¹ In addition to the conventional sigla, abridged references will be used for the following publications: AAA=Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha , ed. Lipsius, R. A. and Bonnet, M., 2 vols. Leipzig 1891–1903. — BKV=Bibliothek der Kirchenväter , ed. Bardenhewer, O., Th. Schermann (since 1918 Zellinger, J.), and Weyman, K. (since 1933 J. Martin), Kempten and Munich; first series (1911–1928): 61 vols and 2 vols of indices; second series (since 1932): 20 vols; since 1935 (death of Bardenhewer) ed. Martin, and Zellinger, . — Kock=Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta , ed. Kock, Th., 3 vols, Leipzig 1880–88. — RVV =Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, founded by Dieterich, A. and Wünsch, R., ed. Malten, L. and Weinreich, O., Giessen 1903-.Google Scholar

² Cf. Arbesmann, R., Das Fasten bei den Griechen und Römern, RVV 21.1 (Giessen 1929) 3ff.; Ziehen, L., PWK 17.1 (1936) 88f.Google Scholar

³ Cf. Walde, A., Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, 3rd edit. by Hofmann, J. B., 1 (Heidelberg 1938) 674f.Google Scholar

⁴ Adversus nationes 5.26 (ed. Reifferscheid, A., CSEL 4.198).Google Scholar

⁵ Protrepticus 2.21.2 (ed. Stählin, O., GCS, Clemens Alexandrinus 1 [2nd ed.] 16).Google Scholar

⁶ Theologiae Graecae compendium 28 (ed. Lang, C., Lipsiae 1881, p. 55).Google Scholar

⁷ Catecheses 4.27 (PG 33.489).Google Scholar

⁸ Acta Thomae 20 (AAA 2.2.131).Google Scholar

⁹ In Montanism, the word ‘xerophagy’ became a technical religious term, denoting a particular kind of partial fasting which consisted in eating only dry food. According to Tertullian, , De ieiunio 1 (ed. Reifferscheid, A. and Wissowa, G., CSEL 20.275), the xerophagiae, or ‘dry meals,’ of the Montanists excluded all kinds of meat and succulent fruit, everything juicy and with the flavor of wine. Cf. Schümmer, J., Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Schriften Tertullians (Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen und Forschungen 27 [Münster 1933] 35ff.).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Bruns, Th., Canones apostolorum et conciliorum saeculorum IV.V.VI.VII. (Berlin 1839) 1.78.Google Scholar

¹¹ De ieiun. 1;2;9 (274;276;284 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

¹² Nilus of Ancyra, Ep. 4.3 (PG 79.552).Google Scholar

¹³ Hieronymus, , Adversus Jovinianum 2.17 (PL 23.326).Google Scholar

¹⁴ De vita Pythagorica 141 (ed. Nauck, A., Petropoli 1884, p. 103).Google Scholar

¹⁵ De clarorum philosophorum vitis 1.10.114 (ed. Cobet, C. G., Parisiis 1850, p. 29f.); cf. Plutarch, , Septem sapientium convivium 157D (ed. Bernardakis, G. N. 1.385); De facie in orbe lunae 490C (5.457 Bernardakis); Rohde, E., Der griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer (Leipzig 1876) 256f.; Psyche (9th and 10th ed. Tübingen 1925) 2.96 n.3; Capelle, W., ‘Altgriechische Askese,’ Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum 25 (1910) 683.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Porphyrius, , De abstinentia 3.27 (ed. Nauck, A., 2nd ed. Leipzig 1886, pp. 225f.).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. 4.20 (265 Nauck); cf. Iliad 5.341.Google Scholar

¹⁸ De abst. 4.20 (266 Nauck).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Vita Pythagorae 34 (35 Nauck).Google Scholar

²⁰ Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae 6 (PL 23.21f.).Google Scholar

²¹ Historia ecclesiastica 1.21 (ed. Bidez, J. and Parmentier, L., London 1898, pp. 29f.); cf. the similar idea in Mandakuni, Johannes, Unterweisung über die Tugendübung des Fastens 11f. (Ausgewählte Schriften der armenischen Kirchenväter aus dem Armenischen übersetzt von S. Weber, BKV 58 [1927] 75f.).Google Scholar

²² Lobgedicht auf Simeon den Styliten (Ausgewählte Schriften der syrischen Dichter aus dem Syrischen übersetzt von S. Landersdorfer, BKV 6 [1912] 400.).Google Scholar

²³ Cf. Toldo, P, “Leben und Wunder der Heiligen im Mittelalter,’ Studien zur vergleichenden Litteraturgeschichte 2 (Berlin 1902) 90; Reitzenstein, R., Historia Monachorum und Historia Lausiaca (Göttingen 1916) 121f.; Bieler, L., Das Bild des ‘göttlichen Menschen’ in Spätantike und Frühchristentum 1 (Wien 1935) 62f.Google Scholar

²⁴ Lucian, , Schol. dial. meretr. 7.4 (ed. Rabe, H., Leipzig 1906, p. 280) : Google Scholar

²⁵ Cf. Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 77ff. Google Scholar

²⁶ Cf. ibid. 90ff. Google Scholar

²⁷ Cf. ibid. 94f. Google Scholar

²⁸ Euripides ap. Porph. De abst. 4.19 (262 Nauck).Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid. 4.5 (236 Nauck).Google Scholar

³⁰ PWK s.v Google Scholar

³¹ Cf. the entire source material collected by Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 72ff. Google Scholar

³² Cf. the source material ibid. 96f.; 127.Google Scholar

³³ For the source material see ibid. 83ff.Google Scholar

³⁴ Cf. ibid. 63ff.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cf. Haussleiter, J., Der Vegetarismus in der Antike, RVV 24 (Berlin 1935) 79–96; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 33; 107f.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. Haussleiter, , Der Vegetarismus 97–157; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 33f.;36f.;50f.; 53f.; 59; 103ff.; F. J. Dölger, Der heilige Fisch in den antiken Religionen und im Christentum 2 (Münster 1922) 342ff.Google Scholar

³⁷ Cf. Haussleiter, , Der Vegetarismus 315–56; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 108ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. Dieterich, A., Eine Mithrasliturgie (3rd ed. Leipzig and Berlin 1923) 98ff.; Schepelern, W., Der Montanismus und die phrygischen Kulte: Eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Tübingen 1929) 138f.; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 21ff.Google Scholar

³⁹ Cf. Pfister, F., Die Religion der Griechen und Römer (Leipzig 1930) 121. It is noteworthy, however, that in spite of this positive element, the original negative idea, according to which pernicious demoniac forces are supposed to be kept off, appears again and again, even in later writers. Similarly, the use of with or genitive of separation (for instances, see Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 10) seems to emphasize not so much the positive element, the strengthening of power, as the negative element, the abstention from, and consequently, the freedom from disturbing influences. Cf. F. Schwenn, Rev. of Arbesmann, , Das Fasten, in Gnomon 6 (1930) 662: ‘Neben dem positiven Bewusstsein, durch Fasten der Gottheit unmittelbar ähnlich zu werden, findet sich noch in den späten Nachrichten immer wieder eine Erinnerung daran, dass Fasten zunächst nur Hemmungen ausschaltet und erst dadurch, also auf einem Umwege, zur Gottheit führt.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Cf. Arbesmann, , ‘Fasten im antiken Zauber,’ Blätter zur bayrischen Volkskunde 11 (1927) 48ff.; Das Fasten 63ff. Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cf. Hopfner, Th., Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 1 (Leipzig 1921) §840; ‘Mageia.’ PWK 14.1 (1928) 359.Google Scholar

⁴² Cf. ibid. 361f.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 141; Hopfner, , Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 1 §§849ff. Hopfner (ibid. §849) calls attention to the influence which Pythagorean-Orphic doctrines, Oriental, and especially Egyptian ideas exercised on the dietary rules found in Greek magic papyri.Google Scholar

⁴³ To the primitive mind the ideas of sowing and the shooting forth of the seed on the one hand, and begetting and giving birth on the other hand, were closely related, and women seemed to be especially fitted for the performance of fertility magic. Cf. Dieterich, A., Mutter Erde (3rd ed. Leipzig and Berlin 1925) 46f.; Nilsson, M. P., Greek Popular Religion (New York 1940) 26.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf. Arbesmann, , ‘Thesmophoria,’ PWK, Zweite Reihe, 6 (1936) 18ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cf. Nilsson, , Greek Popular Religion 42ff.; A History of Greek Religion (Oxford 1925) 211.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cf. ibid. 97; Greek Popular Religion 63f. Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Cf. Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 16.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Strabo, , Geographica 9.395 (ed. Meineke, A., 2 [ed. stereot. Leipzig 1907] 558).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Porphyrius, , De abst. 4.7 (238 Nauck), tells us that the Egyptian priests were forbidden to use any articles of food and drink from outside Egypt. That this rule was in effect for all the Egyptian priests may be doubted. The description of the ascetic way of life of the Egyptian priests, which Porphyrius gives us through the mouth of the Stoic philosopher Chaeremon (1st century A.D.), is highly idealized. However, there may perhaps have existed a brotherhood within the Egyptian priesthood whose members, spurning worldly occupations, lived such an ascetic life. Cf. Otto, W, Priester und Tempel im hellenistischen Ägypten 2 (Leipzig and Berlin 1908) 167f.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Voria historia 5.20.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Cf. Strathmann, H., Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese bis zur Entstehung des Mönchtums 1 (Leipzig 1914) 310ff.; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 103f.; Haussleiter, , Der Vegetarismus 127ff.Google Scholar

⁵² Gnomon 6 (1930) 662.Google Scholar

¹ De divinatione 1.6.11f.; cf. ibid. 2.11.26f.Google Scholar

² Phaedrus 244A-D.Google Scholar

³ Pseudo-Plutarch, , De vita et poesi Homeri 2.212 (7.456 Bernardakis) : Concerning the division of divination into two classes, the ‘artful’ and ‘artless’ divination, cf. Rohde, , Psyche 2.56f.Google Scholar

⁴ Lactantius, , Divinae institutiones 4.3.11 (ed. Brandt, S., CSEL 19.319).Google Scholar

