¹ Another prominent victim of factional strife was the lyric poet and White Guelf, Guido Gavalcanti, who was banished to Sarzana in the Lunigiana and shortly after died in August of 1300. Cf. Inferno 10.58-63. Dante dedicated the Vita Nuova to his close companion, Guido; their friendship began with Guido's reply to Dante's first sonnet, A ciascun’ alma presa e gentil core, in 1283. Petrarch's own father was exiled during these years. For a convincing identification of this shadowy figure, see A. Sapori, La compagnia dei Frescobaldi in I ng hi I terra (Florence 1947) 68, 73, 106, 111, 121, 128. For the unfortunate impact of factionalism on the kinsmen of that leading Florentine Thomist, Fra Remigio de’ Girolami, whose political thought so closely paralleled that of Dante's, see R. Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz III (Berlin 1912) 210-212. Walter of Brienne, despot of Florence from 1342–43, removed the chronicler Giovanni Villani from the office of syndic over bankrupts, and Villani never resumed his political career. Cf. Diplomatico, S. Maria Novella (24 February 1343); Balie 2, fol. 153 (22 March 1343); idem, fols. 171-172 (4 April 1343). (The documents cited in this paper are to be found in the Archivio di Stato in Florence.) Donato Velluti's political career was almost ruined as a result of his holding office under Brienne. Cf. La cronica domestica, ed. I. del Lungo and G. Volpi (Florence 1914) 163. For the unfortunate fate of that eminent classicist and canon lawyer, Lapo da Castiglionchio, whose property was destroyed and whose banishment was decreed in 1378, see P. J. Jones, ‘Florentine Families and Florentine Diaries in the Fourteenth Century,’ Papers of the British School at Rome 24 (1956) 191-192. See Gene Brucker's ‘The Ghibelline Trial of Matteo Villani (1362), in Midievalia et humanistica 13 (1960) 48-55, for a consideration of the attack of the Guelf party on Matteo and his subsequent proscription. A similar fate befell Coluccio Salutati's predecessor in the Florentine chancellery, Niccolô di ser Monachi. Cf. D. Marzi, La can- celleria della repubblica fiorentina (Rocca S. Casciano 1910) 79-105. For comparable events in the life of Stefani, see M. Becker, ‘Un’ avvenimento riguardante il cronista Marchionne di Coppo Stefani,’ Archivio storico italiano 117 (1959) 137-146. Of the above men, the only adherent of a faction was Lapo da Castiglionchio. Bitter opposition to factionalism is, of course, voiced by Dante in all of his writings. See especially Paradiso 15.145ff.; C. T. Davis, Dante and the Idea of Rome (Oxford 1957), passim. This theme is a persistent feature of communal intellectual life throughout North Italy and we find it reflected in the writings of such early humanists as Lovato Lovati, Baldo d'Aguglione, Geri di Federigo d'Arezzo and many others. R. Weiss, ‘Per una storia del primo umanesimo fiorentino,’ Rivista storica italiana 60 (1948) 349-366; N. Rubinstein, ‘The Beginnings of Political Thought in Florence,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5 (1942) 198-225. It can also be seen in the sermons and other ecclesiastical writings of the time. Cf. L. Minio-Paluello, ‘Remigio de’ Girolami's De Bono communi,’ Italian Studies 11 (1956) 56-59. The ideal of acting ‘per bene comune’ was vigorously proclaimed by the communal artists in their frescoes in public buildings throughout Tuscany, the historians in their chronicles and finally, by the Aristotelian civic philosophers in their Thomistic tracts. Cf. H. Wieruszowski, ‘Art and the Commune in the Time of Dante,’ Speculum 19 (1944) 14-33; N. Rubinstein, ‘Political Ideas in Sienese Art,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21 (1958) 178-207.Google Scholar

