Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-swr86 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-19T22:17:33.610Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A late nineteenth century nonconformist renaissance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

John Kent*
Affiliation:
University of Bristol

Extract

Let us start from the propositions that we need a new model of late nineteenth-century English nonconformist history, and that one might be found by making some use of the idea of ‘renaissance’, especially if one uses ‘renaissance’ to point to the emergence at a particular time of humanist attitudes. This new model needs to be both less anglican and less nonconformist than its predecessors. The anglican model of nineteenth-century nonconformity is obsessed with anglicanism, and the nonconformist model is equally obsessed with the behaviour of an earlier, largely unrelated evangelical protestantism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Both, in other words, are affected by shallow ideas of historical continuity. The individual nineteenth-century anglican often thought of nonconformity as the shadow cast by anglicanism; individual nonconformists believed that seventeenth-century independency had founded English political freedom, or that eighteenth-century non-anglicans had saved evangelical protestant truth from total disappearance. These were myths, however.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1977

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Creighton, L., Life and Letters of Mandell Creighton, 2 (London 1904) p 349 Google Scholar.

2 Ibid pp 301, 373.

3 Ibid p 384.

4 Thompson, D.M., Nonconformity in the Nineteenth Century (London 1972) pp 177-80Google Scholar, 226-30.

5 Proceedings of the First National Council of the Evangelical Free Churches, held at Nottingham, March 10 to 12, 1896 (London 1896) p 37.

6 For the anglican increase see Gilbert, A.D., Religion and Society in Industrial England, Church, Chapel and Social Change 1740-1914 (London 1976) pp 27-9Google Scholar. Easter day communicants increased from 995,000 in 1861 to 2,226,000 in 1914. Over the same period the total methodist figure grew from 513,628 to a peak of 800,234 in 1906.

7 Bennett lived 1857-1931; Lawrence 1885-1930. Ivy Compton-Burnett (b. 1892) and Malcolm Lowry (b. 1909) both had Wesleyan backgrounds; so had Herbert Palmer, the poet (1880-1951).

8 This description of the ‘middle-class spirit’ would apply very well to anglo-catholicism.

9 Arnold, M., A French Eton (London 1892) p 116 Google Scholar.

10 Jenkins, D., The British: Their Identity and Religion (London 1975) p 100 Google Scholar.

11 Norman, E.R., Church and Society in England 1770-1970 (London 1976) p 503 Google Scholar.

12 Cunningham, V., Everywhere Spoken Against, Dissent in the Victorian Novel (London 1975) p 284 Google Scholar.

13 Moore, R., Pit-Men, Preachers and Politics, The Effects of Methodism in a Durham Mining Community (London 1974) pp 169-90CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Moore believes that methodism prevented the labour party in Durham from becoming thoroughly socialist; nevertheless, much of its radical thought came from the same methodist sub-culture.

14 Davies, C.S., North Country Bred, A Working-Class Family Chronicle (London 1963)Google Scholar. Her family was methodist.

15 Cadoux lived 1883-1947, Campbell 1867-1956, Oman 1860-1939; Peake 1865-1929.

16 Bennett, A., The Journals, ed Swinnerton, F. (London 1971) p 22 Google Scholar.

17 Bennett, A., Anna of the Five Towns (London 1913) p 147 Google Scholar. Mynors’s remark to Anna (see above) is on p 84, and the description of Anna on pp 253-4.

18 For a recent discussion of the relationship between religion and politics in the Edwardian period, see Yeo, S., Religion and Voluntary Organisations in Crisis (London 1976) pp 253-89Google Scholar.