⁵ Lactantius, , De mortibus persecutorum 11.7 (ed. Brandt, S. and Laubmann, G., CSEL 27.186). An edict of Constantine, in Eusebius, , Vita Constantini 2.54 (ed. I. A. Heikel, GCS, Eusebias Werke 1.63) mentions not the Didymaean but the Pythian (Delphic) oracle as having exercised a delusive power over the persecutors. However, the testimony of Lactantius seems to carry more weight. Cf. Schultze, V, Altchristliche Städte und Land-Schaften 2.2 (Gütersloh 1926) 78 n.1.Google Scholar

⁶ Sozomenus, , Historia ecclesiastica 1.7 (PG 67. 873ff.). In the Vita Constantini 2.4 (42 Heikel), the behavior of Constantine who prepared himself for the war by prayer, is contrasted with that of Licinius who applied to ‘oracles everywhere.’ In elegant verses they held out to him the prospect of victory while defeat and ruin were in store for him. It is interesting to note that it was during the last and decisive contest between paganism and Christianity that divination, and with it the oracle, once more came to the front in political life. Of the last pagan emperors not only Diocletian and Licinius trusted in the power of mantic art and sought the favor of the gods from the oracles of pagan religion, but also Maximinus Daia did not venture to undertake any important political move ‘without soothsayers and oracles’ (Eusebius, , Historia ecclesiastica 8.14.9 ed. Schwartz, E., GCS, Eusebius Werke 2.782; cf. Schultze, , Altchristliche Städte 2.2.77f.).Google Scholar

⁷ Ep. 88 (ed. Bidez, J. 1.2 [Paris 1924] 151).Google Scholar

⁸ Octavius 27.1 (ed Waltzing, J. P., ed. stereot. Lipsiae 1931, p. 46).Google Scholar

⁹ For instance, Clem. Al. Protr 2.11.1ff. (1.10f. Stählin); Tert. De anima 46.12 (ed. J. H. Waszink, Amsterdam 1947, p. 65); Apologeticum 22.9f. (ed. H. Hoppe, CSEL 69.62); Cyprian, , Quod idola dii non sint 7 (ed. Hartel, G., CSEL 3.1.24); Lact. Div. inst. 2.16.13f. (170 Brandt); Epitome div. inst. 23.6f. (696 Brandt); cf. Bouché-Leclercq, A., Histoire de la divination dans l'antiquité 1 (Paris 1879) 92ff.; Leclercq, H., ‘Divination,’ DACL 4.1 (1920) 1202ff.; Hopfner, , Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 2 (Leipzig 1924) §62; E. Fascher, Eine sprach- und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Giessen 1927) 216ff.; Waszink's edition of Tert. De anima, p. 498f.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Graecarum affectionum curatio, sermo 10 (PG 83.1076).Google Scholar

¹¹ 3.11 (ed. Parthey, G., Berlin 1857, pp. 123ff.). Cf. Th. Hopfner's German translation of the work, with commentary: Über die Geheimlehren von Iamblichus (Quellenschriften der griechischen Mystik 1, Leipzig 1921) 81ff. Google Scholar

¹² (125 Parthey). Google Scholar

¹³ (125f. Parthey). Concerning the seclusion of the prophet, cf. Casel, O., De philosophorum graecorum silentio mystico, RVV 16.2 (Giessen 1919) 145f.; ‘homo qui ad rerum divinarum cognitionem tendit, solo silentio mentis et corporis ad eam pervenit et, nisi pace et quiete compositus est, vulgi consortium, occupationes cottidianas, mentis opiniones et affectiones fluctuantes fugit, divini luminis expers est’; ibid. 128f. where he refers to the passage from Iamblichus cited above.Google Scholar

¹⁴ To&1F7A;s (127 Parthey). On this, Iamblichus does not agree with Lucian (Bis accusatus 1) who says that the prophetess drank of the sacred water.Google Scholar

¹⁵ 'H (127 Parthey).Google Scholar

¹⁶ 'H (127 Parthey).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Porph. Vita Pyth. 34 (35 Nauck).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cotelerius, J. B., Ecclesiae graecae monumenta 1 (Paris 1677) 582. The first to call attention to this instructive passage was Reitzenstein, R., Poimandres: Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen Literatur (Berlin 1904) 34: Hellenistische Wundererzählungen (Leipzig 1906) 61; cf. also Strathmann, , Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 211 n.3; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 141f.; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 98f.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Tὸ (127 Parthey).Google Scholar

²⁰ Concerning the water from a sacred spring as a source of inspiration for the Clarian prophet and the Branchidae prophetess, see also Tacitus, , Annales 2.54; Lucian, , Bis accusatus 1. Pliny. Naturalis historia 2.232, tells us that the water of the Clarian Apollo inspired wonderful oracles though it shortened the life of the prophets who drank it.Google Scholar

²¹ Pausanias, , Descriptio Graeciae 10.24.7; Lucian, , Hermotimus 60; Bis acc. 1.Google Scholar

²² Ibid.; cf. also the general remark of Apollonius of Tyana in Philostr. Vita Apollonii 2.37 (ed. Kayser, C. L. 1 [Leipzig 1870] 79), to the effect that he could mention many oracles where the priest utters his responses after imbibing water.Google Scholar

²³ Descriptio Graeciae 9.2.1.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid. 2.24.1. The chewing of sacred laurel as a means of divine inspiration fits into this picture also. Lucian (Bis acc. 1) says that it was employed at Delphi, Claros, Patara, Delos, Didyma, and all the other oracles of Apollo. Concerning the entire question, cf. Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 102; Ziehen, PWK s.v. .Google Scholar

²⁵ Aristotle ap. Macrob. Saturnalia 1.18.1.Google Scholar

²⁶ De abst. 2.48 (176 Nauck).Google Scholar

²⁷ Cf. Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 146f. Google Scholar

²⁸ Cf. Rohde, , Psyche 1.6ff.; Weinreich, O., Antike Heilungswunder, RVV 8.1 (Giessen 1909) 76; Newhall, S. H., ‘Quid de somniis censuerint quoque modo eis usi sint antiqui quaeritur’ (summary of dissertation), Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 24 (1913) 163f.; Binswanger, L., Wandlungen in der Auffassung und Deutung des Traumes von den Griechen bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin 1928) 1ff.; 20f.; Hundt, J., Der Traumglaube bei Homer (Greifswalder Beiträge zur Literatur- und Stilforschung 9, Greifswald 1935) 13f.; Wickenhauser, A., ‘Die Traumgesichte des Neuen Testaments in religionsgeschichtlicher Sicht,’ Pisciculi: Studien zur Religion und Kultur des Altertums (Festschrift für F. J. Dölger, Münster 1939) 325ff. Wickenhauser (pp. 326ff.) has collected the accounts of dreams given by Greek and Roman historians.Google Scholar

²⁹ Concerning the classification of dreams by the ancient Stoics, with whom it is found for the first time (Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta, ed. Ioannes, ab Arnim,3,605;2.1198); by Posidonius (preserved in Cic. De divin. 1.30.64); and by Philo (De somniis 1.1.1f.; 2.1.1f.), cf. Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani de anima, ed. with Introduction and Commentary by Waszink, J. H. (Amsterdam 1947) 500f., and the literature given there on the subject.Google Scholar

³⁰ Cf. Deubner, L., De incubatione capita quattuor (Berlin 1900) 5ff.; Pley, J., ‘Incubatio,’ PWK 9.2 (1916) 1256ff.; Weinreich, , Antike Heilungswunder 77 Google Scholar

³¹ Cf. ibid. ; Herzog, R., Die Wunderheilungen von Epidauros ( Philologus, suppl. 22, Heft 3, Leipzig 1931) 112f.; McGinley, L. J., Form-Criticism of the Synoptic Healing Narratives (Woodstock 1944) 126. Though by far the greater part of the inscriptions of Epidaurus report healing miracles, there are some (miracles nos. 24; 46; 63) which show clearly mantic character and can be brought under the heading ‘help for finding lost persons and treasures.’ Moreover, the healing miracles can be divided into two groups: in those of the first group, the act of healing is performed in the dream itself by direct interventions of the deity; in those of the second group, the sick receive a dream-oracle telling them what they ought to do for their recovery (cf. Weinreich, , Antike Heilungswunder 78ff.).Google Scholar

³² De anima 48.3 (66 Waszink). Indicere is the usual technical term for the proclamation of religious rites; cf., for instance, Livy 3.5.14; 34.55.1 and 4; Hor. Sat. 2.3.290f.: ‘illo mane die quo tu indicis ieiunia’; Macrobius, , Saturnalia 1.16.6; Servius, , Comm. in Verg. Aen. 3.264 (ed. Thilo, G. and Hagen, H. 1.387); Tert. De ieiun. 10 (286 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); Eugippius, , Vita S. Severini 6.3 (ed. Knöll, P., CSEL 9.2.22) : ‘indicto igitur paucorum dierum de more ieiunio’; ibid 18.2 (37 Knöll): ‘tunc, ut solebat, hortatus est indici ieiunium.; Greg Turon. Historia Francorum 2.34 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.98). Besides indicere, there occurs the term imperare (for instance, Cic. De divin, 1.45.102; Livy 36.2.2; Gellius, , Noctes Atticae 2.28.2). Cf. Wissowa, G., Religion und Kultus der Römer (2nd ed. Munich 1912) 440 n.6; Waszink 511.Google Scholar

³³ Quinti Septimii Florentis Tertulliani quae supersunt omnia, ed. Oehler, F., 2 (Leipzig 1854) 633.Google Scholar

³⁴ CSEL 20.379.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cf. ThLL s.v. castimonia ; Wächter, Th., Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult, RVV 9.1 (Giessen 1910) 1 n.1; 10 n.2; Fehrle, E., Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum, RVV 6 (Giessen 1910) 207f.; Williger, E., Hagios: Untersuchungen zur Terminologie des Heiligen in den hellenisch-hellenistischen Religionen, RVV 19.1 (Giessen 1922) 44f.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. Wächter, , Reinheitsvorschriften 11; Appel, G., De Romanorum precationibus, RVV 7.2 (Giessen 1909) 184ff.; Abt, A., Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, RVV 4.2 (Giessen 1908) 37.Google Scholar

