¹ The fiftieth anniversary of Traditio provides a welcome occasion on which to acknowledge the important contribution to the study of Westminster Abbey, which appeared in this journal in 1978, by my former student, Steven Wander. I wish to thank Virginia Jansen and Steven Wander for their critical reading of various drafts of the manuscript and Alan Michelson for his research assistance.Google Scholar

Abbreviated references will be made in the succeeding notes as follows: CM = Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, H. R., 7 vols. (London, 1872–84); HA = Matthew Paris, Historia Anglorum, ed. Madden, F., 3 vols. (London, 1866–69).Google Scholar

² Wilson, Christopher, Westminster Abbey (London, 1986), 23; idem, The Gothic Cathedral (London, 1990), 178.Google Scholar

³ See Binski, Paul, “The Cosmati at Westminster and the English Court Style,” Art Bulletin 72 (1990): 28, who remarks that the role of the abbot “may have been underemphasized in the search for courtly as opposed to ecclesiastical outlooks.”Google Scholar

⁴ See Webb, Geoffrey, “The Decorative Character of Westminster Abbey,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 12 (1949): 16–20; Robert Branner, “Westminster Abbey and the French Court Style,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 23 (1964): 3–18; Hans-Joachim Kunst, “Der Chor von Westminster Abbey and die Kathedrale von Reims,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 31 (1968): 122–42; Wilson, Westminster Abbey, 22–69.Google Scholar

⁵ M. T. Clanchy, England and Its Rulers 1066–1272: Foreign Lordship and National Identity (London, 1983), 228; Wilson, Westminster Abbey, 26.Google Scholar

⁶ As quoted and discussed by Paul Crossley, “Medieval Architecture and Meaning: The Limits of Iconography,” Burlington Magazine 130 (1988): 116–17, 118.Google Scholar

⁷ Kunst, Hans-Joachim, “Freiheit und Zitat in der Architektur des 13. Jahrhunderts — der Kathedrale von Reims,” in Bauwerk und Bildwerk im Hochmittelalter: Anschauliche Beiträge zur Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte (Giessen, 1981), 87–102; Crossley, “Medieval Architecture and Meaning,” 121.Google Scholar

⁸ See Bryson, Norman, “Semiology and Visual Interpretation,” in Visual Theory, ed. Bryson, Norman et al. (New York, 1991), 72; Keith Moxey, The Practice of Theory: Poststructuralism, Cultural Politics, and Art History (Ithaca, 1994), 31–36.Google Scholar

⁹ Wilson, Christopher, “The English Response to French Gothic Architecture, c. 1200–1350,” in The Age of Chivalry: Art in Plantagenet England 1200–1400, ed. Alexander, Jonathan and Binski, Paul (London, 1987), 77.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Crossley, “Medieval Architecture and Meaning,” 117 and 121.Google Scholar

¹¹ Norman Bryson and Mieke Bal, “Semiotics and Art History,” Art Bulletin 73 (1991): 176 and 180.Google Scholar

¹² See Culler, Jonathan, Framing the Sign (Oxford, 1988), xiv.Google Scholar

¹³ Bryson and Bal, “Semiotics and Art History,” 175–77, 179.Google Scholar

¹⁴ London, BL MS Roy. 14.C.VII, fols. 8v–9; see Lewis, Suzanne, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora (Berkeley, 1987), 140–43.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Although he was largely responsible for its rebuilding, Henry II did not found the church at Waltham but, as Matthew Paris tells us in the inscription, the king reformed the abbey by replacing secular with regular canons; see Hallam, Elizabeth, “Henry II as a Founder of Monasteries,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 28 (1977): 113–17, 124–25, and 131.Google Scholar

¹⁶ “Iste Henricus .iii…. ecclesiam sancti petri Westmonasterium magnifice restauravit. Et iste amator sancti Aedwardi specialiter: feretrum ex auro purissimo et gemmis pretiosissimis gloriose fecit fabricari, pallis et cereis ipsam ecclesiam venustavit precipue alias ecclesias.” Cf. HA 2:242; see below, n. 24.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Westminster Abbey Muniments, Charter XX; see Barlow, Frank, Edward the Confessor (Berkeley, 1970), pl. 8a.Google Scholar

¹⁸ La Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei, lines 2269–75, ed. Wallace, K. Y., Anglo-Norman Text Society 41 (London, 1983), 64–65; ed. Luard, H. R., in Lives of Edward the Confessor (London, 1858), 89: “Le rei Aedward … de ceste iglise … restorer.” On the legendary dedication of Westminster Abbey by St. Peter, ibid., lines 2185–2188: “Co est Seint Pere li apostres, k'a dedié le muster ceste nuit de Westmuster.” Papal bulls issued for the abbey from the pontificate of Innocent III to Alexander III refer to Edward as renovator; Papsturkunden in England, ed. Holtzmann, W. (Berlin/Göttingen, 1930), 1: nos. 21, 47, 69.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For example, his futile efforts to recover English crown lands in France, his unfulfilled ambitions to obtain the crown of Sicily for his son Edmund, and his on-again, off-again crusading vows. See Powicke, F. M., King Henry III and the Lord Edward (Oxford, 1947), 167–68, 173–74, 183–85, 189–92, 231–36, 237, 239, 241–42, and 371–76; A. J. Forey, “The Crusading Vows of the English King Henry III,” Durham University Journal 65 (1973): 229–41.Google Scholar

²⁰ Harvey, Barbara, Westminster Abbey and Its Estates in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1977), 64; Hugh Aveling, “Westminster Abbey — The Beginnings to 1474,” in A House of Kings: The Official History of Westminster Abbey, ed. Carpenter, Edward F. (New York, 1966), 25.Google Scholar

