1 For a summary of approximately 70 allegorical and typological approaches to Old English works, see Rollinson, Philip, ‘The Influence of Christian Doctrine and Exegesis on Old English Poetry: An Estimate of the Current State of Scholarship,’ Anglo-Saxon England 2 (1973) 271–284. In an earlier article Rollinson raised several questions about figural interpretation of several Old English poems, among them Andreas (‘Some Kinds of Meaning in Old English Poetry,’ Annuale Mediaevale 11 [1970] 5–21). The Spring issue of Studies in the Literary Imagination 8 (1975) is devoted to the topic of ‘Typology and Medieval Literature’: Hugh Keenan's ‘Check-List on Typology and English Medieval Literature through 1972’ (pp. 159–166) shows that studies in Middle English typology slightly outnumber studies in Old English; the articles themselves are primarily theoretical in nature, the one most relevant to this study being Alvin A. Lee's ‘Old English Poetry, Mediaeval Exegesis and Modern Criticism’ (pp. 47–73). Lee relates the ‘four levels’ of medieval exegesis with the ‘four phases’ of Northrop Frye's ‘Ethical Criticism: Theory of Symbols’ (as presented in the second essay of Frye's Anatomy of Criticism [Princeton 1957] 71–128).Google Scholar

2 For a clear analysis of distinctions between typological exegesis, typological writing, fulfillment of prophecy, and allegorism, especially in the New Testament itself, see Lampe, G. W. H. and Woollcombe, K. J., Essays on Typology (Studies in Biblical Theology No. 22; Naperville, Ill. 1957) 39–60.Google Scholar

3 Edgar Hennecke defines New Testament apocrypha as follows: ‘writings which have not been received into the canon, but which by title and other statements lay claim to be in the same class with the writings of the canon, and which from the point of view of Form Criticism further develop and mould the kinds of style created and received in the NT, whilst foreign elements certainly intrude’ (New Testament Apocrypha, <e>ed. Wilhelm Schneemelcher, trans. R. McL. Wilson et al. [London 1963–1965] I 27. Some of the ‘foreign elements’ in the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles are covered in Hennecke, II 167–188.ed.+Wilhelm+Schneemelcher,+trans.+R.+McL.+Wilson+et+al.+[London+1963–1965]+I+27.+Some+of+the+‘foreign+elements’+in+the+apocryphal+Acts+of+the+Apostles+are+covered+in+Hennecke,+II+167–188.>Google Scholar

4 The most comprehensive treatment of the apocryphal acts of Andrew is that of Flamion, Joseph, Les Actes apocryphes de l'apǒtre André (Louvain 1911). More recent scholarship on Andrew lore is represented in Hennecke, II 390–425, but Hennecke treats only the earlier acts, not the secondary acts on which Andreas is based.Google Scholar

5 The ways in which the poet made Andrew a kind of reminiscent ‘figura’ of Christ are matter for further study. It should be noted here, however, that the apocryphal traditions underlying Andreas justify looking for a different typological or figural treatment of the apostle than the normal hagiographical ‘imago’ recently described in Earl, James W., ‘Typology and Iconographic Style in Early Medieval Hagiography,’ Studies in the Literary Imagination 8 (1975) 15–46.Google Scholar

6 All citations from Andreas are to Andreas and The Fates of the Apostles, <e>ed. Kenneth R. Brooks (Oxford 1961). Brooks does not indicate the fifteen manuscript divisions, but these are clearly visible in the facsimile edition, Il Codice Vercellese, <e>ed. Maximilian Förster (Rome 1913).ed.+Kenneth+R.+Brooks+(Oxford+1961).+Brooks+does+not+indicate+the+fifteen+manuscript+divisions,+but+these+are+clearly+visible+in+the+facsimile+edition,+Il+Codice+Vercellese,+ed.+Maximilian+Förster+(Rome+1913).>Google Scholar

7 Here I follow the punctuation of <e>George P. Krapp, ed., Andreas and The Fates of the Apostles (Boston 1905), rather than that of Brooks.George+P.+Krapp,+ed.,+Andreas+and+The+Fates+of+the+Apostles+(Boston+1905),+rather+than+that+of+Brooks.>Google Scholar