³⁷ Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 13.Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. Waszink's note to the passage (p. 511).Google Scholar

³⁹ Evidently on the basis of Reifferscheid's text, the editors of the ThLL (s.v. castimonia) did the same. Another instance listed there for the use of castimonia in the restricted sense (Ps. - Nolanus, Paulinus, Ep. app. 1.8, ed. Hartel, G., CSEL 29.436: ‘sicut et Anna venerabilis in ieiuniorum castimonia et orationum instantia nocte ac die permanens’) should be transferred to the section of instances in which castimonia has the general meaning of ‘ritual purity.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Philostr. Vita Apoll. 2.37 (1.79 Kayser) : Google Scholar

⁴¹ (1.398 Kock).Google Scholar

⁴²

⁴³ PWK S.V. Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf. Hepding, H., Attis: Seine Mythen und sein Kult, RVV 1 (Giessen 1903) 183; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 84f.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cf. ibid. 82f.; this interpretation was accepted by Haussleiter, J., Deutsche Literaturzeitung 50 (1929) 1906, and Deubner, L., Attische Feste (Berlin 1932) 80. Cf., however, Ziehen, s.v. who doubts that we are in a position to fix precisely the day of the because of the fragmentary condition of our tradition.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cf. Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 92; PWK s.v ‘Thesmophoria.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁷ (1.79 Kock).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ De incubatione 14 n.4.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Cf. Rohde, , Psyche 1.120 n.2.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Cf. Paus. Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.5ff. To him we owe the fullest of the extant accounts of the way of consulting the oracle at Lebadea.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Frg. 221 : (1.80 Kock).Google Scholar

⁵² 2.316ff.; cf. especially 327; 339.Google Scholar

⁵³ PWK S.V. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.5: .Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid. 9.39.14: .Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Fasti 4.641ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ This was another rite deemed necessary to prepare the inquirer for the divine revelation. At Lebadea two boys, called Hermae, led the person who was about to consult Trophonius, to the river Hercyna, and there washed and anointed him (Paus. Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.7).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Fasti 4.657f.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ The Geography of Strabo, transl. by Jones, H. L., 6 (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1929) 259. We find the same interpretation of the passage in Bürchner, , ‘Charonion’ no. 2, PWK 3 (1899) 2184; von Diest, W, Nysa ad Maeandrum (Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Instituts, Ergänzungsheft 10, Berlin 1913) 16, whose translation is quoted by Schultze, , Altchristliche Städte 2.2.131: ‘Oft führen sie [die Priester] auch die Kranken selbst in die Höhle und lassen sie dort wie in einer Tiergrube mehrere Tage lang ohne Speise ruhig liegen.’ Google Scholar

⁶² Lehmann-Hartleben's second objection, namely, that is a somewhat awkward expression for denoting the accommodation of the sick, seems to be less convincing. 'Iδρύαν can have the meaning ‘to make sit down’; cf. for instance Iliad 2.191: ‘Aλλ’ Google Scholar

⁶³ (3.907 Meineke).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Geographi graeci minores 2 (ed. Müller, C., Paris 1882) 405.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Geographica 13.4.14 (3.880 Meineke); cf. Pliny, , Nat. Hist. 2.208.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Cf. Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 36f.; Dölger, 2.50; Hopfner, , Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 1 §§838f.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf. ibid. 2 §168. This, of course, does not exclude the fact that in many cases the two attitudes coexisted side by side or blended into each other.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Cf. Deubner, , De incubatione 30ff.; Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 169f. A great part of the magic papyri deal with divination. As a matter of fact, little is left after the instructions for divination and love charms have been eliminated; cf. ibid. 166, and Apuleius, , Apologia 42 (ed. R. Helm, 2nd ed. Leipzig 1912, p. 49) : ‘quippe hoc emolumentum canticis accipimus, praesagium et divinationem.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 2 §169.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Preisendanz, K., Papyri graecae magicae 1 (Leipzig 1928) 44ff. Google Scholar

⁷¹ Line 304 (1.44 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷² (1.46 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷³ (1.50 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Lines 724-731 (1.96ff. Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Lines 52-54: (1.68 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Line 57: (1.68 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Lines 732-736 : (1.98 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Cf. Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 40.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Pap. Bibl. nat. gr. 574 lines 3209ff. (1.178 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Line 362f. : ( Preisendanz, , Papyri graecae magicae 2 [Leipzig 1931] 16); line 667: (2.30 Preisendanz); line 843: (2.37 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Line 442f. (2.20 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

⁸² 1.2ff. Preisendanz.Google Scholar

⁸³ Lines 96ff. (1.8 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ Delatte, A., Anecdota Atheniensia I: Textes grecs inédits relatifs à l'histoire des religions (Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liége 26, Liége and Paris 1927) 507.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid. 507f.; this and the preceding had been published before by Preisendanz, , ‘Zwei griechische Schatzzauber aus Kodex Parisinus 2419,’ Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher 3 (1922) 276.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Concerning arithmomantic practices, cf. Dornseiff, F., Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie (2nd ed. Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes und der griechischen Wissenschaft 7, Leipzig and Berlin 1925) 113ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Beans especially were credited with having such undesirable effects. Apollonius, Histor. mirab. 46 (ed. Keller, O., Rerum naturalium scriptores graeci minores 1 [Leipzig 1877] 54) : (cf. the same tradition in Clem. Alex. Stromata 3.3.24.2 [2.206 Stählin]). Geoponica 2.35.3f.: Dioscurides, De materia medica 2.127: ibid. 2.130: Diog. Laert. De clar. phil. vit. 8.1.24 (210 Cobet) : Also Aristotle, , De somniis 3 (= 461a 21-25; ed. Biehl, G., Parva Naturalia, Leipzig 1898, p. 70), says that produce confused dreams : Google Scholar

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⁹¹ According to early medical experience, the polyp was also hard to digest; cf. Hippocrates, 2.48 (Hippocrates, with an Engl. translation, by Jones, W H. S., 4 [Loeb Class. Libr., London and Cambridge, Mass. 1931] 322) : .Google Scholar

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⁹³ Philostr. Vita Apoll. 2.37 (1.79 Kayser).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Ibid. 8.7 (1.314 Kayser).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Ibid. 8.5 (1.299 Kayser).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid. 1.8; 21 (1.7;23 Kayser).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid. Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid. 8.7 (1.308 Kayser).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ibid. 1.8 (1.7 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Porphyr. Vita Pythag. 34 (35 Nauck).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ 2.378 Kock.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Philostr. Vita Apoll. 1.8 (1.7 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Ibid. 8.7 (1.309 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Ibid. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid. 8.7; cf. 6.11 (1.307f.; 216f. Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Ibid. 8.7 (1.308 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Ibid. 6.11 (1.218 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Ibid. 8.7 (1.307 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Philostr. Apollonii Epistulae 52 (1.357 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 312.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Cf. also Philostr. Vita Apoll. 5.12 (1.173 Kayser), where we are told that Apollonius owed his foreknowledge not to wizardry but to divine impulse and to what the gods revealed to him.Google Scholar

¹¹² Ibid. 1.8 (1.7 Kayser).Google Scholar

¹¹³ Porphyr. Vita Pythag. 34 (35 Nauck).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Cf. Strathmann, , Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 315.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁶ Ibid. 106f. (78 Parthey).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 310; cf. Haussleiter, , Der Vegetarismus 128.Google Scholar

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¹²⁰ Ibid. 1.32.70.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Cf. von Arnim, H., ‘Kratippos’ no. 3, PWK 11.2 (1922) 1659. As we learn from Synesius, , De insomniis 11 (PG 66.1312), there existed a great number of treatises dealing with dietary and general ascetic rules to be observed by persons who sought revelations in dreams.Google Scholar

¹²³ De divin. 2.58.119; cf. ibid. 1.30.62.Google Scholar

¹²³ Ibid. 1.50.113.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Ibid. 1.51.115.Google Scholar

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¹³² “Upon Vergil, Aeneid vi, vss. 893-898,’ The Classical Review 14 (1900) 153f. Google Scholar

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¹³⁴ P. Vergilius Maro Aeneis Book VI (2nd ed. Leipzig and Berlin 1916) 348.Google Scholar

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⁵ The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S., IV (London 1904) p.9 (logion 5). Although the saying is broken beyond hope of recovery, the general train of thought seems to be clear. The disciples ask Christ how they should conduct themselves with regard to fasting and some other Jewish ordinances. The answer of Christ seems to have consisted of a series of short commandments. Ibid. I (1898) p.3, lines 4-8 (logion 2) : ‘Jesus saith, Except ye fast [by abstaining from] the world, ye shall in no wise find the kingdom of God.’ Although this saying is couched in rather general terms, nevertheless it stresses emphatically the necessity of asceticism, and could legitimately serve as a basis for the development of a discipline of fasting.Google Scholar

⁶ Ed. Klostermann, E., Reste des Petrusevangeliums, der Petrusapokalypse und des Kerygma Petri (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte 3, reprint, Berlin 1933) 5.Google Scholar

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⁸ Ibid. 1.251.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid. 2.1.136.Google Scholar

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¹³ In the fifth book of his Memoirs, ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 2.23.4f. (166 Schwartz), concerning the abstinence of James from meat and wine; cf. Epiphanius, , Haereses 78.13.3 (ed. Holl, K., GCS, Epiphanius 3.464).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Paedagogus 2.1.16.1 (1.165 Stählin), concerning Matthew, who abstains from meat and restricts his diet to a few articles of food.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Orat. 14.4 (PG 35.861), concerning the alleged diet of Peter; cf. Ps.-Clement, , Recognitiones 7.6 (PG 1.1357f.).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Demonstratio evangelica 3.5.74 (ed. Heikel, I. A., GCS, Eusebius Werke 6.124), where the abstinence from meat and wine is extended to all the disciples of Christ.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Tert. De cultu feminarum 2.9 (ed. Oehler, F., Quinti Septimii Florentis Tertulliani quae supersunt omnia 1 [Leipzig 1853] 727); Origen, , In Jerem. Hom. 20.7 (ed. Klostermann, E., GCS, Origenes Werke 3.188); according to Euseb. Hist. eccl. 6.3.9 (526 Schwartz), Origen himself was experienced in the discipline of fasting.Google Scholar

