1. V. A. Gringmut in his newspaper, Moskovskiia vedomosti, 5 May 1905: 1-2.

2. In addition, the Russian Assembly (Russkoe sobranie), founded in St. Petersburg as a cultural association in 1900, became more political in 1905, ranking among the major national rightist organizations. Other rightist groups, such as the Patriotic Union (Otechestvennyi soiuz) and the United Nobility (Ob “edinennoe dvorianstvo), endeavored not so much to shape public opinion as to exert direct influence on the government, especially in promoting policies advantageous to their own favored social and economic status.

3. Rogger, Hans, “The Formation of the Russian Right, 1900-1906,” California Slavic Studies, 3 (1964): 66–94Google Scholar; “Was There a Russian Fascism? The Union of the Russian People,” Journal of Modern History, 36 (December 1964): 398-415; “Russia,” in Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), 443-500; and Rogger, , Jewish Policies and Right-wing Politics in Imperial Russia (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which includes the articles cited above; Robert Edelman, Gentry Politics on the Eve of the Russian Revolution: The Nationalist Party, 1907-1917 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1980); and “The Elections to the Third Duma: The Roots of the Nationalist Party,” in Leopold H. Haimson, ed., The Politics of Rural Russia 1905-1914 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979), 94–122 Google Scholar; Spirin, L. M., Krushenie pomeshchich'ikh i burzhuaznykh partii v Rossii: nachalo XX v.-1920 g. (Moscow: Mysl', 1977)Google Scholar; Rexheuser, Rex, Dumawahlen und lokale Gesellschaft: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte der russischen Rechten vor 1917 (Cologne and Vienna: Bohlau, 1980 Google Scholar; Heinz-Dietrich Lowe, Antisemitismus und reaktiondre Utopie: Russischer Konservatismus im Kampfgegen den Wandel von Stoat und Gesellschaft, 1890-1917 (Hamburg: Hoffman und Campe, 1978 Google Scholar; Manning, Roberta Thompson, The Crisis of the Old Order in Russia: Gentry and Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982 Google Scholar; and Geoffrey Hosking and Roberta Thompson Manning, “What Was the United Nobility?” in Hainison, The Politics of Rural Russia, 142-83.

4. Rexheuser's Dumawahlen und lokale Gesellschaft moves in this direction with its examination of rightists in Kursk province.

5. Tsentral'nyi statisticheskii komitet Ministerstva vnutrennikh del. Statistika zemlevladeniia 1905 g. (St. Petersburg: Tsentral'naia Tipo-litografiia M. la. Minkova, 1906), Vypuski 2, 3, 5, 9, 20, 24, 33, 37, 41, 43, 47 and 48, pages 10-11 in each issue.

6. Kiev province dropped by 8 percent, Chernigov by 9 percent and Podolia byless than 1 percent, while Poltava increased by 6 percent. Tsentral'nyi statisticheskiikomitet Ministerstva vnutrennikh del. Ezhegodnik Rossii 1904 g. (St. Petersburg, 1905), 192-205; ibid. 1905 g. (St. Petersburg, 1906), 204-18; ibid. 1906 g. (St. Petersburg, 1907), 216-17.

7. Revoliutsiia 1905-1907 gg. v Rossii: Dokumenty i materialy. Vserossiiskaia politicheskaiastachka v oktiabre 1905 goda.Chast’ vtoraia.(Moscow-Leningrad: Akademiia naukSSSR, 1955), 404-7; Vysshii pod “em revoliutsii 1905-1907gg.Vooruzhennye vosstaniia, rwiabrdekabr’ 1905 goda.Chast’ vtoraia.(Moscow: Akademiia nauk SSSR, 1955), 212-17.

8. Vysshii pod “em revoliutsii, 215.

9. Vserossiiskaia politicheskaia stachka v oktiabre 1905 goda. Chast’ pervaia, 576-85.

10. Pravda i poriadok, 22 February 1906: 3; Novoe uremia, 17 November 1905: 6. See also Manning, The Crisis of the Old Order in Russia, 181-83.