8 See Brooks, 112; Schaar, Claes, Critical Studies in the Cynewulf Group (Lund Studies in English 17; Lund 1949) 24; Riemer, Milton H., ‘The Old English Andreas: A Study of the Poet's Response to His Sources” (Diss. University of Texas 1965) 137–139.Google Scholar

9 European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, <e>trans. Willard R. Trask (Bollingen Series 36; New York 1953) 84.trans.+Willard+R.+Trask+(Bollingen+Series+36;+New+York+1953)+84.>Google Scholar

10 To compare the story lines of Andreas and earlier recensions of the Mermedonian legend, see the editions of the Greek Praxeis, the Latin prose Casanatensis, and the Latin verse Vaticanus texts in <e>Franz Blatt, ed., Die lateinischen Bearbeitungen der Acta Andreae et Matthiae apud Anthropophagos (Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaften 12; Giessen–Copenhagen 1930). The Old English prose homily from MS CCCC 198 is readily available in Bright's Old English Grammar and Reader, <e>edd. Frederic G. Cassidy and Richard N. Ringler (3rd ed.; New York 1971) 205–219; a truncated version (filled in from CCCC 198) is also included in The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century, <e>ed. R. Morris (EETS 74 o.s. 1880; rpt. London 1967) 229–249. Brief parallel studies of all the recensions are given in Brooks xv-xviii; Blatt 1–16; Schaar 12–24.ed. R. Morris (EETS 74 o.s. 1880; rpt. London 1967) 229–249. Brief parallel studies of all the recensions are given in Brooks xv-xviii; Blatt 1–16; Schaar 12–24.' href=https://scholar.google.com/scholar?q=To+compare+the+story+lines+of+Andreas+and+earlier+recensions+of+the+Mermedonian+legend,+see+the+editions+of+the+Greek+Praxeis,+the+Latin+prose+Casanatensis,+and+the+Latin+verse+Vaticanus+texts+in+Franz+Blatt,+ed.,+Die+lateinischen+Bearbeitungen+der+Acta+Andreae+et+Matthiae+apud+Anthropophagos+(Zeitschrift+für+die+neutestamentliche+Wissenschaften+12;+Giessen–Copenhagen+1930).+The+Old+English+prose+homily+from+MS+CCCC+198+is+readily+available+in+Bright's+Old+English+Grammar+and+Reader,+edd.+Frederic+G.+Cassidy+and+Richard+N.+Ringler+(3rd+ed.;+New+York+1971)+205–219;+a+truncated+version+(filled+in+from+CCCC+198)+is+also+included+in+The+Blickling+Homilies+of+the+Tenth+Century,+ed.+R.+Morris+(EETS+74+o.s.+1880;+rpt.+London+1967)+229–249.+Brief+parallel+studies+of+all+the+recensions+are+given+in+Brooks+xv-xviii;+Blatt+1–16;+Schaar+12–24.>Google Scholar

11 The importance of baptism to the Vaticanus redactor can be seen in the manuscript heading: ‘Incipiunt sermones qualiter populus Mirmidoniensium per praedicationem beati Andree apostoli ad baptismum pervenerunt’ (Blatt 96). There are also several places where this recension expands baptismal hints, but its approach is generally through overt references to the sacrament rather than through the kind of allusiveness typical of Andreas. Google Scholar

12 The manuscript has iosau. Despite occasional questions as to why the poet alluded to Josue, editors have not hesitated to treat the form as accidental transliteration, consistently emending it to Iosua. Google Scholar

13 <e>Benjamin Thorpe, ed., The Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church: The First Part, Containing the Sermones Catholici, or Homilies of Ælfric (1844; rpt. New York 1971) II 200.Benjamin+Thorpe,+ed.,+The+Homilies+of+the+Anglo-Saxon+Church:+The+First+Part,+Containing+the+Sermones+Catholici,+or+Homilies+of+Ælfric+(1844;+rpt.+New+York+1971)+II+200.>Google Scholar