¹⁸ History of the Martyrs in Palestine, ed. Cureton, W. (London 1861) 3; Violet, B., Die Palästinensischen Märtyrer des Eusebius von Cäsarea, TU 14.4 (1896) 4.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Preserved by Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.3.2 (432 Schwartz).Google Scholar

²⁰ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 32.Google Scholar

²¹ Bruns 1.68.Google Scholar

²² Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 168 n.16.Google Scholar

²³ Ed. Butler, C., The Lausiac History of Palladius 2 (Texts and Studies 6.2, Cambridge 1904) 15; 16f.; 34; 52; 70; 107; 122; 130; 133; 142; 145.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid. 18 (48 Butler).Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid. (52 Butler).Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid. 43 (130 Butler).Google Scholar

²⁷ Hist. eccl. 6.33 (PG 67.1393).Google Scholar

²⁸ Liquamen a sauce made of brine and small fish, was considered a delicacy, characteristic of a rich meal. Cf. Dölger, 2.97; Zahn, , ‘Garum,’ PWK 7.1 (1910) 841ff.Google Scholar

²⁹ Superpositio (sc. ieiunii) is the technical term that was used to designate in the language of asceticism the practice of extending the fast beyond the usual time—the ordinary fast ended at 6 P.M.—meaning, therefore, a total abstention from food for two, three, or even more days. These lengthy and continuous fasts were also called biduanum (sc. ieiunium), triduanum, quatriduanum. In Greek, the terms for this practice were cf. Dionysius of Alexandria, Ad Basilidem 1 (ed. Feltoe, Ch. L., The Letters and other Remains of Dionysius of Alexandria [Cambridge Patristic Texts, Cambridge 1904] 102); Epiphanius, , Expositio fidei 22.11 (3.523 Holl); Cyrill. Hier. Catech. 18.17 (PG 33.1037); Evagr. Schol. Hist. eccl. 1.21 (30 Bidez and Parmentier). Sozomenus, , Hist. eccl. 1.11 (PG 67.889) uses the graphic expression for this joining together of fast days without leaving a break. Tertullian employs the verbs continuare, sc. ieiuniam (De ieiunio 14 [293 Reifferscheid and Wissowa]) and ieiunia coniungere (De patientia 13 [ed. Kroymann, E., CSEL 47.20]). Later, however, the terms superpositio and superponere, that is, the translations of the Greek terms and found general acceptance; cf. Victorinus, , De fabrica mundi 3;5 (ed. Haussleiter, J., CSEL 49.4;5); Synod. Eliberitan. 23; 26 (2.9f. Mansi). The superpositio was in vogue especially among the ascetics. The practice of observing the customary weekly days of fast seemed even too mild. A perfect was a person who was able to fast during the entire week. Since, in the East, Sunday and Saturday were not days of fast, the true ascetic fasted for the remaining days of the week. Such an uninterrupted fast of five days is reported of Antonius and Elpidius (Pallad. Hist. Laus. 22; 48 [70; 142 Butler]). Many ascetics in the Thebaid practiced it at least during Lent (ibid. 18 [52 Butler]; concerning Adolius, ibid. 43 [130 Butler]; cf. also Evagr. Schol. Hist. eccl. 1.21 [30 Bidez and Parmentier]). According to St. Augustine, Ep. 36.4.8 (ed. A. Goldbacher, CSEL 34.2.37), the practice of fasting for five days had become a widespread custom in monasteries where it was observed especially during Lent. It was, however, voluntary, and the Regula Magistri 53 (PL 88.1015) contains the following order : ‘Qui vero voluerint fratres ieiunium superponere, in ipso superposito die in labore cum fratribus non spectentur, solummodo laborantibus fratribus legant.’ These prolonged fasts were very common among hermits; cf. Vita Sancti Amati Confessoris 4; 10 (ed. Besson, M., Monasterium Agaunense: Etudes critiques sur les origines de l'Abbaye de St. Maurice en Valais, Fribourg 1913, pp. 185; 188). In Ireland, where western asceticism, including the practice of fasting, developed to the highest degree of severity, examples of biduana and triduana sc. ieiunia occur quite frequently in hagiographic literature; cf. Gougaud, L., Devotional Ascetic Practices in the Middle Ages (transl. by Bateman, G. C., London 1927) 150.Google Scholar

³⁰ Cf. Ladeuze, P, Etude sur le cénobitisme Pakhomien pendant le IV ^e siècle et la première moitié du V ^e (Louvain 1898) 298–301.Google Scholar

³¹ Cf. Leipoldt, J., Schenute von Atripe (TU NF 10.1, Leipzig 1903) 116–20.Google Scholar

³² Ibid. 68f.Google Scholar

³³ Cf. Seller, H., “Augustinus und seine Regel,’ St. Augustin 430-1980 (Würzburg 1930) 98f.; Zumkeller, A., ‘Zum geistigen Gehalt der Augustinerregel,’ Die grossen Ordensregeln (ed. by Hans Urs von Balthasar, Einsiedeln and Zürich 1948) 117.Google Scholar

³⁴ Cf. Hilpisch, St., Geschichte des benediktinischen Mönchtums (Freiburg i.B. 1929) 67f. Google Scholar

³⁵ Ed. Seebass, O., Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 15 (1895) 375f.; one may note also the severity of Irish fasting practices (Gougaud, , Devotional and Ascetic Practices 147ff.; Ryan, J., Irish Monasticism [Dublin 1931] 391ff.).Google Scholar

³⁶ The chief testimonies for the prebaptismal fast are the following: Didache 7.4; Just. Mart. Apologia 1.61; Clement of Alexandria, Excerpta ex Theodoto 83f. (3.132 Stählin); Tert. De baptismo 20 (217 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); Ps.-Clement, , Homiliae 3.73; 11.35; 13.9; 11 (ed. de Lagarde, P, Clementina [Leipzig 1865] 56; 119; 136; 137); Recogn. 3.67; 6.15; 7.34; 36; 37 (PG 1.1311; 1355; 1368; 1369); August. De fide et operibus 6.8 (ed. Zycha, J., CSEL 41.43); Statuta ecclesiae antiqua (Ps.-Conc. Carthag. IV) cn. 85 (1.149 Bruns; this canon prescribes a protracted abstinence from meat and wine). For more testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 166 n.10. In the Didache (loc. cit.) the fast is enjoined not only on the recipient but also on the minister of the sacrament and possibly on all those who attend the sacred ceremony; similarly St. Justin (loc. cit.) and Ps.-Clement, , Recogn. 7.37.Google Scholar

³⁷ Cf. for instance St. Leo, Ep. 9.1 (PL 54.625) : ‘His qui consecrandi sunt, ieiunis a ieiunantibus sacra benedictio conferatur.’ The Didascalia Arabica 32.1-3 (ed. Funk, F. X., Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum [Paderborn 1905] 2.122f.; cf. ibid. 38.1-3 [2.130f. Funk]) and the Testamentum Domini nostri Jesu Christi 1.22 (ed. Rahmani, I. E. [Mainz 1899] 33) mention a special fast for the hishop after his consecration; the Test. Dom. 1.31 (71 Rahmani) speaks of a similar fast for priests after their ordination.Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 218ff. Google Scholar

³⁹ Ep. 54.6.8 (34.2.166f. Goldbacher); cf. Roetzer, W, Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle: Eine liturgiegeschichtliche Studie (Munich 1930) 174f. Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 221.Google Scholar

⁴¹ De ieiun. 12 (290f. Reifferscheid and Wissowa). In the same chapter, Tertullian criticizes the custom of sending provisions to imprisoned martyrs. Compare with this Tertullian's different attitude in Ad martyras 1 (1.3 Oehler), written shortly after his conversion and before his Montanistic period.Google Scholar

⁴² De paenitentia 9; 11 (1.660; 662 Oehler).Google Scholar

⁴³ 2.16.2; 41.6 (1.60; 130ff. Funk).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ 6 (ed. Harden, J. M., The Ethiopic Didascalia [London 1920] 29).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ 2.16.2; 17.5; 18.7; 41.6; 43.1; 48.1 (1.61; 65; 67; 131ff.; 135; 143ff. Funk).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cf. the Penitentials of Vinnian, Columbanus, and Cummean, ed. Wasserschleben, F. W H., Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle 1851) 108ff. [Vinnian]; 353ff. [Columbanus]; Zettinger, J., Archiv f. kath. Kirchenrecht 82 (1902) 501ff. [Cummean].Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Acts 15.28f.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Cf. Böckenhoff, K., Das apostolische Speisegesetz in den ersten fünf Jahrhunderten (Paderborn 1903) 1; 98.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Testimonies ibid. 41ff. Google Scholar

⁵⁰ For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 8ff. Google Scholar

⁵¹ Cf. Böckenhoff, , Das apostolische Speisegesetz 98–107.Google Scholar

⁵² Cf. Böckenhoff, , Speisesatzungen mosaischer Art in mittelalterlichen Kirchenrechtsquellen des Morgen- und Abendlandes (Münster 1907) 1ff. Google Scholar

