OLEAE, 15 October 1878, in Protokoly zasedaniia OIJEAE, 1876-80, in hvestiia OLEAE, vol. 37, no. 1 (1881): 87. See also Delia-Vos, , “Rech’ o zadachakh muzeia,” Material﹜', 1:61–62 Google Scholar, and I. A. Kablukov, “Iz vospominanii o deiatel'nosti Obshchestva liubitelei estestvoznaniia, antropologii i etnografii,“ Priroda (December 1913): 1463-70. On the stimulation of national pride, see Bestiuzhev-Riumin, N. K., “Sankt-Peterburg, 30 ianvaria 1873,” Golos, no. 31 (31 January 1873), cited in Dianina, “Nation on Display,” chap. 7, p. 45.Google Scholar

78. Kirichenko, “Kvoprosu o poreformennykh vystavkakh,” 95-96.