¹ See my article ‘The Cathedral School of Rheims in the Eleventh Century,’ Speculum 29 (1954) 661–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² JL 5640. The letter is published in Gallia Christiana 10 (Paris 1751) 33. Odalric is also mentioned in the chronicle of the monastery of St. Hubert, MGH, SS 8.611.Google Scholar

³ A letter of Ivo of Chartres is addressed to Ralph, provost of Reims, and ‘Odolrico bonae spei fratri,’ PL 162.165-166. This is undoubtedly the scholasticus. The letter discusses certain legal problems of marriage.Google Scholar

⁴ Meinert, H., ‘Libelli de discordia inter monachos S. Remigii et S. Nicasii Remensis agitata tempore Paschalis papae,’ Festschrift Albert Brackmann (Weimar 1931) 277.Google Scholar

⁵ See Hugh the Chanter's History of Four Archbishops of York, 2 (Rolls Series 1886) 119–127, and Eadmer, , Historia novorum in Anglia (ibid. 1884) 207. Odalric appears later (as ‘Aldericus’) in JL 1.823 and in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 15 (Paris 1878) 361 n. (a). This work will hereafter be cited as RHGF.Google Scholar

⁶ Paris, M. L., ‘Histoire de l'abbaye d'Avenay,’ Travaux de l'Académie Nationale de Reims 62 (1876-77) 285.Google Scholar

⁷ Marlot, G., Metropolis Remensis historia II (Reims 1679) 285.Google Scholar

⁸ obituary, Reims, Archives législatives de la ville de Reims, ed. Varin, P., 1. 2 (Paris 1844) 80.Google Scholar

⁹ Archives administratives de la ville de Reims, ed. Varin, P., 1.1 (Paris 1839) 276.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Gal. Chr. 10.39.Google Scholar

¹¹ Varin, , Arch. adm. 1.1.346. The same page quotes from the Reims obituary. Leo is to be distinguished from a later dean of the same name, around the beginning of the 13th century.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid., 1.1.334-36; JL 9950.Google Scholar

¹³ Published by A. Poncelet from the sole MS, B. N. lat. 11782 (12th century) in Mélanges Godefroid Kurth (Liège 1908) I 85–96.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Adam, A., Guillaume de Saint-Thierry, sa vie et ses oeuvres (Bourg 1923) 29. Déchanet, J. M., Guillaume de Saint-Thierry, l'homme et son oeuvre (Bruges 1942) 10-11 accepts Adam's opinion. He argues further that William of St. Thierry's concept of theology and his method of exegesis were those of Anselm of Laon. I do not find his argument entirely convincing.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Déchanet, 15 n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Epist. 6 (PL 182.92-93); Lauscher, A., Erzbischof Bruno II von Köln (Dissertation, Cologne 1902) 12–13.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ralph appears as chancellor of Laon in charters from 1117 to 1133. A different chancellor appears in a charter of the latter year. See de Florival, A., Etude historique sur le xii^e siècle: Barthélemy de Vir, évôôque de Laon (Paris 1877) 283–284, 346, 347.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The best account of Alberic I have found is that of Hofmeister, A., ‘Studien über Otto von Freising,’ Neues Archiv 37 (1912) 130–34. The account of the school under Alberic by Lesne, E., Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France V (Les écoles de la fin du VIII^e siècle à la fin du xii^e, Lille 1940) 285-91, brings together much useful material but contains many errors.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Stephen established a fund to enable the chapter to mark with appropriate ceremonies the anniversary of his own and his uncle's death: Varin, , Arch. lég. (cit. supra n. 8) 1.2.73,89.Google Scholar

²⁰ Historia calamitatum 9 (PL 178. 144–145, or in the recent edition by Muckle, J. E., Mediaeval Studies 12 [1950] 192.) Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid. 5 (PL 178. 125; Muckle 181).Google Scholar

²² PL 163. 1425. Another charter of the same year is found in the Cartulary of St. Denis of Reims, Bibliothèque Ste. Geneviève, MS 1650 no. 9.Google Scholar