⁵³ Cf. ibid. 50.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Sim. 5.1.4f.; cf. ibid. 5.3.6; Ep. Barnabae 3.3; Just. Mart. Dial. cum Tryphone 15.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ In Joh. Evang. tract. 17.4 (PL 35.1529). Cf. Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften ab liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 31, where the author points to St. Augustine's Lenten sermons in which the Bishop of Hippo, with a keen insight into the pastoral needs of his flock, and using all the powers of his extraordinary eloquence, tried to deepen the idea of the Quadragesima in the minds of his listeners. He did this by pointing out that bodily fasting formed only one part of the wholesome penitential exercises and that the literal fulfilment of the ecclesiastical laws of fasting must be accompanied by an inner conversion in order to conform to the spirit and idea of these holy weeks of preparation for Easter. Cf. also Bihlmeier, A., “Das Fasten im Geiste der Liturgie,’ Benediktinische Monatschrift 10 (1928) 104ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Titus 2.12.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Sermo 42 (PL 54.276).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ In Lev. hom. 10.2 (ed. Baehrens, W. A., GCS, Origenes Werke 6. 444).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ In Gen. hom. 4.7; 8.5 (PG 53.45f.; 74).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Cf. for instance Ep. 130.11 (ed. Hilberg, I., CSEL 56.191) : ‘Latus est super ieiuniis campus in quo et nos saepe cucurrimus.’ Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid.: ‘Ieiunium non perfecta virtus, sed ceterarum virtutum fundamentum est.’ Cf. Joh. Cass. De institutis coenobiorum 5.10 (ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL 17.88) : ‘Ad integritatem mentis et corporis conservandam abstinentia ciborum sola non sufficit, nisi fuerint ceterae quoque virtutes animae coniugatae.’ St. Melania the Younger compares the virtues with the adornment of a bride: a person attempting to accomplish much in fasting without practicing the remaining virtues, resembles a bride who adorns only her feet but fails to attire the rest of her body (Gerontius, , Vita S. Melaniae Iunioris 43, ed. Rampolla, M., Rome 1905, p.65). According to St. John Chrysostom, In Matth. hom. 46.4 (PG 58.480f.), fasting holds the last place among the virtues.Google Scholar

⁶² Ep. 130.17 (56.198 Hilberg).Google Scholar

⁶³ Ep. 52.12 (54.435 Hilberg).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ep. 125.7 (56.124 Hilberg).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ep. 107.10 (55.301 Hilberg).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ep. 22.37 (54.202 Hilberg).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Sim. 5.3.8.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Phil. 4.18.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Hom. in Evang. 16.5 (PL 76.1137).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Hermas, , Sim. 5.3.7; cf. Orig. In Lev. hom. 10.2 (6.445 Baehrens); Didascalia 5.1.4 (1.236ff. Funk); Ethiopic Didascalia 30 (136 Harden); Const. Apost. 5.1.3 (1.237 Funk); Aug. Enarrationes in Psalmos 42. 8 (PL 36.482); Leo M. Sermo 13 (PL 54.172). For more testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 156f.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Cf. Tob. 12.8; Heiler, F., Das Gebet (2nd ed. Munich 1920) 479; 483.Google Scholar

⁷² Enarrat. in Ps. 42.8 (PL 36.482); cf. De perfectione iustitiae hominis 8.18 (ed. Urba, C. F. and Zycha, J., CSEL 42.15f.).Google Scholar

⁷³ Sermo 206.1 (PL 38.1041).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Sermo 210.10 (PL 38.1053); cf. Sermo 205.2 (PL 38.1040).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ In Matth. hom. 57.4 (PG 58.563).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid. 77.6 (PG 58.710).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Sermo 8; 41 (PL 52.208ff.; 314ff.).Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Unterweisung über die Tugendübung des Fastens 12 (BKV 58.76 Weber).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Gebet bezüglich des Fastens (BKV 6.98 Landersdorfer) : fasting, combined with charity and almsgiving, makes us heirs of the kingdom of heaven.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Zweites Gedicht über das Fasten (BKV 6.228 Landersdorfer).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Sermo 12.4; 15.1; 16.2; 17.1 (PL 54.171; 175; 177; 180).Google Scholar

⁸² Sermo 13; 17.1; 18.3; 19.3; 20.2f.; 39.6; 40.6; 41.3; 43.4; 44.2; 46.4; 47.3; 48.5; 49.6; 78.4; 80; 81.4; 86.1; 87.3; 88.4f.; 89.5f.; 90.4; 94.4 (PL 54.172; 180; 185; 188; 189f.; 267; 270; 274; 284; 287; 294; 297; 300f.; 305; 417f.; 420; 422; 437; 439f.; 442f.; 446; 449; 460).Google Scholar

⁸³ For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 216 n.51; 217 n.52.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ De paenit. 9 (1.660 Oehler); cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 174; 181; 212f.; 222f.; 225.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Cf. for instance Ethiopic Didascalia 14 (88 Harden); Test. Dom. 1.22; 31; 42 (35; 71; 75; 101 Rahmani).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Cf. for instance Basil. De ieiun. hom. 1.7 (PG 31.173); Ambr. De Helia et ieiunio 3.4; 7.21; 8.22 (ed. Schenkl, C., CSEL 32.2.413f.; 423f.); Asterius of Amaseia, In principium ieiuniorum hom. 14 (PG 40.372); Ephraem Syr. Hymni de ieiunio 2.1f.; 6.1ff.; 7.5; 10.2ff.; 12.1 (ed. Lamy, Th. J., S. Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones 2 [Mechliniae 1886] 652; 678ff.; 688; 702ff.; 708); the two metrical homilies of Isaac of Antioch on fasting (BKV 6.217ff. Landersdorfer); and John Mandakuni's instruction on the virtuous practice of fasting (BKV 58.68ff. Weber).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Sim. 5.1.2; for a complete list of all the testimonies see Dold, A., “Das Donaueschinger Comesfragment B II 7,’ Jahrbuch für Liturgiewissenschaft 6 (1926) 26f. Google Scholar

⁸⁸ As a loan word, taken from Latin, it occurs first in Herm. Sim. 5.1.2: For the development of the meaning of statio see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 123ff.; Waszink in his edition of Tertullian's De anima p. 513f. The regular ieiunium lasted until the hour of sunset. Since the less rigorous fast of the statio was broken at the ninth hour (3 P.M.), it is merely a semiieiunium to Tertullian (De ieiun. 13 [291 Reifferscheid and Wissowa]).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ibid. 2; 10 (275; 286 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 99f. Google Scholar

⁹¹ Tert. De ieiun. 10 (287 Reifferscheid and Wissowa) : ‘venit enim de exitu Domini.’ Google Scholar

⁹² Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 95ff.; more testimonies in Funk, , Didasc. et Const. Apost. 1.279 n.20.Google Scholar

⁹³ For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 150ff. Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Ep. 25.4 (PL 20.555f.).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Cf. Dold, , loc. cit. 29.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ “Montag, Mittwoch und Freitag als Fasttagesystem in kirchlicher und monastischer Überlieferung,’ Jahrb. f. Liturgiewissenschaft 3 (1923) 102ff. For testimonies see ibid. Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Tert. De ieiun. 2; 13 (275; 291 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); cf. Mark 2.19f.; Matt. 9.15.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Preserved by Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.24.12 (494 Schwartz).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 59.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Dionys. Alex. Ad Basilidem 1 (101f. Feltoe).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Didascalia 5.18 (1.288 Funk).Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid. 5.20.12 (1.298ff. Funk).Google Scholar

¹⁰³ For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 64ff. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Cf. ibid. 68ff. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Concerning the meaning of this technical term in cn. 5 of the Council of Nicaea (2.669 Mansi), cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 201 n.150.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁷ Aetheriae peregrinatio 27.1 (ed. Geyer, C., CSEL 39.78).Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁹ Cf. Socrates, , Hist. eccl. 5.22 (ed. Hussey, R. [Oxonii 1853] 2.630f.), whose general statement to the effect that the quadragesimal fast was not kept universally for forty actual days seems to be correct, though doubts may be justified with regard to details mentioned by him.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Const. Apost. 5.13.3 (1. 269ff. Funk); Joh. Chrysost. In. Gen. hom. 30.1 (PG 53.273f.).Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Cf. Duchesne, L., Origines du culte chrétien (5th ed. Paris 1925) 257f.; Cabrol, F., ‘Caput ieiunii,’ DACL 2.2.2134ff.Google Scholar

¹¹² Collected by Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 201ff.; cf. ibid. 64 n.59; 60; 61.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Cassian, , Conlationes 21.30 (605f. Petschenig).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 205ff. Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Const. Apost. 5.20.14 (1.299 Funk).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ 6 (PG 25.652).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ 44.1 (95 Geyer).Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Const. Apost. 5.20.14 (1.299 Funk).Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Cf. Holl, K., “Die Enstehung der vier Fastenzeiten in der griechischen Kirche,’ Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse 1923, no. 5, pp. 19–27. None of the sources belonging to the period before the Islamic invasions mentions the fourth of the great seasons of fast in the Eastern Church, the Fast of the Mother of God, lasting from the first of August to the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin (August 15). It does, therefore, not concern us here.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Cf. ibid. 31f.; 35; 22 n.6; 23 n.2.Google Scholar

¹²¹ The first traces of these fasts may possibly be found in the fast ordained by Pope Calixtus (217-222) for three Saturdays of the year. Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 153ff.; 160f. Google Scholar

¹²² Cf. for the month of December, Sermo 12.4 (PL 54.172) : ‘Quarta igitur et sexta feria ieiunemus, sabbato autem apud beatissimum apostolum Petrum vigilias celebremus’: 13; 16.16; 17.4; 18.3; 19.3 (PL 54.172f.; 179; 182; 185; 188); for the fast in the week after Pentecost, Sermo 75.5; 76.9; 78.4; 81.4 (PL 54.403; 411; 418; 422); for the month of September, Sermo 86.2; 88.5; 89.6; 90.4; 92.4; 94.4 (PL 54.438; 444; 446; 450; 455; 460). Morin, G., “L'origine des Quatre-Temps,’ Revue bénédictine 14 (1897) 343f., has called attention to the same formula in the Gelasian Sacramentary : ‘Quarta igitur et sexta feria sollicito convenientes occursu offeramus Deo spiritale ieiunium; die vero sabbati apud beatum Petrum sanctas vigilias christiana pietate celebremus.’ Google Scholar