11. Pravda i poriadok, 22 February 1906: 3.

12. Novoe vremia, 22 November 1905: 2.

13. Ibid., 26 November 1905: 1.

14. Tsentral'nyi Gosudarstvennyi Istoricheskii Arkhiv SSSR (TsGIA SSSR), f. 1276, op. 2, d. 8, 112-17.

15. Pravda i poriadok, 22 February 1906: 4-5.

16. Ibid.; Tsentral'nyi Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Oktiabr'skoi Revoliutsii SSSR (TsGAOR SSSR), f. 102, op. 1905, d. 999, ch. 39, 39-41.

17. Pravda i poriadok, 22 February 1906: 4.

18. Ibid.: 4, 10-11, 13-15. On 2 February 1906, Bobrinskii and several associates visited Tsarskoe Selo with a petition to the Tsar asking that the Peasant Land Bank give greater assistance to peasants wishing to purchase land in their home communities or to resettle on new land elsewhere. The petition also urged the abolition of the peasant communes, so that peasants generally could become private proprietors. Novoe uremia, 3 February 1906: 4.

19. Pravda i poriadok, 1 March 1906: 27.

20. Recent studies have shown that in these early stages of partisan politics in Russia, Octobrist and even Kadet leaders at the national level had difficulty maintaining discipline in their branches and affiliates, especially those that had originatedlocally and adopted programs that did not mesh precisely with those of the national parties. See Terence Emmons, The Formation of Political Parties and the First National Elections in Russia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 153, 206-7.

21. TsGIA SSSR, f. 1276, op. 2, d. 8, 112-17.

22. Novoe vremia, 3 February 1906: 5.

23. Pravda i poriadok, 22 February 1906: 57.

24. Emmons, The Formation of Political Parties, 199. Prince Lvov was the chairman of the Tula provincial zemstvo board recently repudiated by a majority of the zemstvo assembly. He was also Bobrinskii's brother-in-law, which added a personal note to the campaign.

25. Vestnik Partii narodnoi svobody, 19 April 1906: cols. 544-46.

26. Since the political affiliations or inclinations of many electors were imprecise, analysts and journalists at the time often had difficulty assigning electors to particular categories. Some political observers also showed either a liberal or conservative bias in classifying electors whose political preferences were uncertain. The election data I use come from statistics published shortly after the elections by Kadet analysts, who seem to have been the most reliable. Elections were indirect and disproportional. Voters in the various curiae elected representatives to preliminary assemblies, which in turn chose electors to the provincial assembly. One elector was allotted per 2, 000 landowners, 4, 000 urban residents, 30, 000 peasants and 90, 000 industrial workers. Even then, peasant electors held majorities in 15 of the 51 European provinces, while landowner and urban delegations each had majorities in 2 assemblies.

27. In this respect, one may contrast the Tula returns, typical of agrarian prov inces, to those in St. Petersburg province, where all urban electors and most peasant and landowner electors expressed political preferences. Vestnik Partii narodnoi svobody, 11 April 1906: cols. 461-64.

28. Ibid., col. 439; Emmons, The Formation of Political Parties, 329, 495; M. M. Boiovich, Chleny Gosudarstvennoi Dumy: Portrety i biografii. Pervyi sozyv.(Moscow: I. D. Sytin, 1906), 359-63.

29. TsGAOR SSSR, f. 102, op. 1905, d. 999, ch. 39, t. 1, 400; Russkoe znamia, 4 August 1906: 1; Tul'skaia rech': 27 October 1906, 2; 16 November 1906, 3; 8 December 1906, 3; 17 January 1907, 3.Russkoe znamia was the URP's central organ; Tul'skaia rech1 was a liberal Tula newspaper, which criticized the Union for Tsar and Order but carried factual news reports.

30. For URP membership, program and activities, see Don C. Rawson, “The Union of the Russian People, 1905-1907” (Ph.D. diss., University of \Vashington, 1971).