²¹ See Mason, Emma, “Westminster Abbey and the Monarchy between the Reigns of William I and John (1066–1216),” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41 (1990): 199–216. Until the reign of Henry III, there is no evidence of widespread recognition either of St. Edward as a potent intercessor or of Westminster as a major source of spiritual support for the monarchy.Google Scholar

²² Richard de Humez had been the king's constable in Normandy from 1154–1180, and his son William was appointed to the same office by Henry II; see Calendar of Charter Rolls 1226–1257 (London, 1903), 26, 48, 56, 110, 200, 210, 223, 259, 352, and 432. William de Humez was a monk at St.-Étienne at Caen and was then promoted to serve as prior of Frampton in Dorset, a cell of St.-Étienne, before King John tried to make him abbot of Ramsey, but the monks refused to elect him.Google Scholar

See CM 2:576; Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, ed. Hart, W. H. (London, 1893), 2:178 and 215; E. H. Pearce, The Monks of Westminster (Cambridge, 1916), 47; R. Ackerman, The History of the Abbey Church of St. Peter's Westminster, Its Antiquities and Monuments (London, 1813), 123; F. H. Westlake, Westminster Abbey (London, 1923), 44.Google Scholar

²³ On Humez's promotion to abbot, see Flores Historiarum, ed. Luard, H. R. (London, 1857), 2:147–48; also Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, 3:178. On his diplomatic assignment, Thomas Rymer, Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae, 2nd ed. (London, 1727), 1:191.Google Scholar

²⁴ Henry III was first crowned in an impromptu ceremony at Gloucester in 1216. On the laying of the foundation stone, HA 242: “Eodemque anno … devotus Deo rex Henricus III fecit inchoari fabricam novae capellae B. Virginis apud Westmonasterium, eodem rege existente fundatore et patrono, et primum lapidem operis in fundamento in bonum auspicium disponente, videlicet sabbato sancto Pentecoste.” Also CM 3:59; Ralph de Coggeshall, Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. Stevenson, J. (London, 1875), 188; Annales de Bermundeseia, in Annales Monastici, ed. Luard, H. R. (London, 1866), 3:454–55; Eulogium Historiarum sive Temporis, ed. Haydon, F. S. (London, 1863), 3:116; Flores Historiarum, 2:170. The new chapel was presumably intended to house the relic of the Virgin's girdle that St. Edward had brought from Normandy and had given to the church at its consecration; see Stanley, Arthur P., Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey, 5th ed. (New York, 1882), 36; J. Dart, Westmonasterium, or the History and Antiquities of the Abbey Church of St. Peter's, Westminster (London, 1723), 1:37.Google Scholar

²⁵ Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum in Turri Londinensi Asservati 1204–1227, ed. Hardy, R. D. (London, 1833), 1:440: “Liberate de thesauro nostro Priori Westmonasterii calcaria nostra aurea qui facerunt ad operam nostram ad primam coronationem nostram apud Westmonasterium, qui dedimus ad novum opus capelle Beatae Mariae de Westmonasterii.”Google Scholar

²⁶ See Ackerman, , History, 140; F. H. Westlake, “Westminster Abbey: The Old Lady Chapel and Its Relation to the Romanesque and Gothic Churches,” Archaeologia 69 (1917–18): 32; idem, Westminster Abbey, 58. On the young king's poverty at the time of his coronation, see Carpenter, D. A., The Minority of Henry III (London, 1990), 189–91.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Three Coronation Orders, ed. Wickam Legg, J., HBS 19 (London, 1900), xii, 45, 146–47, based on the Anglo-Norman version of the Liber regalis (1272–1325). In this and older ordines the spurs and sword are brought from the altar by the prior of Westminster and presented together, accompanied by the hymn, “Behold O God our defender.” See also Ernst Schramm, Percy, Geschichte des englischen Königtums im Lichte der Krönung, 2nd ed. (Vienna, 1970), 49, 70, and 84.Google Scholar

²⁸ According to the document copied in Westminster Abbey Muniments, Domesday Chartulary, fol. 507v, cited by Westlake, Westminster Abbey, 57–58, contributors would share in all the masses, alms, vigils, psalms, and other good offices in the church of Westminster, the remission of two hundred days of penance, and twenty-one days of indulgence.Google Scholar

²⁹ See Mason, Emma, “‘A Truth Universally Acknowledged,’ the Influence of Social Conditions in the Practice of Religion with Particular Reference to Westminster Abbey,” Studies in Church History 16 (1979): 181, who cites documents from Westminster Abbey Muniments. Over the next decades Abbot Humez's appeal had drawn enough financial support from lay benefactors for the appointment of a custos or warden of the Lady Chapel; see Abbey Muniments, Westminster, Domesday Chartulary, fol. 568v, quoted by Westlake, Westminster Abbey, 58.Google Scholar

³⁰ Muniments, Westminster Abbey, Domesday Chartulary, fol. 566v, quoted by Westlake, Westminster Abbey, 59; J. A. Robinson, The History of Westminster Abbey by John Flete, Notes and Documents Relating to Westminster Abbey (Cambridge, 1909), 2:106: “Sepultusque erat ante medium altaris in capella beatissima mariae virginis in tumba marmorea decenter ornata.” On Richard de Berkyng's devotion to the Virgin, see Binski, Paul, “Abbot Berkyng's Tapestries and Matthew Paris's Life of St. Edward the Confessor,” Archaeologia 109 (1991): 86. Godfrey de Lacy was similarly buried in his foundation at Winchester; see Draper, Peter, “The Retrochoir of Winchester Cathedral,” Architectural History 21 (1978): 12.Google Scholar

³¹ Westlake, , Westminster Abbey, 67.Google Scholar

³² The idea that the monks decided to rebuild the abbey church, beginnning with the Lady chapel, was suggested long ago by Powicke, King Henry III (n. 19 above), 570.Google Scholar