¹²³ Cf. for instance Sermo 87.4; 89.6 (PL 54.440; 446); and especially Sermo 16.2 (PL 54.177) : ‘sancti patres nostri divinitus inspirati decimi mensis sanxere ieiunium, ut omnium fructuum collectione conclusa rationabilis Deo abstinentia dicaretur.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Morin, , loc. cit. 344f. quotes passages from the Leonine and Gelasian Sacramentarles.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ For testimonies and the entire question concerning the origin of the Quattuor Tempora, see Morin, , loc. cit. 337-346, whose theory was further developed by Grisar, H., Storia di Roma e dei Papi nel medio evo, vol. 1 : Roma alla fine del mondo antico secondo le fonti scritte ed i monumenti (transl. by Mercati, A., 2nd ed. Rome 1908) 778ff. Cf. also Kellner, K. A. H., Heortology: A History of the Christian Festivals from their Origin to the Present Day (transl. from the 2nd German ed., London 1908) 183ff.; Eisenhofer, L., Grundriss der katholischen Liturgie (4th ed. Freiburg i. B. 1937) 95ff.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Cf. St. Leo's clear references to the December fast: ‘ decimi mensis celebrandum esse ieiunium, quo pro consummata perceptione omnium fructuum dignissime largitori eorum Deo continentiae libamen offertur’ (Sermo 13 [PL 54.172]); or: ‘Sicut ergo spe futurae felicitatis, ad quam per fidem currimus, gratias Deo agere debemus, quod ad perceptionem tantae praeparationis evehimur, ita pro iis quoque commodis quae singulorum annorum revolutione consequimur, Deus a nobis honorandus atque laudandus est, qui sic terrae fecunditatem ab initio dedit, sic pariendorum fructuum leges in quibusque germinibus et seminibus ordinavit, ut numquam sua instituta desereret, sed in rebus conditis benigna Conditoris administratio permaneret. Quidquid ergo ad usus hominum segetes, vineae, oleaeque peperint, totum hoc divinae bonitatis largitate produxit’ (Sermo 16.1 [PL 54.176]); cf. also Sermo 17.1; 20.2 (PL 54.180; 189).Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Cf. Sermo 16.2 (PL 54.177) : ‘Meminisset quisque ita uti abundantia, ut et circa se abstinentior, et circa pauperes esset effusior.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Cf. Sermo 12.3 (PL 54.170f.).Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Sermo 13 (PL 54.172).Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Sermo 15.2 (PL 54.175); cf. also Sermo 19.2 (PL 54.187) : ‘Quis non intelligat quantum nobis praesidii per ieiunia conferatur? in quibus indicitur, ut non solum a cibis, sed etiam ab omnibus carnalibus desideriis temperetur.’ In Sermo 78.2 (PL 54.416), St. Leo holds out the example of the foremost teachers in the Church, who began the tirocinium militiae christianae by a holy fast.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Sermo 20.2 (PL 54.189). Cf. Sermo 18.3 (PL 54.185), where St. Leo uses the characteristic expression agricultura mystica. Google Scholar

¹³² Cf. Apollinaris, Sidonius, Ep. 5.14 (MGH Auct. ant. 8.87f.); Ep. 7.1 (ibid. 103f.), where Sidonius tells the addressee, Mamertus himself, how the same pious usage gave moral strength to the inhabitants of Clermont (urbs Averna, the episcopal see of Sidonius) during the siege of the city by the Goths; Avitus, , Hom. in rogationibus (MGH Auct, ant. 6.2.108ff.), in which the author, a successor of Mamertus in the see of Vienne (494-517), expresses his satisfaction that it was from his bishopric that the litaniae proceeded, and spread paene per orbem totum (the latter statement is a rhetorical exaggeration); Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 2.34 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.97f.), who refers to the homily of Avitus. de Bruyne, D., “L'origine des processions de la Chandeleur et des Rogations à propos d'un sermon inédit,’ Revue bénédictine 34 (1922) 14ff. has drawn attention to an anonymous sermon in a tenth-century manuscript (Cod. Par. Lat. 18296 f.81), written at Corbie, in which the writer states that the Christian Rogations were descended from the Roman ambarvalia, which were celebrated in the month of May and served the lustratio of the Roman landmark. Apart from the fact that the early date of the MS gives considerable weight to the suggestion, the pagan and Christian ceremonies on both occasions have certainly external points of agreement with regard to the element of time as well as the principal object. This, however, can hardly be a matter of surprise, since man's necessities remain the same and suggest rites naturally resembling each other. Moreover, we have to take into consideration a peculiar trait of the Romans, their conservatism, which never let anything die out. Since the people tenaciously adhered to the old custom of the ambarvalia, the Church substituted litanies for the pagan invocations in this innocent practice (cf. Wissowa, G., Religion und Kultus der Römer [2nd ed. Munich 1912] 101, and literature quoted there; Fowler, W W., The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic [repr. London 1916] 124ff.). In this connection we may also mention the Roman litania maior on April 25, which was a substitute for the pagan Robigalia. The principal feature of the latter was a procession during which the numen Robigus or Robigo was invoked to protect the crops against mildew. Since the popes could not prevent even Christians going out in procession on that day, they ordered litanies to be sung during the procession, invoking God's blessing on the fruits of the earth (Cf. Usener, H., Das Weihnachtsfest [2nd ed. Bonn 1911] 306ff.; Kellner, , Heortology 287f.). On the other hand, the new, distinctively Christian, significance given to these observances, especially their ascetical and penitential character, should not be overlooked. Rogations involved not only perambulation, but also fasting (the litania maior was also probably marked by a fast; cf. Cabrol, F., ‘Jeûnes,’ DACL 7.2.2493), almsgiving, and penitential prayer.Google Scholar

¹³³ Ep. 5.14 (MGH Auct. ant. 8.88).Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Hom. in. rogat. (MGH Auct. ant. 6.2.108).Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Hist. Franc. 2.34 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.98).Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Conc. Aurel. I cn. 27 (MGH Conc. 1.8).Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Conc. Gerund. cn. 2 (Bruns 2.18).Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Ibid. cn. 3 (p. 19). The abstinence from meat and wine is mentioned here.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Conc. Lugdun. II cn.6 (MGH Conc. 1.140).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Conc. Tolet. V cn.1 (Bruns 1.246).Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Conc. Tol. XVII cn.6 (Bruns 1.388).Google Scholar

¹⁴² De ecclesiasticis officiis 1.37-41 (PL 83.771ff.); St. Isidore's work is an excellent source for the early Spanish liturgy.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Ibid. 1.41 (PL 83.774f.); cf. Aug. Sermones 197 and 198 (PL 38.1021ff.); Conc. Turon. II (567 or 570) cn.18, al. 17 (MGH Conc. 1.126f.) : ‘Excipitur triduum illud, quod ad calcandam gentilium consuetudinem patres nostri statuerunt privatas in Kalendis Januarii fieri litanias.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Sermo 198.2 (PL 38.1025); cf. Bünger, F., Geschichte der Neujahrsfeier in der Kirche, Diss. Jena (Berlin 1910) 21f.; Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 43f. From the point of view of its effects down to our own day, no other ancient festival can rival the Roman Kalendae Januariae ; cf. Schneider, F., ‘Über Kalendae Januariae und Martiae im Mittelalter,’ Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 20 (1920–21) 84.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ The New Year's gifts (strenae) consisted of old copper coins (asses); cf. Nilsson, M. P, “Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Weihnachtsfestes,’ Arch. f. Religionswissenschaft 19 (1916–18) 51.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Diversarum hereseon liber 121.3 (ed. Marx, F., CSEL 38.121) : ‘Nam per annum quattuor ieiunia in ecclesia celebrantur, in natale primum, deinde in pascha, tertio in ascensione, quarto in pentecosten.’ The work belongs to the years 383-391 (cf. Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur 3 [2nd ed. Freiburg i.B. 1923] 483ff.). The passage quoted is worthy of note for still another reason. Filastrius mentions a system of four solemn fasts for the ecclesiastical year and connects them with Christmas, Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. Moreover, in chapter 121.5 (121 Marx), he opposes another quaternary system which arranges the fasts according to the four seasons: ‘alii autem putant secundum quattuor tempora anni cuiusque dixisse scripturam.’ By alii, Filastrius no doubt meant Rome. There such a custom had begun to develop at an early time, though the first source which gives us a clear picture of it is of considerably later date. In his sermons, Pope Leo I regularly announces a fast four times a year: before Easter, the week after Pentecost, and the seventh and tenth months. The number ‘four’ also appears in St. Isidore of Seville's De eccl. off. 1.37 (PL 83.771) : ‘Ieiuniorum tempora quattuor sunt,’ though in enumerating them, Isidore adds, ibid. 1.41 (PL 83.774f.), a fifth, the ieiunium Kalendarum Januariarum, without giving any further explanation as to why he exceeds the number stated before.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ The list is preserved by Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc. 10.31 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.445) : ‘De depositione domni Martini usque natale Domini terna in septimana ieiunia.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Conc. Matiscon. I cn. 9 (MGH Conc. 1.157) : ‘ut a feria S. Martini usque ad natale Domini secunda, quarta, et sexta sabbati ieiunetur.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Conc. Tur. II cn.18. al. 17 (MGH Conc. 1.126f.). This canon, like the ninth canon of the first Council of Mâcon (see preceding note) is of interest inasmuch as it prescribes Monday, Wednesday, and Friday as regular weekly days of fast. In other words, there was in force the second three-day system which we have mentioned above (p. 42). The monks had to keep it from Epiphany to the beginning of Lent, from Sunday after Pentecost until the first of August, and during the whole of September, October, and November. Lent, the week after Pentecost, and Advent (from the first of December until Christmas) were periods of daily fast, except Sundays. The fifty days between Easter and Pentecost (except the Rogation Days), the whole of August, and the time between Christmas and Epiphany (except the three days of the ieiunium Kalendarum Januariarum) were exempt from fast.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Cf. Duchesne, , Origines du culte chrétien 303.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Leipoldt, , Schenute von Atripe 69 n.2.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Cf. for instance Aug. Sermo 210.8f. (PL 38.1052f.).Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Cf. for instance Joh. Chrysost. In Gen hom. 4.7;8.5 (PG 53.45f.; 74); and, concerning St. Augustine, Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften ah liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 31f. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 217f. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Cf. the clear passage in Tert. Die ieiun. 8 (284 Reifferscheid and Wissowa) : ‘Quid enim mirum, si eadem operatione spiritus iniquus educitur, qua sanctus inducitur?’; and Dölger, F. J., Der Exorzismus im christlichen Taufritual (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums 3.1-2, Paderborn 1909) 80ff.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 140; Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 175f.; 215ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Cf. ibid. 185; 188f.; Freiberger, M. Sch., Das Fasten im alten Israel: Eine bedeutungsgeschichtliche Studie (Zagreb 1927) 14–25.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 189; 217.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Cf. ibid. 190.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Cf. for instance Leo M. Sermo 15.1 (PL 54.174f.) : ‘Curandis igitur laesionibus quas saepe incidunt qui cum invisibili hoste confligunt, trium maxime remediorum est adhibenda medicina: in orationis instantia, in castigatione ieiunii, in eleemosynae largitate.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Cf. Böckenhoff, , Das apostolische Speisegesetz 53ff.; Dölger, 2.6.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Cf. for instance Basil. De ieiun. hom. 1 (PG 31.164ff.); Ambr. De Helia et ieiunio (411ff. Schenkl); Bickel, E., “Das asketische Ideal bei Ambrosius, Hieronymus und Augustinus,’ Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum 37 (1916) 458.Google Scholar