²³ Hist. cal. 9, 10 (PL 178. 144–155; Muckle 192-197).Google Scholar

²⁴ Bernard's letter (13) to Honorius II is in PL 182. 116-117.Google Scholar

²⁵ RHGF 14.232.Google Scholar

²⁶ In 1127 the two archdeacons were Hugh and Nicholas. The latter died in that year (MGH, SS 16.732). Hugh was still archdeacon in 1143 (Varin, , Arch, adm. 1.308). Alberic does not appear with the title until 1131. See Hugo, C., Sacri et canonici ordinis Praemonstratensis annales 1 (Nancy 1734) no. 592.Google Scholar

²⁷ Innocent's letters (JL 7776, 7777) to Archbishop Raynald and the cathedral chapter are dated 12 May, 1136. They are published in PL 179.278-279.Google Scholar

²⁸ Gal. Chr 2.49-50.Google Scholar

²⁹ Published by Jaffé, P., Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum 3 ( Monumenta Moguntina, Berlin 1866) 565–603.Google Scholar

³⁰ In his introduction, Jaffé identified Anselm, the author of the poem, as Anselm, bishop of Havelberg. He was shown to be in error by Will, C., ‘Über die Person Anselms des Verfassers der Vita Adelberti II, Archiepiscopi Moguntini,’ Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte 11 (1871) 623–30. For the date of the poem, see Jaffé's introduction.Google Scholar

³¹ Jaffé, p. 570.Google Scholar

³² Verses 242–606.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ Verses 603–606.Google Scholar

³⁴ The fundamental work on Hugh remains W Meyer's ‘Die Oxforder Gedichte des Primas (des Magister Hugo von Orleans),’ Nachr. Gesellsch. Göttingen (1907) 75–111, 113-75. For more recent discussion of Hugh, see Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters III (Munich 1931) 973-78; Raby, F. J. E., A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages II (2nd ed. Oxford 1957) II 171-80; Weisbein, N. ‘Les Laudes Crucis Attolamus de Maître Hugues d'Orléans dit le Primat,’ Revue du Moyen Age Latin 3 (1947) 5-26; Marti, B. M., ‘Hugh Primas and Arnulf of Orléans,’ Speculum 30 (1955) 233-38.Google Scholar

³⁵ Weisbein, , loc. cit. 9, claims that in his doctoral dissertation, La vie et l'oeuvre latine du Maître Hugues d'Orléans dit le Primat (University of Paris 1945) he has been able to prove that Hugh was at Reims in 1136. I have been unable to consult this dissertation.Google Scholar

³⁶ Published by Meyer, , loc. cit., No. XVIII, pp. 100–103.Google Scholar

³⁷ Meyer, , verses 33–80.Google Scholar

³⁸ Martène, E. and Durand, U., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum 3 (Paris 1717) 1709–1736. Also given in part, including the anecdote in question in RHGF 14.398-401.Google Scholar

³⁹ RHGF 14.398-399.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The author notes that Walter of Mortagne is ‘now bishop of Laon.’ He held this office from 1155 to 1174.Google Scholar

⁴¹ RHGF 14. 399 n. (b).Google Scholar

⁴² Supra at n. 26.Google Scholar

⁴³ Two of Walter's letters to Alberic and Alberic's reply are given by Martène, E. and Durand, U., Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum amplissima collectio 1 (Paris 1724) 834–839. A third letter of Walter to Alberic is in d'Achery, L., Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum 3 (Paris 1723) 523-24. For analysis and discussion of these letters see Ott, L., Untersuchungen zur theologischen Briefliteratur der Frühscholastik (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters 34, Münster i. W. 1937) 213-34, 266-91.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Hist. cal. 9 (PL 178.147-148; Muckle 193-195).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Verses 459–567.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, ed. Poole, R. L. (Oxford 1927) 19–20. See also Landgraf, A. M., ‘Untersuchungen zur Gelehrtengeschichte des 12. Jahrhunderts,’ Studi e Testi 122 (Vatican City 1946) 277-79.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Jaffé, , loc. cit. 565, states that Anselm did not accompany Adelbert on his travels, yet he is so impressed by his detailed description of Reims that he suggests, 567 n. 3, that he had studied there at some time.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ An archaeological analysis of Anselm's description was made by Demaison, L., Une description de Reims au XII siècle (Paris 1893).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Verses 82–89.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ‘Studien über Otto von Freising,’ loc. cit. 107.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ibid. 110.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid. 137.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid. 138 n. 1.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Otto, bishop of Lucca, 1138-1146, to whom the Summa sententiarum has been attributed, may also have been a disciple of Alberic, according to Bliemetzrieder, F., ‘Note sur la “Summa Sententiarum,”’ Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 6 (1934) 412. This is only conjecture. In any case, the chronology makes it highly improbable that he could have been the ‘generosus puer’ of Hugh's poem.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Epist. 159 (PL 182.618-619).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Vie de saint Bernard (Paris 1927) II 112 n. 5.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ ‘La carrière de Pierre Lombard: Quelques précisions chronologiques,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 27 (1931) 799–802.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ ‘Essai chronologique sur l’œuvre littéraire de Pierre Lombard,’ Miscellanea Lombardiana (Novara 1957) 52–53. Van den Eynde's conclusion is accepted by Delhaye, Ph., Pierre Lombard: sa vie, ses oeuvres, sa morale (Montreal 1961) 14.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ ‘Sententiae Varsavienses,’ Divus Thomas (Piacenza) 45 (1942) 301–42.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid. 314–16.Google Scholar