³³ Muniments, Westminster Abbey, Domesday Chartulary, fol. 406, translated and quoted by Canon Westlake, who discovered the document; see Westminster Abbey, 68; also Branner, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 4 above), 3, n. 4; H. M. Colvin, The History of the King's Works, (London, 1963), 1:131–32.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ibid, 1:132.Google Scholar

³⁵ R. D. H. Gem, “The Romanesque Rebuilding of Westminster Abbey,” Proceedings of the Battle Conferences on Anglo-Norman Studies 3, ed. Allen Brown, R. (Woodbridge, 1980), 34–35, who cites the Vita Aedwardi. Google Scholar

³⁶ Draper, Peter, “Bishop Northwold and the Cult of Saint Etheldreda,” Medieval Art and Architecture at Ely, Conference Transactions of the British Archaeological Association (London, 1979), 10.Google Scholar

³⁷ See Cheney, C. R., “Church-Building in the Middle Ages,” in Medieval Texts and Studies (Oxford, 1973), 351–53; Crossley, “English Gothic Architecture,” in Age of Chivalry (n. 9 above), 67.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Mason, Emma, “Westminster Abbey and Its Parish Churches: c. 1050–1216,” in Monastic Studies: The Continuity of Tradition, ed. Loades, Judith (Bangor, 1991), 2:43–65; Harvey, Westminster Abbey (n. 20 above).Google Scholar

³⁹ Draper, “Retrochoir of Winchester,” 4 and 8.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Flores Historiarum (n. 23 above), 2:428.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Harrison Caviness, Madeleine, “A Lost Cycle of Canterbury Paintings of 1220,” Antiquaries Journal 54 (1974): 69.Google Scholar

⁴² Clapham, Alfred, English Romanesque Architecture after the Conquest (Oxford, 1934), 92, who cites a Lady Chapel at Chichester before 1186 and another at Old Sarum; a late twelfth-century Lady Chapel was added to the east end of the church at Great Malvern Priory.Google Scholar

⁴³ According to W. R. Lethaby, Westminster Abbey and the King's Craftsmen (New York, 1906), 38, physical evidence for the three-sided apse was found in a foundation exposed in 1876 under the apsidal end of Henry VII's chapel (1503–1509); see also Westlake, , Westminster Abbey, 37–38. One of the largest Lady Chapels, that at Glastonbury built in 1184–1186 at the west end of the abbey church, was only 59 feet long, while the thirteenth-century structure at Salisbury was 58 feet; that at Norwich, built by bishop Walter Suffield (1245–1257) was 60 feet; and those at Hereford and Winchester only 50 feet long.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Calendar of Close Rolls 1254–1257 (London, 1931), 314: “Rex vult cumulum capelle Beate Marie ad orientem novi operis Westmonasterii prosterni et opus lapidinem ejusdem capelle ad similitudinem predicti novi operis proportionaliter exaltiri.” See Noppen, J. G., “The 13th-Century Lady Chapel at Westminster Abbey,” The Builder 155 (1938): 374. Lethaby, King's Craftsmen, 141, hypothesized that the 1256 vaults replaced a wooden covering and that the structure was probably lengthened and even rebuilt in 1256.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Draper, “Retrochoir of Winchester,” 1–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Wilson, , Westminster Abbey (n. 2 above), 37–39.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ On the iconography, see Binski, , “Abbot Berkyng's Tapestries” (n. 30 above), 85–100.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Westlake, “Old Lady Chapel” (n. 26 above), 34–40.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid., 36; idem, Westminster Abbey (n. 22 above), 63–64.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Draper, “Retrochoir of Winchester,” 6.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Westlake, “Old Lady Chapel,” 36 and 40. In contrast, Wilson, Westminster Abbey, 60, assumes that these passages date after the remodeling of the chapel in 1256.Google Scholar

⁵² See Klukas, Arnold, “Altaria Superioria: The Function and Significance of the Tribune-Chapel in Anglo-Norman Romanesque, A Problem in the Relationship of Liturgical Requirements and Architectural Form,” Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1978, 346 and 373–74.Google Scholar

⁵³ Muniments, Westminster Abbey, Domesday Chartulary, fol. 566v; see Westlake, , “Old Lady Chapel,” 32. Noppen (“Lady Chapel,” 374) cites the king's order in 1244 that the master of the mint should have an altar of St. Adrian made above the vault as evidence that the structure had its stone vaulting by that date; Calendar of Close Rolls 1242–1247 (London, 1916), 208: “Mandatum est custodi cambii London’ quod fieri faciat unum altare de sancto Adriano super voltam in nova capella beate Marie Westmonasterii.”Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Wilson, , Westminster Abbey, 22 and 60; Colvin, King's Works (n. 33 above), 144. See above, n. 44.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Walls would normally have been constructed in horizontal layers, pausing at critical levels to allow the mortar to harden before placing further loads on what had been built.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ On the dating of Reims Cathedral, see Kimpel, Dieter and Suckale, Robert, Die gotische Architektur in Frankreich 1130–1270 (Munich, 1985), 288–90.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Kunst, “Freiheit und Zitat” (n. 7 above), 98–100.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ H. G. Richardson, “The Coronation in Medieval England: The Evolution of the Office and the Oath,” Traditio 16 (1960): 116.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Kunst, “Freiheit und Zitat,” 100; Anne Prache, “L'abbatiale (XIe-XIIe siècles), le tombeau de saint Remi et la sainte ampoule,” Le sacre des rois: Actes du Colloque international d'histoire sur les sacres et couronnements royaux (Paris, 1985), 192–93; Marc Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. J. E. Anderson (London, 1973), 130. The right of consecration by the archbishop of Reims had been recognized by Urban II in a papal bull of 1089; Epistola XXVII (“Urbani II epistola ad Rainoldum archiepiscopum Remensem … Francorum reges consecrandi”) in PL 151:309–10; see also Bloch, Marc, Les rois thaumaturges, rev. ed. (Paris, 1983), 228.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ Chevalier, Ulysse, Sacramentaire et martyrologe de l'abbaye de Saint-Remy; martyrologe, calendrier, ordinaires et prosaire de la métropole de Reims, Bibliothèque liturgique, 7 (Paris, 1900), 222–25: “Ordo ad inungendum et coronandem regem.” See also Schramm, , Geschichte des englischen Königtums (n. 27 above), 148.Google Scholar