31. Edelman, Gentry Politics on the Eve of the Russian Revolution, 43-46.

32. Tul'skaia rech', 5 December 1906: 3; 14 December 1906: 3; 23 December 1906: 3.

33. Ibid., 13 February 1907, 3; Vestnik narodnoi svobody, 8 February 1907, supplement; Rech', 4 February 1907: 3; Gosudarstvennaia Duma, UkazateV k stenograftcheskim otchetam. Vtoroi sozyv, 1907 god.(St. Petersburg: Gosudarstvennaia tipografiia, 1907), 23. One may note that both Vorontsov-Veliaminov and Lvov were members of the landed nobility who held property in the city of Tula, qualifying them as candidates there. Information from Tula newspapers indicates that the Union for Tsar and Order drew considerable electoral support from hereditary nobles living in the provincial capital, which, according to the 1897 census, numbered 2, 935 of the city's 114, 733 residents, or an even much higher proportion of those residents qualified to vote. Pervaia vseobshchaia perepis’ naseleniia Rossiiskoi imperii 1897 g. (St. Petersburg: Tsentral'nyi statisticheskii komitet Ministerstva vnutrennikh del, 1904), XLIV, 224.

34. Tul'skaia rech', 3 November 1906: 3; 17 November 1906, 3; 30 December 1906, 3; D. A. Kolesnichenko, Trudoviki v period pervoi rossiiskoi revoliutsii (Moscow: Nauka, 1985), 154.

35. Tul'skaia rech', 6 February 1907: 2.

36. Rech1, 21 February 1907, supplement.

37. This victory was somewhat diminished when one peasant, after arriving in the Duma, leaned more toward the opposition than the loyalists on the land issue, which dominated the concerns of most peasant voters and deputies.

38. The 518 deputies in the Second Duma comprised 57 rightists, 22 Octobrists and adherents, 100 Kadets and adherents, 224 leftists, 93 Polish, Muslim and Cossack representatives and 22 others. From information in the Duma register and various newspapers, it appears that the rightists included 10 extreme rightists, 23 moderate rightists and 24 non-party deputies inclined toward the right.

39. In the Third Duma were 49 extreme rightists, 69 moderate rightists, 26 members of the National group (who were moderate rightists), 151 Octobrists and adherents, 51 Kadets and adherents, 24 progressives, 33 leftists, 26 Polish, Lithuanian, Belorussian and Muslim representatives and one other—in all an Octobrist-rightist majority comprising 69 percent of the 430 deputies. Gosudarstvennaia Duma, Ukazatel’ k stenograficheskim otchetam. Tretii sozyv. 1907-1908gg. (St. Petersburg: Gosudarstvennaia tipografiia, 1908), 3-16.

40. The reason for the sharp increase in rightist peasant electors is not entirely clear. Frequent press reports attributed this surge, which occurred in many provinces, to excessive absenteeism among oppositionist peasants who saw little point in voting, since the new election law guaranteed a victory for the loyalists anyway. My own investigation suggests that absenteeism was not as crucial a factor as stricter voting qualifications for peasants and in some instances a voting shift due to rightist campaigning. According to the new election law, the city of Tula no longer had separate representation but was included in the urban curia for the entire province.

41. Rech', 24 October 1907: 4; Novoe vremia, 15 October 1907: 3.

42. See numerous documents in the already cited Revoliutsiia 1905-1907 gg, v Rossii: Dokumenty i materialy; and other accounts such as published in Orlovskaia rech1, 6 December 1905: 1-2; and Novoe -uremia, 16 November 1905: 2. For the extent of the disorders, see alsoB. B. Veselovskii, Krest'ianskii vopros i krest'ianskoe dvizhenie v Rossii, 1902-1906 gg.(St. Petersburg: Zerno, 1907), 83–93 Google Scholar; Dubrovskii, S. M., Krest'ianskoe dvizhenie v revoliutsii 1905-1907 gg. (Moscow: Akademiia nauk SSSR, 1956), 45–90 Google Scholar; and Maureen Perrie, “The Russian Peasant Movement of 1905-1907: Its Social Composition and Revolutionary Significance,” Past and Present (November 1972): 123-56.

43. Kurskii listok, 6 January 1906: 2; 11 January 1906: 1-2; Kurskaia byl', 4 January 1907: 2-3; 23 January 1907: 3; 25 January 1907: 1.