² For a recent survey on the literature on this subject, see E. F. Jacob's introduction to Italian Renaissance Stiidies (New York 1960) 15-47. This study concentrates on works in English and does not include an assessment of Eugenio Garin's penetrating comments on this topic. See especially his L’ Umanesimo italiano (Bari 1952) 7-102.Google Scholar

³ Cronica fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, ed. N. Rodolico, RIS² 30.1 (Città di Castello 1903–1955) rub. 731; D. Velluti, La cronica domestica (n. 1) 253.Google Scholar

⁴ Stefani, rub. 720; S. Ammirato, Istorie florentine (Florence 1847) II 676; A. Panella, ‘ La guerra degli Otto Santi e le vicende della legge contro i vescovi,’ Archivio storico italiano 99 (1941) 36-49. See the speech of the leading spokesman for this clique, Piero di Filippo degli Albizzi, in which he urged that Florence ally herself with the Church as was the custom. Consulte et Pratiche 9, fol. 41 (3 February 1368). (Henceforth this source will be abbreviated as CP.) Piero favored an alliance with the papacy against the marauding companies and against Milan. Cf. CP 6, fols. 42-80.Google Scholar

⁵ Up to this time the Ricci had been bitter foes of a pro-papal foreign policy. Stefani, rub. 726; Velluti, op. cit. 248. See Uguccione's speech before the Signoria in which he states that Florence should not ally with the papacy because of ‘the many dangers’ involved. He was particularly fearful that Florence might be drawn into a war with her own allies. CP 7, fol. 8^Γ (17 August 1365); CP 8, fol. 42 (13 February 1367).Google Scholar

⁶ Rub. 731.Google Scholar

⁷ CP 12, fol. 10 (16 March 1372).Google Scholar

⁸ Cf. D. Velluti, op. cit. 242; CP 3, fol. 92; CP. 4, fols. 94^v-96; CP 6, fol. 18; Libri Fcibarum 37, fol. 160; CP 9, fol. 3^V; CP 14, fols. 52^v, 57\ 85^v; Camera del Comune 165, fol. 22. (Henceforth this source will be abbreviated as CC.)Google Scholar

⁹ For a survey of scholarship on this and other questions pertaining to the early history of this family, see G. Brucker, ‘The Medici in the Fourteenth Century,’ Speculum 32 (1957) 1-26. Google Scholar

¹⁰ Stefani, rub. 731; CP 4, fols. 73, 94^v, lll^v; CP 5, fols. 8, 12^v; CP 6, fol. 81; CP 7, fols. 2, 9^V; CP 8, fols. 15^v, 67; CP 11, fol. 12; CP 12, fol. 72; CP 13, fol. 52; CP 14, fols. 28, 85, 89^v, 124; Provvisioni 66, fols. 34-35. (Henceforth this source will be abbreviated as P.) G. Scaramella, ‘La petizione di Salvestro de’ Medici e i tumulti di Firenze del giugno, 1378,’ Annuario del R. Liceo Miehelangiolo di Firenze (1927–1928) 79-96.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ρ 60, fol. 143 (8 January 1373); Ρ 60, fol. 157 (14 February 1373).Google Scholar

¹² Ρ 63, fol. 70^v (7 July 1375).Google Scholar

¹³ At present I am occupied in writing a history of these various houses, and the materials are drawn from the Consulte et Pratiche, vols. 4-20.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cronica, ed. I. del Lungo (Florence 1889) 1.12.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Villani, G., Cronica, ed. Dragomanni, F. (Florence 1845) 12.21.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cronica 12.22; 11.118.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Villani, M., Cronica 9.26.Google Scholar

¹⁸ For a consideration of the political behavior of the new men in the government after 1343, see M. Becker, ‘The Republican City State in Florence: An Inquiry into its Origin and Survival (1280–1434),’ Speculum 35 (I960; 46-49.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ρ 60, fol. 48; CC 220, fol. 17.Google Scholar