⁶² See Hinkle, William M., The Portal of the Saints of Reims Cathedral: A Study in Medieval Iconography (New York, 1965), 36–40; Barbara Abou-el-Haj, “The Urban Setting for Late Medieval Church Building: Reims and Its Cathedral between 1210 and 1240,” Art History 11 (1988): 24.Google Scholar

⁶³ See Bony, Jean, French Gothic Architecture of the 12th & 13th Centuries (Berkeley, 1983), 168–69, but he also points out (490, n. 12), that this feature, which first occurred in Westminster Hall ca. 1097–1100, gave rise in England to a series of quasi-Champenois passages, such as those in the nave at Ripon, the chancel in the church at Nun Monkton, and the single-naved extension of the choir at Tynemouth, ca. 1200, as well as the retrochoirs at Winchester and Worcester, which seem to have developed at first independently of any French contacts. See also Webb, Geoffrey, Architecture in Britain: The Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Harmondsworth, 1965), 66 and 84–85.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See Prache, Anne, Saint-Remi de Reims: L'oeuvre de Pierre de Celle et sa place dans l'architecture gothique, Bibliothèque de la Société française d'archéologie, 8 (Geneva, 1978), 66–67 and fig. 39.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Steven H. Wander, “Westminster Abbey A Case Study in the Meaning of Medieval Architecture,” Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1975, 105–06.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See Harrison Caviness, Madeleine, Sumptuous Arts at the Royal Abbeys in Reims and Braine (Princeton, 1990), 7.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Powicke, , King Henry III (n. 19 above), 430; see Rymer, , Foedera (n. 23 above), 1, pt. 1:422.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Mason, Emma, “The Site of King-Making and Consecration: Westminster Abbey and the Crown in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in The Church and Sovereignty c. 590–1918: Essays in Honour of Michael Wilks, ed. Wood, Diana, Studies in Church History, subsidia 9 (Oxford, 1991), 65.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Schramm, , Geschichte des englishen Königtums (n. 27 above), 118; Jean de Pange, Le roi très chrétien (Paris, 1949), 317–22.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Richardson, “Coronation in Medieval England” (n. 58 above), 137; for a discussion of twelfth- and thirteenth-century English formulas for anointing, see 116–17.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Paris, Matthew, CM 5:480: “Dominus rex Francorum, qui terrestrium rex regum est, tum propter ejus caelestem inunctionem, tum propter sui potestatem et militiae eminentiam”; ibid, 606: “Archiepiscopus Remenensis qui regem Francorum caelesti consecrat crismata, quapropter rex Francorum regum censetur dignissimus.” See Bloch, , Royal Touch (n. 59 above), 137 and n. 113.Google Scholar

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⁷³ See Zarnecki, George, Westminster Abbey (Annenburg, PA, 1972), 148.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Paris, Matthew, CM 3:67. Such jurisdiction included the right of visitation, consecration of its altars, ordaining its monks, and demands that the bishop be received with solemn processions and other gestures of obedience to his authority.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Paris, Matthew, CM 3:75: “Qui monasterium Westmonasterii ab omnimoda subjectione et jurisdictione episcopi Londoniensis penitus exemptum declaraverunt.” No record of the final litigation survives but it appears that the matter was first submitted to the papal court and then placed under inquiry by Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Winchester and Salisbury, and the priors of Merton and Dunstable. On the collection of forged and genuine bulls and royal charters produced at Westminster Abbey, see Knowles, David, “Essays in Monastic History, IV. The Growth of Exemption,” Downside Review 50 (1932): 415–20.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Among the several factors which revived the old rivalry between Westminster and St. Paul's may have been the growing importance of the Confessor's church as a place of consecration for new bishops. Between 1186 and 1226 sixteen new bishops, including Eustace de Fauconberg of London in 1221, were consecrated at the high altar near St. Edward's shrine. Although the rebuilding probably prevented further ceremonies taking place in the sanctuary until 1269, there were no more episcopal consecrations after that date, for the newly rebuilt abbey church had become too closely identified with the king. See Stanley, , Historical Memorials (n. 24 above), xxix-xxx.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ackerman, , History (n. 22 above), 131; Westlake, Westminster Abbey (n. 22 above), 48.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Aveling, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 20 above), 21.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ As Draper (“Bishop Northwold” [n. 36 above], 16), points out, Anglo-Saxon sanctity rested on canonisatio per viam cultus, rather than resulting from the formal process of canonization, which became firmly established only later under Innocent III.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid., 17; B. W. Scholz, “The Canonization of Edward the Confessor,” Speculum 36 (1961): 36–60.Google Scholar

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⁸² Before 1174 Pope Alexander III issued a bull giving the abbot the mitre and ring; another in 1177 conferred episcopal gloves; the use of all the pontificalia was conferred by Pope Celestine III, 13 January 1192; see Holtzmann, Walther, Papsturkunden in England (n. 18 above), 1: nos. 118, 143, and 300; Knowles, “Exemption,” 419–20.Google Scholar