¹⁶² For testimonies see Stählin's edition of Clement, 1.154ff. and 4 (Registerband) 45; Stelzenberger, J., Die Beziehungen der frühchristlichen Sittenlehre zur Ethik der Stoa (Munich 1933) 453ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ See, for instance, the Epicurean justification of fasting in Basil. De ieiun. hom. 1.8 (PG 31.176), which is taken over by Ambr. De Helia et ieiun. 9.32 (429 Schenkl) : ‘Dulciores post famem epulae fiunt’; cf. Bickel, , loc. cit. 457f. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ In princip. ieiun. hom. 14 (PG 40.372).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Sermones 27; 30; 52 (PG 91.876; 884f.; 953); cf. Stelzenberger, , Die Beziehungen der frühchristlichen Sittenlehre zur Ethik der Stoa 477.Google Scholar

¹ Luke 2.25ff.Google Scholar

² Matt. 14.5; 21.26; Mark 11.32; Luke 20.6.Google Scholar

³ Matt. 11.9ff.; Luke 7.26ff.Google Scholar

⁴ 1 Cor. 14.3; cf. Acts 15.32 : ‘As Judas and Silas were themselves prophets, they exhorted the brethren with many words and strengthened them.’ Google Scholar

⁵ Euseb. Hist. eccl. 3.37.1; 5.17.4 (280; 470ff. Schwartz). According to St. Jerome, who in turn refers to Tertullian, Melito, Bishop of Sardis, was also believed to have the prophetic gift (Hier. De vir. ill. 24, ed. E. C. Richardson, TU 14, la [1896] 22).Google Scholar

⁶ Acts 11.27f. Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid. 21.10f.Google Scholar

⁸ 1 Cor. 14.24f. Cf. Acts 5.1ff., where St. Peter sees through the fraud of Ananias and Sapphira. The same supernatural knowledge of the thoughts and actions of men is ascribed to St. Paul by the apocryphal Actus Vercellenses 2 (AAA 1.46). Also St. Ignatius of Antioch (Phil. 7) is aware of occasionally possessing this gift, and (Ad Polyc. 2.2) exhorts St. Polycarp to pray that God may grant it to him. Brethren who ‘bring to light for the general benefit the hidden things of men’ are mentioned by St. Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 5.6.1 [PG 7.1137]), and from the ironical remarks of Apollonius (ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.18.10 [476 Schwartz]), who sneers at Montanus for not having been able to recognize the wickedness even of his most intimate friends, we may conclude that this gift was considered one of the distinctive marks of the true prophet in Montanistic circles. In De anima 9.4 (11 Waszink), Tertullian mentions a Montanist prophetess of his time, who ‘has the power of reading the hearts of men’; cf. De pudicitia 22 (272 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); Adv. Marcionem 3.14 (400 Kroymann); and especially ibid. 5.8 (600 Kroymann); ‘Exhibeat itaque Marcion dei sui dona, aliquos prophetas, qui tamen non de humano sensu, sed de dei spiritu sint locuti, qui et futura praenuntiarint et cordis occulta traduxerint.’ Concerning the entire question, see Weinel, H., Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister im nachapostolischen Zeitalter bis auf Irenäus (Freiburg i.B., Leipzig and Tübingen 1899) 183ff.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 150.Google Scholar

⁹ Acts 13.1ff. Google Scholar

¹⁰ Luke 2.37.Google Scholar

¹¹ Acts 13.2.Google Scholar

¹² Actus Vercellenses 1 (AAA 1.45).Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid. 17 (AAA 1.63ff.).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Acta Thomae 3ff. (AAA 2.2.104ff.); cf. Reitzenstein, , Hellenistische Wundererzählungen 135.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Pap. Berlin 5026.17ff. (1.22 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

¹⁶ 1.116ff. Preisendanz.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Paus. Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.7.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cf. Wächter, , Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult 12; Stengel, P, Die griechischen Kultusaltertümer (3rd ed. Munich 1920) 108.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ovid, , Fasti 4.656; cf. Köchling, J., De coronarum apud antiquos vi atque usu, RVV 14.2 (Giessen 1914) 85. According to Wuttke, A., Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart (4th ed. Leipzig 1925) 244 no. 352, in some parts of Germany, a wreath made of nine kinds of flowers and put under the pillow on the night of St. John is believed to bring true dreams. For similar superstitions in Bohemia and Sweden, see the literature in Frazer, J. G., Publii Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum libri sex (London 1929) 3.321 n.1. The work of Baus, K., Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum: Eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Tertullians (Bonn 1940) was not accessible to me.Google Scholar

²⁰ The many passages referring to this custom have been collected by Deubner, , De incubatione 26, and Köchling, , De coronarum apud antiquos vi atque usu 22; 87.Google Scholar

²¹ Cf. Stengel, , Die griech. Kultusaltertümer 109; Rohde, , Psyche 1.220 n.2; Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 72.Google Scholar

²² Cf. Rohde, , Psyche 1.120; 185ff.; 209; 2.58 n.1; Dieterich, , Mutter Erde 60f.Google Scholar

²³ Cf. Reitzenstein, R., Poimandres: Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig 1904) 236.Google Scholar

²⁴ Papyrus Louvre 2391.305ff. (1.44 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

²⁵ Cf. Weinel, H., Die Wirkungen des Geistes 224f. Google Scholar

²⁶ Cf. ibid. 225; Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 214.Google Scholar

²⁷ Dan. 10.Google Scholar

²⁸ De incomprehensibili Dei natura 3.4 (PG 48.722).Google Scholar

²⁹ Moralia 30.10.39 (PL 76.546).Google Scholar

³⁰ Visio 1.13.20 (ed. Violet, B., GCS, Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV Esra), Erster Teil: Die Überlieferung, 58). We cite according to the Latin version. The Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic, and Armenian versions are given by Violet in parallel columns.Google Scholar

³¹ Visio 2.1.1-3 (62ff. Violet).Google Scholar

³² Visio 2.11.2 (108ff. Violet); visio 3.1.1 (112 Violet).Google Scholar

³³ Visio 3.29.2-4 (270 Violet).Google Scholar

³⁴ Visio 4.1.1-3 (270ff. Violet).Google Scholar

³⁵ Visio 6.1.1-3 (366 Violet).Google Scholar

³⁶ The Apocalypse of Baruch, visio 2.8.1 - visio 3.1.4 (ed. Violet, B., GCS Die Apokalypsen des Esra und des Baruch in deutscher Gestalt 231f.); Patrologia Syriaca 1.2 (ed. Kmosko, M., Paris 1907) 1084ff. Cf. also visio 2.3.1-2 (220 Violet; visio 4.7.4 (260 Violet); insto 5.1.1-2 (265 Violet).Google Scholar

³⁷ The Apocalpyse of Abraham 9 (edited, with a translation from the Slavonic text and notes, by Box, G. H., London 1918, p. 45).Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. ibid. 45 n.2.Google Scholar

³⁹ Cf. Lesêtre, H., “Nombre,’ Dictionnaire de la Bible 4.2 (Paris 1928) 1689f.; 1694f.; Bennet, W H., ‘Number,’ Dictionary of the Bible (New York 1945) 659f.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The Apocalpyse of Abraham 9 (45 Box).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cf. for instance Eccle. 9.8; Ps, 22.5; Amos 6.6.Google Scholar

⁴² Cf. for instance 2 Sam. 14.2.Google Scholar

⁴³ Dan. 10.12.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Matt. 6.17f.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ The Ascension of Isaiah 2.7-11 (ed. Charles, R. H., London 1900, pp. 11ff.).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Hermas, , Visio 2.2.1.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Visio 3.1.2.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Visio 3.10.6.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Visio 3.10.7.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ignat. Antioch. Eph. 3.2.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ignat. Antioch. Phil. inscr.Google Scholar

⁵² S. Ignatii Martyrium Antiochenum 1.1 (ed. Funk, F. X. and Diekamp, F., Patres Apostolici 2 [3rd ed. Tübingen 1913] 324).Google Scholar

⁵³ Tert. De ieiun. 13 (291 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Lietzmann, H., Das Muratorische Fragment und die Monarchianischen Prologe zu den Evangelien (Kleine Texte 1, 2nd ed. Berlin 1933) 5.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ PL 26.19.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Cf. Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 10f. Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Tert. De virginibus velandis 1 (1.884 Oehler).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ De an. 9.4 (11 Waszink).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis 1.1; 5 (ed. Van Beek, C. J. M. J., Nijmwegen 1936, pp. 4ff.). There existed special collections of Montanistic oracles; cf. Bonwetsch, G. N., Die Geschichte des Montanismus (Erlangen 1881) 16 n.4; 197ff.; Harnack, A., Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig 1911) 436f.; de Labriolle, P, La crise montaniste (Paris 1913) 34ff.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 13f.; Waszink's edition of Tertullian's De anima, p. 172.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Adv. Marc. 5.8 (600 Kroymann).Google Scholar