⁶² ‘Die Quellen der “Sententiae Varsavienses,”’ Divus Thomas 46 (1943) 375–84.Google Scholar

⁶³ ‘Sententiae Varsavienses’ 303.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The standard work on Peter is Gutjahr, F. S., Petrus Cantor Parisiensis, sein Leben und seine Schriften (Graz 1899).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Gutjahr, 14.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Verbum abbreviatum, PL 205.546. The anecdote has to do with relations between Christians and Jews at Reims in a time of drought.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Schaarschmidt, C., Joannes Saresberiensis nach Leben und Studien, Schriften und Philosophie (Leipzig 1862) 71, 75; de Ghellinck, J., L'essor de la littérature latine au XII siècle (Paris 1946) I 128; Chenu, M.-D., La théologie au douzième siècle (Paris 1957) 338.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Metalogicon, ed. Webb, C. C. I. (Oxford 1929) 78–79.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Poole, R. L., Studies in History and Chronology (Oxford 1934) 223, and Webb, in his edition of the Metalogicon 78, discard the identification of John's master with Alberic of Reims, but fall into another error in identifying him with Alberic de Porta Veneris mentioned by John in a letter to Count Henry the Liberal of Champagne, PL 199.124.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Haskins, C. H., Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science (Cambridge 1927) 213, suggests that this was ‘perhaps the Albericus of Rheims who died in 1141.’ That it was not has been shown by Dondaine, A., ‘Hugues Ethérien et Léon Toscan,’ Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire 27 (1952) 74-76. Grabmann, M., Mittelalterliches Geistesleben III (Munich 1956) 103, 109, has some interesting comments on Alberic the dialectician and his works.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Martène, and Durand, , Script. amp. col. 1.834-836.Google Scholar

⁷² Possibly 1131, at the Council of Reims. Here on October 18-19 Adalberon was consecrated archbishop of Trier by Pope Innocent II, MGH, SS 8. 250.Google Scholar

⁷³ A good summary of twelfth-century opinion on this problem is given in The Letters of John of Salisbury, ed. Millor, W. J. and Butler, H. E., 1 (Medieval Texts, ed. Galbraith, V. H. and Mynors, R. A. B., London 1955) 267–271.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Martène, and Durand, , Script. amp. col. 1. 836–38.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid. 838–839.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ott, By, Untersuchungen (cit. supra n. 43) 286–88. Ivo's letters are nos. 148 and 161 in PL 162. The latter is addressed to Ralph, provost of Reims, and Odalric (supra n. 3).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Untersuchungen 288.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ D'Achery, , Spic. 3.523-524. For analysis of the letter, see Ott, , Untersuchungen 213-234.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Untersuchungen 215–16.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Theologia Christiana 4 (PL 178.1286). The charges are repeated in more summary form in the Introductio ad theologiam (Theologia scholarium) ibid. 1056. Abelard speaks only of a ‘master in France.’ That this is Alberic is proved by Hist. cal. 9 (PL 178.147. Muckle 193).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Cap. 15 (PL 178.1370-1374).Google Scholar

⁸² 1.3.23 (PL 176.226): ‘Qui enim gignit et de sua substantia gignit, id quod ipse est gignit. Et propterea a quo erat qui cum ipso erat idem quod ipse erat.’ Google Scholar