⁸³ Ackerman, , History, 131; Westlake, Westminster Abbey, 55. Perhaps in an effort to draw Westminster into the orbit of royal interest by establishing a formal association with King John's favorite Anglo-Saxon saints, Edmund and Wulfstan, Abbot William de Humez and his successor Richard de Berkyng made an agreement with Bury St. Edmunds and Worcester that, in addition to pledges of mutual prayer and hospitality, each house would be obliged to keep the anniversary of the patron saint of the other.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ In the same year the king commissioned an image of the Confessor to be painted for his residence at Woodstock; Calendar of Liberate Rolls 1226–1240 (London, 1916), 196; on Henry's further commissions for representations of St. Edward, see Binski, Paul, The Painted Chamber at Westminster, The Society of Antiquaries of London, Occasional Paper, 9 (London, 1886); E. W. Tristram, English Medieval Wall Painting: The Thirteenth Century (Oxford, 1950), 1:56 and 70–76; and L. E. Tanner, “Some Representations of St. Edward the Confessor in Westminster Abbey and Elsewhere,” Journal of the British Archaeological Association 15 (1952): 1–12.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Calendar of Close Rolls 1231–1234 (London, 1905), 408. In the following year Henry made a grant in soul-alms for himself, his ancestors, and his heirs, of eight stags yearly from Windsor Forest to be delivered to the abbey on the vigil of St. Peter ad Vincula and those who brought them were to sound two horn blasts before the high altar of the church. See Calendar of Charter Rolls 1226–1257 (n. 22 above), 210; also BL MS Faustina A.III, fol. 141v; Westminster Abbey Muniments 1517.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See Wander, Steven H., “The Westminster Abbey Sanctuary Pavement,” Traditio 34 (1978): 151–52; idem, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 65 above), 51–52.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ CM 3:417.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ CM 3:539.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Draper, “Bishop Northwold,” 17; Aveling, “Westminster Abbey,” 39–40.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See Draper, , “Bishop Northwold,” 18.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Meekings, C. A. F., “The Early Years of Netley Abbey,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 30 (1979): 1–8. Henry had been under the tutelage and influence of the bishop of Winchester since 1216; see Turner, G. T., “The Minority of Henry III,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, n.s. 18, pt. 1 (1904): 247 and 269.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ On some days he heard three masses and, as he longed to hear even more, he had them celebrated privately. In 1233, the year of his political independence, Henry found “exultant satisfaction” in hearing the laudes, and during the next decade he would often order the clerks of his chapel to chant the Christus vincit on occasions additional to the great feasts of the liturgical year. The later chronicler Rishanger remarked of Henry that “the less he was clever in his actions in this present world, the more he indulged in a display of humility before God.” See Kantorowicz, Ernst, Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship (Berkeley, 1958), 176; see also Powicke, , Thirteenth Century, 59.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Marion Gibbs and Jane Lang, Bishops and Reform 1215–1272 (London, 1934), 33; Powicke, Thirteenth Century, 60. In the biased account given by Matthew Paris, the bishop of London was also later seen to be allied with the barons in voicing resentment against the influence of foreigners at court; CM 3:228, 240, 269–270; see also Powicke, , Henry III (n. 19 above), 135 and 140.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ He was also acting in the interests of the realm, for the bishops and many abbots were his barons; see Powicke, , Thirteenth Century, 460 and 468.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ PL 213:284; Decretal I.XV.1 in Corpus Iuris Canonici, ed. Friedberg, A. (Leipzig, 1881), 2: cols. 132–33. The same distinction is made by William Durandus, Rationale divinorum officiorum 1.8. See Schramm, , Geschichte des englishen Königtums (n. 27 above), 120. Bloch (Royal Touch, 116) cites Cardinal Henry of Susa [Hostiensis], who notes in his Summa aurea 1.15 (1250–61) that in spite of papal prescriptions, “consuetudo antiqua circa hoc observatur, nam supradictorum regum Franciae et Angliae capita inunguntur.”Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ In 1239 the king quashed the election of William de Raleigh, but the monks of Winchester obtained the right of election; CM 3:491, 493, 494, 525, 622, and 630; see Powicke, , Henry III, 776 and 778.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ CM 3:525; Powicke, Henry III, 776 and 778.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ CM 4:15 and 61; see Powicke, , Henry III, 361–64.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ CM 4:103–05; see Powicke, , Henry III, 361–64.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ CM 4:259, 263, 264–65, 285, and 286; see Powicke, , Henry III, 271–73.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ CM 4:294–95.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ CM 4:358–59, 401, 402, and 412; Powicke, Henry III, 363. The king sent Lawrence of St. Martin to Rome in an effort to force his will in the matter.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ CM 4:424 and 426.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ CM 4:151 and 154.Google Scholar

¹¹² Grosseteste, Robert, Epistolae, ed. Luard, H. R. (London, 1861), 349, in connection with Grosseteste's refusal of the king's request to grant Robert Passelew the living of St. Peter's, Northamption. Grosseteste had a serious quarrel with the king in 1241 over a similar matter in response to Henry's demand that one of his clerks, John Mansel, be provided with a prebend in the cathedral of Lincoln. See also Gasquet, , Henry III and the Church, 154–55 and 196–99.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Peter of Blois, Epistola 149 (PL 207:44): “Sanctus enim et christus Domini est; nec in vacuum accepit unctionis regiae.” See De Pange, , Le roi très chrétien (n. 69 above), 322.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Lethaby, “Old St. Paul's, IV,” The Builder 139 (1930): 26; Calendar of Close Rolls 1237–1242 (London, 1911), 295.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Beginning in 1228, English and Welsh bishops issued letters in their dioceses offering indulgences to the benefactors of St. Paul's. Among the heaviest contributors were the sees of Norwich, Salisbury, Ely, and Coventry-Lichfield.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Sparrow Simpson, W., ed., Registrum Statutorum et Consuetudinum Ecclesiae Cathedralis Sancti Pauli Londinensis (London, 1873), 379–80; also William Dugdale, History of St. Paul's Cathedral (London, 1658), 81.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ CM 4:171.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ In 1246 Abbot Richard de Croxeley's dignity was increased by arrangement of the king; CM 4:589.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ CM 4:378; 5:13 and 195.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ See Mason, Emma, “St. Wulfstan's Staff: A Legend and Its Uses,” Medium Ævum 53 (1984): 157–79.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Annales de Burton in Annales Monastici, 1:213. Here John is reported as asserting his right to appoint bishops by appealing to the example of the “blessed and glorious King Edward” and to that of St. Wulfstan who had refused to resign his staff to any but the man from whom he had received it, the deceased King Edward. See Draper, , “King John and St. Wulfstan” (n. 93 above), 46–47.Google Scholar