14 John 7.37–39 contains several interpretive problems, among them the punctuation which determines whether ‘ventre eius’ refers to the interior of Christ or of those who believed in Him. In my reading I follow the course supported by Rahner, Hugo, ‘Flumina de ventre Christi: Die patristische Auslegung von Joh 7, 37.38,’ Biblica 22 (1941) 269–302, 367–403. Rahner's definitive study traces the history of the text throughout the patristic period. Although most older translations follow a traditional reading which makes the believers the source of the waters, the alternate form (supported by Rahner's study) has been adopted in The Jerusalem Bible (Garden City, N. Y. 1966) and in The Anchor Bible 29, The Gospel according to John, <e>trans. and ed. Raymond E. Brown (Garden City, N.Y. 1966). Brown translates: ‘If anyone thirst, let him come [to me]; and let him drink who believes in me. As the Scripture says, “From within him shall flow rivers of living water.” (Here he was referring to the Spirit which those who came to believe in him were to receive. …).’Google Scholar

15 Rahner traces these different concepts; for baptismal readings see especially 383–390, 402–403.Google Scholar

16 ‘Likewise from the same water, which flowed from his side, another prophet thus said: “Rivers of living water will go out from his belly,” clearly waters of baptism, which give life to those who believe and which abound for those who thirst, whence is fulfilled what is written: “Wash yourselves, be clean” [Is. 1.16]; and: “You will wash me and I will be made whiter than snow” [Ps. 50.9]’ (PL 83.490–491).Google Scholar

17 See Daniélou, Jean, Primitive Christian Symbols , <e>trans. Donald Attwater (Baltimore 1964) 42–57; From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers, <e>trans. Wulstan Hibberd (Westminster, Md. 1960) 193–196.trans.+Donald+Attwater+(Baltimore+1964)+42–57;+From+Shadows+to+Reality:+Studies+in+the+Biblical+Typology+of+the+Fathers,+trans.+Wulstan+Hibberd+(Westminster,+Md.+1960)+193–196.>Google Scholar

18 Epistle 63.8 (PL 4.390–391). Isaias 48.21 is a direct allusion to the rock of Horeb and thus implicitly links the textual composite to Exod. 17.6, Num. 20.11, and 1 Cor. 10.4. Other texts in the tradition of thirst-quenching waters (generally from a rock) are Deut. 8.15; Ps. 22.2, 104.41, 113.8; Isa. 44.3, 55.1; Jer. 2.13. The continued popularity of the motif is evident from the fact that the rock of Horeb was painted in the catacombs more frequently than any other Old Testament symbol (Braun, F.-M., Jean le theologien et son éuangile dans l'église ancienne [Paris 1959] 150).Google Scholar

19 ‘God announced there through the prophet that among the Gentiles in places which were previously without water, rivers should afterward abound and should give drink to the chosen people of God, that is, those made sons of God through the regeneration of baptism’ (PL 83.390).Google Scholar

20 The Andreas poet's divergence may be significant. Other recensions merely refer to the fact that the inhabitants drank blood rather than water; they do not say that there was no water.Google Scholar

21 <e>Jean Deshusses, ed., Le sacramentaire gregorien (Spicelegium Friburgense 16; Fribourg 1971) Formula 85.374c. All references to the Roman rite are cited according to formula numbers in this edition.Jean+Deshusses,+ed.,+Le+sacramentaire+gregorien+(Spicelegium+Friburgense+16;+Fribourg+1971)+Formula+85.374c.+All+references+to+the+Roman+rite+are+cited+according+to+formula+numbers+in+this+edition.>Google Scholar

22 Sac. greg. 84.372. In the African liturgy also, as we know from Augustine's commentary of Psalm 41, this psalm was sung as the catechumens went to be baptized (Enarrationes in Psalmos 41.1, CCL 38.460). The deer motif frequently adorned medieval baptisteries (Jean Daniélou, The Bible and the Liturgy (Notre Dame, Ind. 1956) 36–37.Google Scholar

23 ‘Almighty eternal God, look favorably on the devotion of the reborn people who, like the deer, have sought the fountain of your waters, and grant that by the mystery of baptism the thirst for this faith may sanctify soul and body’ (Sac. greg. 84.372).Google Scholar

24 ‘… who in the desert, by sweetening you, once bitter, made you drinkable’ (Sac. greg. 85.374c).Google Scholar

25 For an analysis of early indications of belief in the interrelationship between baptism and Christ's descent into Hades as represented by the cross, see Ivar Lundberg, Per, La typologie baptismale dans l'ancienne église (Leipzig 1942) 178–197.Google Scholar