⁸³ Summa sententiarum 1.11 (PL 176.60); Walter of Mortagne, De trinitate, 9 (PL 209.586); Lombard, Peter, Sententiae 1.4 (PL 192.533-534); Ysagoge in theologiam in Écrits théologiques de l'école d'Abélard , ed. Landgraf, A. (Louvain 1934) 252.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ In the Theologia christiana. The author of the Summa sententiarum 1.3 (PL 176.45-47) agrees that faith is essential, but seems to doubt that the faith of the ancients was adequate for salvation.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Cap. 62 (PL 178.1430-1431).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ For example, Pullen, Robert, Sententiae 3.22, (PL 186.795); Jocelyn of Soissons, Expositio in symbolum 7 (ibid. 1484); Honorius of Autun, Elucidarium 19 (PL 172.1123).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Van den Eynde, D., ‘La Theologia Scholarium d'Abélard,’ Rech. théol. anc. méd. 28 (1961) 241.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Supra n. 24.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ ‘Quaestiones Varsavienses Trinitariae et Christologicae,’ Studi e Testi 122 (Vatican City 1946) 282, cf. supra at n. 60.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ I am greatly indebted to Professor P. O. Kristeller of Columbia University, to Professor F. Stegmüller of the University of Freiburg i. B., and to Father J. N. Garvin of Notre Dame University for assistance in obtaining photostats of Warsaw MS Cod. Lat. O.1.16. I am especially grateful to Father Garvin, who kindly allowed me to have his photostats, taken from Professor Stegmüller's originals, reproduced.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Fols. 105^r,v The classic statement of the three positions is Lombard's, Peter, Sent. 3.6, 10 (PL 192.767, 777). On them, see Ott, , Untersuchungen 182-84; Haring, N. M. ‘The Eulogium ad Alexandrum Papam tertium of John of Cornwall,’ Mediaeval Studies 13 (1951) 253-300, and ‘The “Tractatus de Assumpto Homine” by Magister Vacarius,’ ibid. 21 (1959) 147-75.Google Scholar

⁹² D'Achery, , Spic. 3.520-522; Ott, , Untersuchungen 162–187.Google Scholar

⁹³ Bliemetzrieder, F., Anselms von Laon systematische Sentenzen (Beiträge [cit. supra n. 43] 18, Münster i. W. 1919) 29^*, 163, assumes that Alberic was compiler of the Sententie Anselmi. He fails to produce any evidence for his assumption.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ ‘La Glossa Ordinaria,’ Rech. théol. anc. méd. 9 (1937) 366.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Smalley, B., Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (2nd ed. Oxford 1952) 61 n. 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Otto of Freising, Gesta Friderici Imperatoris 1.47 (MGH SS 20.377).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Hist. cal. 9 (PL 178.145; Muckle, 192).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ramackers, J., Papsturkunden in Frankreich: Picardie (Abh. Akad. Göttingen, 1942) No. 16.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ PL 193.576. See also Van den Eynde, D., ‘Du nouveau sur deux maîtres lombards contemporains du Maître des Sentences,’ Pier Lombardo No. 2 (June 1953).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Florival, , Barthélemy de Vir (cit. supra n. 17), ‘Cartulaire,’ Nos. 40, 44, 46, 47, 48, 51, 54, 59, 60. In No. 70 a new archdeacon, Bartholomew, appears along with Wido, who has witnessed the earlier charters. Strangely, a Master Lotulph appears in many Reims charters of the 1150s and 1160s, but the long interval of time makes it improbable that he was Abelard's Lotulph the Lombard. There is no consistency in the spelling of the name Lotulphus, Lotulfus, Letoldus, Letaldus etc.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Bliemetzrieder, , Anselms von Laon systematische Sentenzen 16^*-17^*, calls attention to fol. 73 of MS Munich Lat. 14730, where he finds ‘Sententie a magistro Uutolfo collecte.’ He believes that Uutolfo is a scribal error for Lutolfo. He discusses the point further in ‘Gratian und die Schule Anselms von Laon,’ Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrechl 112 (1952) 58–59, and ‘Paul Fournier und die literarische Werk Ivos von Chartres,’ ibid. 115 (1935) 82-85. Weisweiler, H., Das Schrifttum der Schule Anselms von Laon und Wilhelm von Champeaux in deutschen Bibliotheken (Beiträge [cit. supra n. 43] 33, Münster i. W. 1936) 22-23 is sceptical of the identification.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Hist. lit. de la France 9.33, 12.72. Lesne, , Prop. ecclés. V 289–290.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ PL 172.1347-1349.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ 12.72.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ PL 166.833-836. Bliemetzrieder identifies Hugh of Ribemont with Hugh of Amiens, archbishop of Rouen, 1130-1164, ‘L’œuvre d'Anselme de Laon et la littérature théologique contemporaine,’ Rech. théol. anc. méd. 7 (1935) 48–51. Ott, however, treats Hugh of Ribemont and Hugh of Amiens as separate authors, Untersuchungen 44-47, 56-59. Manitius, , Gesch. lat. Lit. III 816, reads ‘Gravio Andegavensis’ as ‘Graf von Anjou.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ See the charter of Raynald as bishop of Angers in Stephani Baluzii miscellanea, Liber Secundus (Paris 1679) 213.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Urseau, C., Cartulaire noir de la cathédrale d'Angers (Angers 1908) 259 No. 167: ‘Entre le 25 septembre 1125 et 29 octobre 1131.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Meyer, [cit. supra n. 34], verses 94–117.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ 108–109.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Sikes, J. G., Peter Abailard (Cambridge 1932) 25; Metalogicon 77-78.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ On Henry of Lausanne, see Borst, A., Die Katharer (Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 12, Stuttgart 1953) 85–87 and notes.Google Scholar