¹²² See Binski, , “Abbot Berkyng's Tapestries” (n. 30 above), 92; Barlow, Edward the Confessor (n. 17 above), 262–63.Google Scholar

¹²³ Stanley, , Historical Memorials (n. 24 above), 1:43.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Lethaby, “Old St. Paul's, IV,” 24–25; William Longman, A History of the Three Cathedrals Dedicated to St. Paul in London (London, 1873), 9–10 and 31.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Wilson, , Gothic Cathedral, 48.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ On the 75-foot-square and 60-foot-high belfry, see Lethaby, , King's Craftsmen, 56; Colvin, King's Works, 1:143.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Lethaby, “Old St. Paul's, VII,” The Builder 139 (1930): 613.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Ibid.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ HA, 2:506; BL MS Roy. 14.C.VII, fol. 138v; see Wilson, , Westminster Abbey, 114. According to Colvin, King's Works, 1:143, there were apparently five bells commissioned for the abbey by the king at different times; they were rung by a guild of ringers to whom the king made an annual gift of £5; Calendar of Patent Rolls 1247–1258 (London, 1908), 403.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Longman, , Three Cathedrals, 31.Google Scholar

¹³¹ The following reconstruction of Henry's gradual appropriation of the patronage and foundation for Netley is based on Meekings, “Netley Abbey” (n. 91 above), 1–57. Standard accounts are given by Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. Caley, J. et al. (London, 1846), 5:695–97; A History of Hampshire and the Isle of Wight (Westminster, 1912), 2:146–49, and 3:472–76; and A. Hamilton Thompson, Netley Abbey, Hampshire (London, 1952). The ruins of Netley Abbey later provided the setting for the eponymous early “Gothic” romance (1795) by the Rev. Richard Warner of Bath; see Varma, Devendra P., ed., Netley Abbey, 2 vols. (New York, 1974).Google Scholar

¹³² Meekings, “Netley Abbey,” 23–26.Google Scholar

¹³³ Calendar of Liberate Rolls 1240–1245 (London, 1930), 221; Meekings, “Netley Abbey,” 27–28.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Ibid., 35–36; CM 4:229, and 5:292. Meekings points out that his choice of a Cistercian foundation was not surprising, since his first wife was buried before the high altar at Beaulieu in 1239, and in 1241, upon his departure for the Holy Land, he made the abbot of Beaulieu one of his three proctors.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ CM 4:562, and 5:86; Annales Monastici (n. 24 above), 2:337. On the structure of the new abbey church, see Jansen, Virginia, “Architectural Remains of King John's Abbey, Beaulieu (Hampshire),” Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture, ed. Lillich, Meredith (Kalamazoo, 1982), 2:76–114.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Calendar of Charter Rolls 1226–1257, 294; CM 4:562; 5:86 and 124.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Thompson, , Netley Abbey, 7; Meekings, “Netley Abbey,” 27 and 29. Between GRA and REX is a shield surmounted by a cross patée, suggesting that Henry still considered himself a crusader, although he had been released from his vow sometime in the 1230s.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Registres d'Innocent IV, ed. Berger, E. (Paris, 1884), 1: no. 906; Meekings, “Netley Abbey,” 29.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ “We, for the salvation of our soul and the souls of our ancestors and successors, have granted, and by this our charter have confirmed, to God and the church of the Blessed Mary of Edwardstowe, which we have founded,” quoted by Meekings, “Netley Abbey,” 33.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ While royal commissions for pictures of St. Edward in the king's residences resumed in 1240, we learn that a statue of the Confessor accompanied the king wherever he went, for in the same year Henry III commissioned a leather case (cista) for the figure which he carried in his wardrobe. See Calendar of Liberate Rolls 1226–1240, 478; Calendar of Liberate Rolls 1245–1251 (London, 1937), 14; Colvin, King's Works, 1:714; Wander, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 65 above), 55.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Powicke, , Henry III, 571; Branner, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 4 above), 16–18.Google Scholar

¹⁴² See Wander, , “Westminster Abbey,” 53 and 57–58, who argues on the evidence of Matthew Paris, HA 2:454, and a 1242 charter granting an annual sum of 24 gold marks to the abbey (Charter Rolls 1226–1257, 268).Google Scholar