26 The ark as cross preceded the ark as church in patristic exegesis; see Lundberg 186–187.Google Scholar

27 ‘Mirra fons amarus erat, misit in eum Moyses lignum et dulcis est factus. Aqua enim sine praedicatione dominicae crucis ad nullos usus futurae salutis est; cum uero salutaris fuerit crucis mysterio consecrata, tunc ad usum spiritalis lauacri et salutaris poculi temperatur. Sicut ergo in ilium fontem Moyses lignum misit, hoc est propheta, et in hunc fontem sacerdos praedicationem dominicae crucis mittit et aqua fit ad gratiam dulcis’ (De mysteriis 14, in Des sacrements; Des mystères, <e>ed. Bernard Botte (Sources chrétiennes 25; Paris 1961) 162.ed.+Bernard+Botte+(Sources+chrétiennes+25;+Paris+1961)+162.>Google Scholar

28 ‘Omnis homo ante baptismum quasi ferrum premitur atque demergitur: ubi baptizatus fuerit, non tamquam ferrum sed tamquam iam leuior fructuosi ligni species eleuatur. Ergo et hic figura altera. Securis erat qua caedebantur ligna. Cecidit manubrium de securi, hoc est, ferrum demersum est. Filius prophetae nesciuit quid faceret, sed hoc solum sciuit ut rogaret Helisaeum prophetam et remedium postularet. Tunc ille lignum misit et ferrum leuatum est. Vides ergo quod in cruce Christi omnium hominum leuatur infirmitas’ (De sac. 2.11). For an early example of the Noah tradition as salvation by water, faith, and wood, see Justin, , Dialogues 138 (PG 6.793); for treatment of the ‘ligni sacramentum’ in connection with the Red Sea and Moses’ rod, see Augustine, De catechizandis rudibus 20.34 (CCL 46.158–159).Google Scholar

29 ‘Figural Narrative in Andreas: The Conversion of the Mermedonians,’ Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 70 (1969) 264. The major point in Hill's study is that the flood is more than just a miracle, that each of the three central details—‘the calling forth of the water, the flood, and the fire—is charged with figural significance; and that the literal events which the poet is concerned with and which in themselves seem trivial or haphazard suggest larger significance’ (p. 268). Hill's general thesis is in complete accord with my analysis; however, as will be seen, the baptismal typology is even more extensive than Hill has implied.Google Scholar

30 ‘Bitter Beer-drinking,’ Modern Language Notes 40 (1925) 285–288.Google Scholar

31 Although most of the poetic appearances of the word biter recorded by Grein, C. W. M. (Sprachschatz der angelsächsischen Dichter [Heidelberg 1912] 56) suggest that it normally connoted ‘sharpness to the touch’ or the more metaphorical ‘dire’ or ‘painful,’ nevertheless it also retained, like its glosses amarus and acerbus, the signification of bitterness to the taste. The concept of psychological bitterness may also underlie this passage (see Cook 286).Google Scholar

32 Hill remarked on the fact that the Old English poet omitted the detail of the bitter water because it detracted from his ‘typological patterning’ (pp. 270–271). In actuality the bitterness has typological possibilities and the poet omitted not the bitterness, but the corrosiveness.Google Scholar

33 Krapp, , Andreas 151.Google Scholar

34 Brooks 113; Schaar 59.Google Scholar

35 ‘Joshua and Tobias in the Old English Andreas,’ Studia Neophilologica 42 (1970) 331.Google Scholar

36 On this point see Daniélou, , From Shadows 229–230.Google Scholar

37 Épitre de Barnabé, <e>ed. Robert A Kraft (Sources chrétiennes 172; Paris 1971) 170–172.ed.+Robert+A+Kraft+(Sources+chrétiennes+172;+Paris+1971)+170–172.>Google Scholar

38 Daniélou, , From Shadows 261–275, summarizes early baptismal connections developed by Origen, Justin, and Gregory of Nyssa.Google Scholar