²⁰ Estimo, 307, fol. 2; CC 68, fol. 132^v.Google Scholar

²¹ Ρ 60, fol. 1; Ρ 64, fol. 129; CP 5, fols. 84*, 86, 98^v, 108^v; CP 8, fols. 50^v, 55; Diario d'anonimo fiorentino dall'anno 1358 al 1389, ed. A. Gherardi (Florence 1876) 494.Google Scholar

^21a Machiavelli, N., History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy, trans. Gilbert, F. (New York 1960) 119.Google Scholar

²² Stefani, rub. 752, 781; Ρ 60, fol. 148; Libri Fabarum 40, fol. 52; Ρ 64, fol. 19; CP 12, fol. 129^v.Google Scholar

²³ Peruzzi, S., Storia del commercio e dei banchieri di Firenze (Florence 1868) 220; Monte 436, fol. 2^V; P 44, fol. lll^v; P 42, fol. 104^v; P 47, fol. 123; CG 84, fol. 9^V; Estimo 307, fol. 40^v; CC 69, fol. 125^v; Diplomatico, Opera S. Maria del Fiore (undated); Prestanze 367, fol. 15; CP 1, unnumbered folio (12 March 1355); CP fol. 22.Google Scholar

²⁴ Peruzzi, op. cit. 222; CC 77, fol. 146^v; Estimo 41, fol. 47; P 42, fols. 104-105; CP 3, f. 17^v; CP 6, fols. 27-27^v; CP 7, fols. 9^V, 68^v.Google Scholar

²⁵ CP 6, fol. 11S^v; CP 12, fols. 3, 10M1; CP 15, fols. 77, 86; D. Marzi, op. cit. (n. 1) 100; N. Rodolico, I Ciompi (Florence 1945) 118; Libri Fabarum 40, fol. 230; P. 64, fol. 17; Stefani, rub. 855. — Technically, Guazza does not qualify as one of the novi cives since his family sat in the Signoria at the end of the Dugento. He is included, however, because he, like other Florentines, belonged to families who had been out of public life for over a half century. It is in this sense, then, that his family can be considered nouveau. I wish to thank Professor Gene Brucker of the University of California for calling my attention to this fact.Google Scholar

²⁶ Stefani, rub. 752; Ρ 64, fols. 17, 19; G. Corazzini, I Ciompi (Florence 1887) 22.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ρ 64, fols. 17, 19; Stefani, rub. 752; CP 8, fols. 1, 6^V; CP 14, fols. 56^v, 64, 76, 78.Google Scholar

²⁸ Peruzzi, op. cit. 221; Stefani, rub. 787; CC 77, fol. 151^v; CC 180, fol. 37^v; CC 184, unnumbered folio (12 August 1378); Prestanze 369, fol. 65^v; Ρ 64, fol. 129; CP 7, fol. 87.Google Scholar

²⁹ Stefani, rub. 731, 789; G. Scaramella, Firenze alio scoppio del lumulto dei Ciompi (Pisa 1914) 85-86.Google Scholar

³⁰ Stefani, rub. 738; Ρ 60, fol. 1; Diario d'anonimo fiorentino dell'anno 1358 al 1389, ed. A. Gherardi (Florence 1876) 494; Libri Fabarum 40, fol. 274; CC 165, fol. 1; CC 166, unnumbered folio (2 May 1375); Monte 250, fol. 6.Google Scholar