¹⁴³ HA 2:454–55: “In quo ante perfectionem operis consummativam, expendit et expensurus erat plusquam centum milia marcum.”Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Draper, “Bishop Northwold” (n. 36 above), 18.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ On the shrine of St. Edward, see O'Neilly, J. G. and Tanner, L. E., “The Shrine of St. Edward the Confessor,” Archaeologia 100 (1966): 153; Wilson, Westminster Abbey, 115–18; Colvin, King's Works, 1:147–50.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ According to Powicke, Henry III, 133, n. 3, there seems to be no doubt that Roger Niger was venerated as a saint in the diocese of London and, although not formally canonized, he was recognized as a saint in papal and episcopal acts. On the miracles ascribed to him at his tomb in St. Paul's, see CM 4:378, and 5:13 and 195.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ CM 4:427.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Westminster Abbey Muniments, Domesday Chartulary, fol. 406. See Branner, , “Westminster Abbey,” 3.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ See above, n. 33.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Charter Rolls 1226–1257, 286; see also CM 5: 29, 49, and 331.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ La Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei, ed. Wallace, and ed. Luard, (n. 18 above), 1–315. Although Luard had attributed the work to a monk of Westminster, Richard Vaughan (Matthew Paris [Cambridge, 1958], 171–76) convincingly demonstrates that it was written and illustrated by Matthew Paris; see also Lewis, , Art of Matthew Paris (n. 14 above), 10 and 49. A thirteenth-century illustrated copy by another, later hand, presumably based on Matthew's drawings, exists in Cambridge University Library MS Ee.3.59; see the facsimile edition of James, M. R., La Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei (Oxford, 1920).Google Scholar

¹⁵² La Estoire de Seint Ædward, lines 4675–80 (ed. Wallace, 131; Luard, 157): “A l'iglise ne deit faillir / Ki rois est, einz deit meintenir / E quant k'pent a la meisun / Kar il est dreit patrun.” Although Binski (“Abbot Berkyng's Tapestries,” 94–95) argues that these verses would be most appropriately dated to the early 1240s, 1245, the year of patronal transition, would seem more plausible.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ CM 4:589, as pointed out by Branner, “Westminster Abbey,” 5.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ See Clanchy, M. T., “Did Henry III Have a Policy?” History 53 (1968), 210.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ See Mason, , “Site of King-Making” (n. 68 above), 76, who quotes the claim made on behalf of the abbey by the fifteenth-century monk John Flete in his History of Westminster Abbey (n. 30 above), 63.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ See Wander, Steven, “Westminster Abbey and the Apostolic Churches of Northern France,” Studies in Iconography 4 (1978): 3.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ CM 4:427: “Eodem vero anno, dominus rex, devotione, quam habuit adversus sanctum Ædwardum, submonente, ecclesiam Sancti Petri Westmonasterii jussit ampliari. Et dirutis antiquis muris partis orientalis cum turri, praecepit novos, videlicet decentiores, suis sumptibus subtilibus artificibus construi convocatis, et residu, videlicet occidentali, operi coaptari.” See also Flores Historiarum, 2:289.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ See Colvin, , King's Works, 1:137.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ HA 2:506: “Eodem quoque anno dominus rex devotione ductus, quam habuit ad gloriosum Dei regem et confessorem Edwardum, ecclesiam Sancti Petri Westmonsterii jussit veterem dirui in parte orientali, cum ipsa turri, et ipsam decentius sumptibus fecit propriis reparari.”Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Calendar of the Patent Rolls 1247–1258, 281 and 381. On the critical role of Edward of Westminster, royal clerk and keeper of the works at Westminster Abbey, who was appointed by the king to supervise the construction, see Kent Lancaster, R., “Artists, Suppliers and Clerks: The Human Factors in the Art Patronage of King Henry III, “Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972): 96–107.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Colvin, , King's Works, 1:144. Altogether the five eastern bays of the nave were rebuilt; Nicolaus Pevsner and Priscilla Metcalf, The Cathedrals of England: Southern England (Harmondsworth, 1985), 160.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Colvin, , King's Works, 150–51. As Lethaby, King's Craftsmen (n. 43 above), 27, pointed out, the later execution of a set of designs dating from the thirteenth-century has a rare English precedent in the nave of Beverley Minster, which was rebuilt in the second quarter of the fourteenth century. See also Pevsner, and Metcalf, , Southern England, 161, 165, and 173.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ On crown-wearing, see Richardson, , “Coronation in Medieval England” (n. 58 above), 126–36.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Wilson, , Westminster Abbey, 60; see also Binski, , “The Cosmati at Westminster” (n. 3 above), 31.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ See Gem, , “Romanesque Rebuilding” (n. 35 above), 53–54; Eric Fernie, The Architecture of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1983), 155–56; W. R. Lethaby, Westminster Re-Examined (London, 1925), 4–5; and Robinson, “Church of Edward the Confessor” (n. 81 above), 81–82. An unusually direct conduit of influence was provided in the person of Abbot Robert II Champart (1037–1045), who befriended Edward the Confessor at Jumièges and was later rewarded by the king's making him his chief advisor as bishop of London and then as archbishop of Canterbury. Robert began to build Jumièges in 1010 and continued to support the project financially while he was in England; he returned in 1052, and the abbey was consecrated in 1067. No secure dates can be established for the rebuilding of Westminster Abbey, but the work apparently began ca. 1050 with Robert of Jumièges at Edward's right hand.Google Scholar

The extraordinary height of the Romanesque structure is mentioned in the Vita Ædwardi (see Frank Barlow, The Life of King Edward [London, 1962], 45) in a somewhat ambiguous reference to very high arches in the choir (“principalis arae domus altissimis erecta fornicibus quadrato opere parique commissura circumvolitur”), which could refer to arches at the crossing over the liturgical choir, or to diaphragm arches similar to those proposed for Jumièges; see Gem, , “Romanesque Rebuilding,” 34–35, and Bony, French Gothic Architecture (n. 63 above), 85. Another reference to the height of Westminster occurs in La Estoire de Saint Ædward (ed. Luard, 244), in the phrase “the work rises grand and royal.” cited by Branner, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 4 above), 16, who regarded the tallness of Gothic Westminster and the Confessor's church as “no more than coincidence.”Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ See Branner, , “Westminster Abbey,” 16; Lives of Edward the Confessor, ed. Luard, , 90; Colvin, King's Works, 1:15.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Wilson, , Westminster Abbey, 57; idem, Gothic Cathedral (n. 2 above), 180.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Wilson, , Gothic Cathedral, 180.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ As suggested by Lethaby, King's Craftsmen, 101. As Wilson (Westminster Abbey, 63) points out, there are no galleries at Reims Cathedral, only shallow wall passages in the triforia.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ See above, n. 52.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Wilson (Westminster Abbey, 62–63) remarks that the galleries have been used in this way in recent coronations, although it is unclear how far back the custom goes; also see Binski, , “The Cosmati at Westminster,” 31.Google Scholar