39 The two passages are as follows: ‘Post mortem ergo Moysi loquitur Dominus ad Josue dicens: Moyses servus meus mortuus est, surge et transi Jordanem tu et omnis populus in terram quam ego dabo filiis Israel. Defunctus est ergo Moyses, defuncta est lex: legalia praecepta jam cessant, et obtinet Jesus, id est, Salvator Christus, Filius Dei, principatum, introducit populum in terram, de qua dicit Dominus: Beati mites, quoniam ipsi possidebunt terram’ (ch. 1); ‘Dum enim quis ad baptismi venerit fontem, et consistente sacerdotali et Levitico ordine initiatus fuerit mysticis sacramentis, tunc sacerdotum ministeriis per baptismum, quasi per Jordanis fluenta ingreditur, et terram coelestis repromissionis adipiscitur’ (ch. 3; PL 93.417–418).Google Scholar

40 ‘Tobias his son has the image of our Lord Jesus Christ, who illumines with the brightness of his virtue the law hidden and darkened with the cloud of a figure’ (Allegoriae quaedam sacrae scripturae; PL 83.116).Google Scholar

41 For a grouping of texts on this aspect of the sacrament see Halton, Thomas, ‘Baptism as Illumination,’ Irish Theological Quarterly 32 (1965) 28–41.Google Scholar

42 ‘Tobias went into the river that he might wash his feet; and the Lord received death, to which he was not at all bound, that he might wash all the faithful, that is, his members, from the contagion of sin and death’ (In librum B. Patris Tobiae allegorica interpretatio; PL 91.928).Google Scholar

43 ‘The Lord seized the devil, and by dying he captured and overcame him who wanted to capture him in death’ (ibid.).Google Scholar

44 ‘Astutia et malitia diaboli hostis antiqui nobis agnita proficiunt ad medelam; quia quanto ea certius exploramus, tanto cautius declinamus’ (ibid. 929).Google Scholar

45 ‘And the Lord, about to receive the church of the gentiles, at the beginning of the arrangement first orders her, in the person of individual believers, to renounce Satan, and all his works, and all his pomps; and then to confess faith in the holy Trinity for the remission of sins, that is, to consume the internal organs of the fish in burning coals’ (ibid. 930).Google Scholar

46 ‘After the renunciation of the devil, after the confession of right faith, follows the remission of sins, the devil having been expelled by the water of baptism. He bound him so that he kept him from harming the faithful’ (ibid.).Google Scholar

47 ‘Ergo maledicte diabole recognosce sententiam tuam, et da honorem deo uiuo et uero, da honorem iesu christo filio eius et spiritui sancto, et recede ab hoc famulo dei. … hoc signum sanctae crucis quod nos fronti eius damus, tu maledicte diabole, numquam audeas uiolare’ (Sac. greg. Suppl. 1072).Google Scholar

48 ‘Let it not be unknown to you, Satan, that punishments hang over you, tortures hang over you, the day of judgment, the day of eternal punishment, the day which is to come as a burning furnace in which, for you and your angels, eternal destruction will be prepared’ (Sac. greg. 83.359).Google Scholar

49 See Bright, 216–217; Blatt 86–87.Google Scholar

50 ‘Qui [Spiritus Sanctus] hanc aquam regenerandis hominibus praeparatam arcana sui luminis ammixtione fecundet, ut sanctificatione concepta ab inmaculato diuini fontis utero, in nouam renatam creaturam progenies caelestis emergat, et quos aut sexus in corpore aut aetas discernit in tempore, omnes in uno pariat gratia mater infantia’ (Sac. greg. 85.374b).Google Scholar

51 Although the prayers in the sacramentaries remain applicable to adults, the rubrics show that the presentation of infants by parents or sponsors had become the normal routine; for discussion of this change after the beginning of the sixth century see Chavasse, Antoine, Le sacramentaire gelasien (Tournai 1958) 164–166; and Martimort, A. G. et al., L’Église en prière: Introduction à la liturgie (3rd ed.; Paris 1965) 538–539.Google Scholar

52 Hill, too, has noted that line 1635a supports the ‘implicit conflation of the flood and baptism’ in line 1630 (p. 269).Google Scholar

53 Early English Christian Poetry Translated into Alliterative Verse (London 1952). Here Kennedy sacrificed the significance of the line to the exigencies of alliteration. In his prose version he translated more literally: ‘upon that spot where by reason of their fathers’ [sic] baptism the young men had arisen’ (The Poems of Cynewulf Translated into English Prose [1910; rpt. New York 1949]). Causal connections between the sacrament and resurrection are retained in the translations of Gordon, R. K., Anglo-Saxon Poetry (Everyman's Library 794, 1926; rpt. New York 1949) 231; Lesslie Hall, J., Judith, Phoenix and other Anglo-Saxon Poems (Boston 1902) 115; and Robert K. Root, Andreas: The Legend of St. Andrew (Yale Studies in English 7; New York 1899) 52.Google Scholar