³¹ Both Parenti and Petroboni were proscribed by the Guelf party; the latter had criticized the Guelf captains for not obeying the will of the Signoria and was a member of the priorate at the time of the ouster of the Albizzi and Ricci. Cf. CP 8, fol. 59^v; Stefani, rub. 735. Andrea di Pietro was one of the Died délia Liberia, while Pezzini counseled legislation increasing penalties against those who violated communal law and urged that magistrates not suspend judicial verdicts and condemnations. Cf. Stefani, rub. 738; Libri Fobarum 36, fol. 61; Ρ 53, fol. 37. Puccio was one of the syndics elected by the Signoria to sell the properties of tax delinquents. At the beginning of the war with the papacy, he was chosen as an official to raise revenue for the republic. In 1376, he was excommunicated. Cf. Ρ 63, fol. 69; Ρ 64, fol. 17; CC 101, unnumbered folio (4 March 1364); CC 160, unnumbered folio (18 May 1374); Prestanze 369, fol. 35; Soldi was one of the wealthiest men in Florence and was elected to the Signoria on numerous occasions. He was sent on several important diplomatic missions for the republic, the most notable of these occurred in 1367 when he went to the papal curia. He loaned the communal treasury large sums of money and held many shares in the Monte. Soldi was also one of the ‘Eight Saints’ and suffered excommunication. Cf. Stefani, rub. 701, 752; Monte, S. Giovanni, fol. 653; CC 87, fol. 89; CC 88, fol. 251; CC 180, fol. 39^v; Ρ 38, fol. 44; Ρ 48, fol. 158^v; Prestanze 369, fol. 33^v. On Villani, see Peruzzi, op. cit. 222; P 36, fol. 153; P 60, fol. 148; Estimo 8, fol. 6; Prestanze 82, fol. 3; CC 159, unnumbered folio (1 March 1374).Google Scholar

³² Strozzi spoke on the preservation of libertas and guilds in the city of Siena, while Panze and Taldi urged that the government of Pistoia be reformed so that the Signori? be controlled by mercatores and artifices. Cf. CP 12, fols. 63^r, 154^r-155. Panze was accused of being a Ghibelline by the captains of the party. Cf. Atti del Esecutore 811, foi. 221. Taldi consistently opposed an alliance with the papacy and favored the democratization of the captaincy of the Guelf party. In 1372 he seconded a proposal to give additional power to the Died della Liberia and four years later he supported measures extending the balia of the Eight Saints. Cf. CP 5, fol. 134; CP 8, fols. 12, 17; Libri Fabarum 40, fol. 36; CP 14, fol. 18^v.Google Scholar

³³ The three leading Albizzi and the three leading Ricci were prohibited from holding office in the Signoria for a period of five years; this measure was extended in the following year and all Albizzi and Ricci were to be excluded for life. Cf. I capitoli del comune di Firenze, ed. C. Guasti (Florence 1893) II 73. Other members of the factions were prosecuted for past violations of the divieto. G. Masi, Il sindacalo delle magistrature comunale nei sec. XIV (Rome 1930) 112; Sindacato del podesta, vols. 19-21; G. Scaramella, op. cit. 51, 75.Google Scholar

³⁴ Bonolis, G., La giurisdizione della Mercanzia in Firenze nei sec. XIV (Florence 1901) 82; CC vols. 154-184.Google Scholar

³⁵ Capitoli del comune di Firenze II 76. Communal magistrates were to take a special oath, ‘solempnibus verbis,’ that they would do justice without regard for the status of the individual; nor were they to be familiar with the retainers or servants of the potentes. No citizen was to be permitted to enter the palace or house of any communal rector by day or night, and these officials were not to accept any loans or gifts from Florentines. Cf. ibid. 71-72.Google Scholar

³⁶ CC 161, unnumbered folio (7 July 1374); CP 12, fol. 175 (11 December 1374).Google Scholar

³⁷ Stefani, rub. 740.Google Scholar

³⁸ CP 12, fols. 55^v-65; CC vols. 161-177.Google Scholar

³⁹ The Davizi family paid prestanze dating back to 1368, while the Rossi paid various imposts dating back to 1354. Cf. CC 161, unnumbered folio (6 July 1374); unnumbered folio (10 August 1374); CC 166, unnumbered folio (27 June 1375).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ CP 12, fol. 59^v; CC vols. 161-167.Google Scholar

⁴¹ CC vols. 156-159.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Garin, È., ‘I cancellieri umanisti della repubblica fiorentina da Coluccio Salutati a Bartolomeo Scala,’ Rivista storica italiana 71 (1959) 195–196.Google Scholar

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