¹¹² See Bernard's Epist. 241 (PL 182.434-436), the S. Bernardi vita prima 3.6 (PL 185. 312-313), 7.17 (ibid. 427), and the chronicle of Alberic of Trois Fontaines, MGH. SS 23. 839.Google Scholar

¹¹³ He was at Le Mans in 1116; RHGF 12.547-551.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Geoffrey of Auxerre, Epist. attached to Vita prima 6.3 (PL 185.412). For the date of the Council of Pisa, Hefele, C. J., Histoire des Conciles, trad. Leclercq, H. 5.1 (Paris 1912) 706.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁶ A Master Bernard and a Master Amalricus appear in charters of 1137; Varin, , Arch. adm. [cit. supra n. 9] 1.291, 292. The latter became an archdeacon of Liège, Varin Arch. lég. [cit. supra n. 8] 1.2.90. He is found with this title between 1146 and 1178, Piot, C., Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Trond (Chroniques Belges, Brussels 1870) 68–69 no. 51, and Bormans, S. and Schoolmeesters, E., Cartulaire de l'église Saint-Lambert de Liège (Chron. Bel., Brussels 1895) 1.73, 83, 91-92, and 91 n. 1.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Supra at nn. 6-12.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Varin, , Arch. adm. 1.286.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Supra n. 12.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ The earliest date at which I have found him addressed as dean is 1168/1169 in a letter of Alexander III, JL 11542. A letter of Philip of Aumône begs Fulco to grant a young man the right to teach at Reims thus indicating that he was scholasticus as well as dean, Tissier, B., Bibliotheca patrum Cisterciensium (Bonnefontaine 1660) 3.249. Note, too, the letter of Thomas Becket to Fulco asking him to supervise Becket's nephew in the ‘schools of the grammarians,’ Materials for the History of Thomas Becket (Rolls Series, London 1875-1885) 5.256-258.Google Scholar

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¹²³ Was Fulco perhaps the author of the poem on the First Crusade in Recueil des historiens des Croisades; Historiens occidentaux 5 (Paris 1895) 697–720? The poet was a contemporary of Fulco of Reims and he lived in northeastern France. Reims had a special interest in the First Crusade, as Urban II had formerly been a canon of its cathedral. Note too the history of the Crusade by Robert, monk of St. Remi of Reims. The provenance of the sole MS of the poem, Charleville MS 97 (12th century) has not been established. It may, however, be significant that of the 305 MSS in the Charleville collection, 110 came from Signy and 69 from Mont-Dieu, monasteries in the diocese of Reims having close ties with the clergy of that city. See Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des départements, Quarto Series 5 (1879) 539–541, 591-592.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Epist. 13 (PL 182.116).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ RHGF 13.330.Google Scholar

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¹²⁷ Gest. Frid. Imp. 1.47 (MGH, SS 20.377).Google Scholar

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¹³⁰ Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages 49.Google Scholar