54 Krapp, , Andreas 155. In his edition of The Vercelli Book (Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records 2 [1932; rpt. New York 1969] 122) Krapp gives the source of Grein's emendation: ‘Zur Textkritik der angelsächsischen Dichter,’ Germania 10 (1865) 423. Grein does not, however, refer to the fulwiht emendation in his Sprachschatz. In the Vercelli Book Krapp also notes Moritz Trautmann's emendation of fulwiht to fullest (‘aid’), ‘Berichtigungen, Erklärungen und Vermutungen zu Cynewulfs Werken,’ Bonner Beiträge 23 (1907) 133.Google Scholar

55 For a summary of early baptismal theology as it concerns this tradition see Olivier Rousseau, ‘La Descente aux enfers, fondement sotériologique du baptěme chrétien,’ Recherches de Science Religieuse 40 (1951–1952) 273–297. Rousseau concentrates on five aspects of the descent as paralleled in baptism: death, illumination, vivification, victory, and resurrection.Google Scholar

56 For Judaic traditions see Lundberg 64–72. The analogous use of ‘sea’ and ‘abyss’ as related to demoniac powers underlies Apoc. 9.1, 11.7, 13.1, 20.3, 21.1. One of the clearest of early Christian identifications of the waters of the abyss as the abode of Satan is contained in Origen's commentary on Gen. 1.2. To the rhetorical ‘Quae est abyssus?’ he answers: ‘Illa nimirum in qua erit diabolus et angeli ejus.’ Then he specifically refers to the waters under the earth, as distinct from those above: ‘quae subtus est, id est, aqua abyssi, in qua tenebrae esse dicuntur, in qua princeps hujus mundi, et adversarius draco, et angeli ejus habitant’ (In Genesim Homilia I; PG 12.146, 148); the text exists only in the translation of Rufinus.Google Scholar

57 Blatt 92 and 95.Google Scholar

58 Two fairly recent commentaries have missed the poet's distinction between the ‘geonge’ who are resurrected and the ‘folcsceaÐan’ who are not. Alvin A. Lee summarizes the conclusion of the poem: ‘In return for a general conversion of the Mermedonians, the fourteen dead are restored and baptized’ (The Guest-Hall of Eden: Four Essays on the Design of Old English Poetry [New Haven 1972] 90). Robert Levine, too, implies that it is the evil men who are restored to life: ‘Andreas's suffering … is subsequently relieved by God, who sends a flood to drown his disciple's cannibal tormentors. Then, presumably to show the duplex substantia of divinity, which exercises caritas as well as fustitia, God brings the dead men, at Andreas's request, back to life” (‘Ingeld and Christ: A Medieval Problem,’ Viator 2 [1972] 113).Google Scholar

59 ‘Sunt qui ita exponunt quod in praesenti in spiritu et in futuro baptizemur in igni ut uidelicet sicut nunc in remissionem omnium peccatorum ex aqua et spiritu renascimur ita et tunc de leuibus quibusdam peccatis quae ninc nobis euntibus adhaeserint purgatorii ignis ante ultimum iudicium baptismate permundemur’ (In Lucae evangelium expositio; CCL 120.81. For the eschatalogical aspects of the Mermedonian fire, see Hill 265–267.Google Scholar

60 ‘Eiecitque Adam et conlocauit ante paradisum uoluptatis cherubim et flammeum gladium atque uersatilem ad custodiendam uiam ligni uitae. … Quae etiam custodia bene uersatilis esse adseueratur pro eo quod quandoque ueniret tempus, ut etiam remoueri potuisset. Remota est namque Enoch a peccatoribus translato; remoto Elia in curru igneo rapto; remota omnibus electis cum, Domino baptizato, aperti sunt ei caeli; remota item singulis electis cum baptismi fonte lauantur; remota iisdem perfectius cum soluti a uinculis ad celestis paradisi gloriam suo quique tempore conscendunt’ (Libri quatuor in principium Genesis; CCL 118 A. 71).Google Scholar