⁶¹ De ieiun. 11 (290 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁶² Ibid. 12 (290 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁶³ Our best source for the doctrine of the Montanists are the writings of Tertullian, especially the locus classicus on Montanist prophecy in De anima 9.4 (cf. supra p. 61). Anti-Montanist fragments are preserved by Eusebius, , Hist. eccl. 5.16ff. (458ff. Schwartz). Anti-Montanist writings are used by St. Epiphanius, , Haer. 48. 2f. (2.221ff. Holl), and Didymus, , De trinitate 3.41 (PG 39.984ff.). As for Montanist writings, there have come down to us a rather small number of oracles of the Phrygian prophets, preserved either by Tertullian, or in the above mentioned controversialist books. The oracles have often been collected, for instance, by Münter, F., Effata et Oracula Montanistarum (Programma, Hafniae 1829); Bonwetsch, , Die Geschichte des Montanismus 197ff.; Labriolle, , La crise montaniste 37ff. The latter book contains (pp. viiff.) a list of the most important works on Montanism. See especially Bonwetsch, , Texte zur Geschichte des Montanismus (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte 129, Bonn 1914); Labriolle, , Les sources de l'histoire du Montanisme (Fribourg and Paris 1913); the passages from Epiphanius, however, should be compared with the text in Holl's edition in GCS.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ De ieiun. 7 (283 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Chapter Two of the Book of Daniel tell us how Daniel repeated and interpreted, upon the failure of all the other wise men, the king's dream. It is clearly intended as an illustration of the remarkable gift of interpreting dreams with which, according to the preceding chapter, God has endowed Daniel. Nothing is said in Chapter Two of a three-day fast, observed by him and his companions on this special occasion. All Daniel did was to request time ‘to resolve the question and declare it to the king,’ and to exhort his friends ‘to ask mercy at the face of the God of heaven concerning this secret.’ Thereupon ‘the mystery was revealed to Daniel by a vision in the night.’ The fast referred to by Tertullian obviously is that mentioned in Chapter One, where we are told that during the three years of instruction at the royal court Daniel and his companions abstained from the meat and wine provided from the king's table and lived on vegetables and water.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ De ieiun. 7 (283 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf. Dan. 10.12.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ De ieiun. 8 (283 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Cf. Luke, 2.36ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ De ieiun. 8 (284 Reifferscheid and Wissowa). Cf. Acts 10.30f. (The text referred to by Tertullian is that of the recension D, which mentions, besides prayer, also the fasting of Cornelius).Google Scholar

⁷¹ De ieiun. 9 (284f. Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁷² Cf. Dan. 1, and Hippolyt. Comment. in Dan. 1.11.2 (ed. Bonwetsch, G. N., GCS, Hippolytus Werke 1.19) : Google Scholar

⁷³ Dan. 10.2f. Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Cf. ibid. 10.12.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ 48.3f. (66f. Waszink).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ The Latin text here reads as follows : ‘Sic enim et daemonia expostulant eam [sobrietatem] a suis somniatoribus ad lenocinium scilicet divinitatis, quia familiarem dei norunt.’ Tertullian refers to the pagan deities of incubation and to the regulation by which persons consulting their oracles had to prepare themselves by a fast before lying down to sleep in expectation of a dream. An instance of Tertullianean brevitas is found in the words quia familiarem dei norunt. Though, as Waszink points out (ed. cit. p. 513), ‘we may interpret the present passage in this way that the sobrietas itself is familiaris dei,’ he rather believes that ‘here this adj. seems to have a causative force.’ Even though no other instances for this use are known, Waszink's interpretation seems to be in conformity with Tertullian's train of thought in this sentence: In order to give the impression of possessing true divine nature, the demons [the pagan deities of incubation] prescribe a fast to their worshippers, because they know the power of fasting which makes man a friend of God. Moreover, Waszink can point to a number of passages in Tertullian's works which make his interpretation very probable. Thus Tertullian mentions as one of the most precious prerogatives of fasting its power of making man a ‘tent-fellow of God’ (contubernalem dei), ‘associating, indeed, equal with equal (parem revera pari). For if the eternal God will not hunger, as He testifies by Isaiah, this will be the time for man to be made equal with God, when he lives without food’ (De ieiun. 6 [281 Reifferscheid and Wissowa]). Tertullian also speaks of the ‘friendly intercourse with God’ (familiari congressu dei) of which Elias was deemed worthy when, after a fast of forty days, he arrived at Mount Horeb (ibid.). Finally, he describes the Christians as ‘members of the household of God’ (domesticos dei), whom the devil cannot harm by any right of his own (De fuga in persecutione 2 [1.466f. Oehler]). The idea of man's friendship with God was familiar to antiquity. In early Christian literature, the apostles, martyrs, ascetics, monks, virgins, and Doctors of the Church in particular, and, finally, the Christians in general are honored with this title (cf. Peterson, E., “Der Gottesfreund,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 42 [1923] 194ff.). Rufinus, Thus, Historia monachorum 1 (PL 21.398), says of the ascetics: ‘Quanto purior in eo fuerit mens, tanto plura ei revelat Deus et ostendit ei secreta sua. Amicus enim iam efficitur Dei et omne quidquid petierit ab eo, tamquam amico caro praestat ei Deus. Ipsae quoque virtutes angelicae et cuncta mysteria divina, tamquam amicum Dei diligunt eum et obsequuntur eius petitionibus.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁷ The Latin text here reads as follows : ‘Daniel rursus trium hebdomadum statione aruit victu, sed ut deum inliceret humiliationis officiis, non ut animae somniaturae sensum et sapientiam strueret, quasi non in ecstasi acturae.’ The right interpretion of this passage we owe to von Hartel, W, ‘Patristische Studien’ 4, Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-hist. Kl. 121.14 (1890) 84. The words quasi non in ecstasi acturae, that is, quasi sine ecstasi acturae, are simply a further explanation of the preceding section non ut animae somniaturae sensum et sapientiam strueret. Thus Tertullian can draw the conclusion, contained in the following sentence : ‘Ita non ad ecstasin summovendam sobrietas proficiet, sed ad ipsam ecstasin commendandam, ut in deo fiat.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁸ De anima 45 (62 Waszink); cf. Waszink's special Introduction to this Chapter (ed. cit. 480ff.), which contains a thorough analysis of Tertullian's theory as well as a discussion of his inconsistency in argument.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Tertullian quotes the text according to the LXX : Cf. also Waszink 483.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ De anima 47.2 (65 Waszink). In general, Tertullian distinguishes three classes of dreams, as they may have their source either in God, or in evil demons, or in the activity of the soul itself. The division of dreams into three classes was well known at Tertullian's time, philosophers having brought them under three headings : as coming from the gods, the and the activity of the soul. In Tertullian's classification the place of the is taken by the devil or by evil demons, the pagan gods, of course, being likewise assigned to this category. Cf. Waszink's Introduction to De anima 47 (pp. 500ff.).Google Scholar

⁸¹ Cf. Joel 2.28f. It is interesting to note that the compiler (who was most probably Tertullian) of the Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas uses the same Scriptural passage in order to prove the ‘exuberance of grace,’ that is, the overflow of ecstatic visions and prophetic dreams during the final period of the world, which had already begun : ‘secundum exuperationem gratiae in ultima saeculi spatia decretam’ (Pass. SS. Perp. et Fel. 1.3f. [4ff. Van Beek]).Google Scholar

⁸² Cf. Dan. 2.1ff.Google Scholar

⁸³ Note that Tertullian again stretches the argument. According to the Scriptures, it was to Daniel alone that God gave ‘understanding of all visions and dreams,’ while ‘knowledge, and understanding in every book, and wisdom’ was granted to all four youths.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Here Tertullian uses the characteristic expression, ut deum inliceret humiliationis officiis (‘that he might lure God to him by acts of humiliation’).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Cf. Waszink's notes to this passage (pp. 513f.).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ De exhortatione castitatis 10 (1.752 Oehler). From the passage we also learn the third means employed by the Montanist ‘prophet’ in his endeavor to obtain revelations, namely, motionless and protracted concentration during which his face is turned downward: ‘Purificantia enim concordat, ait, et visiones vident, et ponentes faciem deorsum etiam voces audiunt manifestas, tam salutares quam et occultas.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid.: ‘Ideo apostolus temporalem purificationem orationum commendandarum causa adiecit.’ Google Scholar

⁸⁸ De patientia 13 (20 Kroymann) : ‘Haec patientia corporis precationes commendat, deprecationes adfirmat; haec aures Christi <et> dei aperit.’ +dei+aperit.’>Google Scholar

⁸⁹ De ieiun. 12 (290 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ De anima 45 (66 Waszink).Google Scholar

⁹¹ Passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis 4.1f. (10ff. Van Beek).Google Scholar

⁹² Cf. Gougaud, , Devotional and Ascetic Practices in the Middle Ages 151f. Google Scholar

⁹³ Vita S. Colmani 28 (ed. Plummer, C., Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae [Oxonii 1910] 1570).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Cf. supra p.54.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Hist. Franc. 2.5 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.66f.).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid. 7.1 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.2901).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid. 5.50 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.243).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid. 5.14 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.205).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ The question whether there were any official attempts in the East to Christianize this old pagan rite, or whether there was too great a leniency on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities in tolerating it, has not been answered satisfactorily. What is certain, however, is that up to now no one could point to any liturgical text connected with incubation, or to any ritual precept concerning its regulation (cf. Delehaye, H., “Les recueils antiques de miracles des saints,’ Analecta Bollandiana 43 [1925] 72f.). Moreover, incubation is denounced as pagan superstition by Christian writers; see, for instance, Tert. De anima 46.12f.; 48.3f. (65; 66f. Waszink); Euseb. Vita Constantini 3.56 (103f. Heikel); Chrysost. Adv. Jud. 1.6 (PG 48.852); Hieron. In Isaiam 65.4 (PL 24.657); Cyrill. Alex. Adv. Julianum 10 (PG 76.1024). The oracles of Amphiaraus at Oropus, of Amphilochus at Mallus, and of Trophonius at Lebadea still flourished in the time of Celsus, Pausanias, and Tertullian (cf. Rohde, , Psyche 2.374 n.1; Waszink's ed. of Tertullian's De anima, p. 497).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Laudatio in Miracula Sancti Hieromartyris Therapontis 17 (ed. Deubner, L., De incubatione 128f.) : .Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Sophronius Patriarcha Hierosol. SS. Cyri et Joannis Miracula 36 (PG 87.3.3560): Google Scholar