44. Vestnik narodnoi svobody, 8 February 1907, supplement; 8 November 1907; cols. 1877-78; Rech', 6 February 1907: 3; Kurskaia byl', 19 February 1907: 1; 20 October 1907: 1; Novoe vremia, 20 October 1907: 2; Ukazatel'… vtoroi sozyv, 12; UkazateV… tretii sozyv, 13-14.

45. At the time of the 1897 census, 1, 707 of the 3, 465 merchants in the city of Orel dealt in grain, livestock and other agricultural products. Pervaia vseobshchaia perepis1, XXIX, 156-57. For the origins and program of the Union of Law and Order, see its organ, OrUwskaia rech', 9 December 1905: 4; 3 March 1906: 4; 23 October 1906: 3.

46. Ibid.: 14 April 1906: 4; 23 October 1906: 3.

47. Vestnik narodnoi svobody, 8 February 1907, supplement; 8 November 1907: cols. 1881-82; OrUwskaia rech', 7-10 February 1907; 15 October 1907: 2; Ukazatel'… vtoroi sozyv, 15; Ukazatel'… tretii sozyv, 13-17.

48. TsGIA SSSR, f. 1276, op. 2, d. 8, 88-93; Russkoe znamia, 14 March 1906: 2; 1 December 1906: 1; 15 December 1906: 2; 27 March 1907: 1. A locally organized Party of the Russian People appeared in Tambov in 1905 but lasted only briefly. TsGAOR SSSR, f. 102, op. 1905, d. 999, ch. 39, t. 1, 156-57.

49. Ibid., 24 October 1906: 1.

50. TsGIA SSSR, f. 1276, op. 2, d. 8, 291-302; Moskovskiia vedomosti, 7 April 1906: 3. A report in Vestnik Partii narodnoi svobody, 28 March 1906: col. 302, referred to the People's Monarchist Party as lacking “good agitators” and a sufficiently appealing program for the general populace, an evaluation that may have shown a Kadet bias but probably identified correctly some major problems in rightist activity in Saratov province.

51. See various issues of Russkoe znamia from May 1906 through September 1907.

52. Vestnik narodnoi svobody, 25 January 1907: col. 272; Kolesnichenko, Trudoviki v period pervoi rossiiskoi revoliutsii, 151-52. The Peasant Union also seems to have been more active in Saratov and Voronezh provinces than elsewhere in the central agricultural region and middle Volga. See L. T. Senchakova, Krest'ianskoe dvizhenie v 1905-1907 gg.(Moscow: Nauka, 1989), 157-61. For a valuable discussion of Peasant Union activity, including its relationship to the Trudoviks, see Scott J. Seregny, “A Different Type of Peasant Movement: The Peasant Unions in the Russian Revolution of 1905,” Slavic Review (Spring 1988): 51-67.

53. TsGAOR SSSR, f. 588, op.l, d. 1263, 5-10, 32-33; d. 1264, 1-13; Moskovskiia vedomosti, 3 October 1906: 2; 5 October 1906: 2; 8 October 1906: 2. One should also note that rightist leaders often lacked the acumen to pursue corporate political action. At the second monarchist congress, Prince A. G. Shcherbatov, representing the Union of Russian Men, said of the assembled delegates, “We are not a party; we are spokesmen for the spirit of the people.” This hazy sentiment, typical of many rightists, enabled them to join in lauding Russia's traditions but contributed little to the practical task of establishing a national political organization. Russkii vestnik (May 1906): 330-35. The closest approximation of a truly national organization was the Union of the Russian People. By late 1907, the Union had opened several hundred branches in forty-two provinces, which means that at least many extreme rightists belonged to a national party. TsGIA Leningrada, f. 569, op. 24, d. 10, 6-8, 27-28; and issues ofRusskoe znamiafor 1906-1907.

54. It appears that moderate rightists predominated in both the central agricultural region and the western borderlands, as illustrated by the political orientations of rightist deputies in the Third Duma. The central provinces of Tula, Kursk, Orel, Tambov, Voronezh and Simbirsk, plus the middle Volga province of Saratov, produced 10 extreme and 21 moderate rightists; the western provinces of Volynia, Podolia, Kiev, Bessarabia, Minsk, Vitebsk, Mogilev and Poltava sent 22 extreme and 43 moderate rightists. UkazateV … tretii sozyv, 3-14.