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¹⁷³ Ibid., 15.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Colvin (King's Works, 1:137) observes that a royal entrance at the west end would have created obvious inconveniences for a king whose residence was immediately to the east of the abbey, and the prolonged building operations in the nave would have made the passage of processions extremely awkward.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ Calendar of Charter Rolls 1226–1257, 135. The royal charter preserved at Westminster abbey (Muniments 6318A) is given in Stanley, Historical Memorials (n. 24 above), 2nd ed. (1868), 569. An imperfect copy of this document dated 23 October 1246, survives in the Public Record Office; see Calendar of Charter Rolls 1226–1257, 306: “Ad omnium vestrum notitiam volumus pervenire quod sum inter omnia nobis a divina … creatori altissimo commendamus super electione loci idonei quo post decessum nostrum corpus nostrum convenimus … latitudinem diutinam gereremus tandem ob reverentiam gloriosissimi Regis Edwardi cujus corpus … ulturam in bona sanitate mentis etiam serenitate et protestate legittima…” Henry's testament, dated 1253 (see Gunther Wolf, Florilegium Testamentum [Heidelberg, 1956], 44), confirms the charter: “Sepulturam corpori meo eligo apud ecclesiam beati Edwardi Westmonasterii, eo non obstante, quod prius eligeram sepulturam apud Novum Templum Londoniae.”Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ See Pevsner, N., Buildings of England: The Cities of London and Westminster (Harmondsworth, 1973), 313.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Dugdale, , Monasticon (n. 131 above), 6, pt. 1:818.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ See above, n. 137.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ See Forey, , “Crusading Vows” (n. 19 above), 229–41. In May 1270 Henry made a declaration of intention to go on Crusade with his sons but changed his mind at the last moment. In 1271 the king made a third and last vow to take up the cross but, like his father before him, left it as an unfulfilled legacy for his sons. See also Lloyd, Simon, “King Henry III, the Crusade and the Mediterranean,” in England and Her Neighbours, 1066–1453: Essays in Honour of Pierre Chaplais, ed. Jones, Michael and Vale, Malcolm (London 1989), 97–119.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ La Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei, lines 1623–1632 (ed. Wallace, 46–47; Luard, 71). On the substitution of the rebuilding project for Edward's planned pilgrimage of Rome, see Mason, , “Site of King-Making” (n. 68 above), 63.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ See Forey, , “Crusading Vows,” 231.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Henry III's interest in the buildings associated with his father's burial is documented in his contribution to the renovation of the site for King John's burial in Worcester Cathedral begun in 1218, the construction of Beaulieu Abbey between 1217 and 1241, and his gifts of money and timber to the Premonstratensian house at Croxton Kerrial where John's entrails were interred. John was first buried in 1216 in the Norman choir at Worcester between the shrines of St. Wulfstan and St. Oswald (CM 2:668). After the new east end was begun in 1224 by Bishop William of Blois, Henry supported the claim for John's body made by the monks of Beaulieu and took the matter up with Pope Gregory IX: see Diplomatic Documents Preserved in the Public Record Office 1101–1272, ed. Chaplais, P. (London, 1964): 306–07. In 1232 John's tomb and effigy were placed in the new choir in a new position; see Draper, , “King John” (n. 93 above), 41–44; Elizabeth Hallam, “Royal Burial and the Cult of Kingship in France and England 1060–1330,” Journal of Medieval History 8 (1982), 363–64.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ Hallam, “Royal Burial,” 369; Mason, “Wulfstan's Staff” (n. 120 above), 157.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Mason, “Westminster Abbey and the Monarchy” (n. 21 above), 201.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ In contrast to Colvin, King's Works, 1:133, and Wilson, Westminster Abbey, 25, Binski (“The Cosmati at Westminster,” 6, n. 5), argues that the abbey was intended to function as a family mausoleum in the spirit of the Castilian Las Huelgas or the Capetian Royaumont.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ Wander, “Pavement” (n. 86 above), 155; idem, “Westminster Abbey” (n. 65 above), 57–59.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ See Erlande-Brandenburg, Alain, Le roi est mort: Étude sur les funérailles, les sépultures et les tombeaux des rois de France jusqu’à la fin du XIIIe siècle, Bibliothèque de la Société française d'archéologie (Geneva, 1975), 76–86.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ For a detailed analysis of Henry's tomb, see Binski, , “The Cosmati at Westminster” (n. 3 above), 27–28.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Jacques Le Goff, “A Coronation Program for the Age of Saint Louis: The Ordo of 1250,” in Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual, ed. Bak, János (Berkeley, 1990, 52.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ See Prestwich, Michael, English Politics in the Thirteenth Century (London, 1990), Μ–15; Clanchy, England and Its Rulers (n. 5 above), 222–25.Google Scholar

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¹⁹⁴ Kantorowicz (Laudes regiae [n. 96 above], 96 and 175–77) points out that the laudes constituted a public recognition of the king as the son crowned by the Lord and adopted by His Church.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Goff, Le, “Coronation Program,” 48.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Ibid., 51 and 56.Google Scholar