¹ See Wilpert, J., Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms (Freiburg 1903), pls. 37, 98, 229, and p. 243.Google Scholar

² Fulgentius, , Mythologicon 2.4.Google Scholar

³ For detailed description and early bibliography, see Leclercq, H., art. ‘Orphée’, DACL 12.2 (Paris 1936) 2740–2746. I follow the dating of Avi- Yonah, M., ‘Mosaic Pavements in Palestine,’ Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 2 (1932) 173 n. See also Bagatti, P., ‘Il Mosaico dell' Orfeo a Gerusalemme,’ Rivista d'archeologia Cristiana 28 (1952) 145–160, and Stern, Henri, ‘La Mosaïque d'Orphée de Blanzy-les-Fismes,’ Gallia 13 (1955), who discusses this pavement on pp. 74–75.Google Scholar

⁴ It may be objected that these two figures were intended to represent not real women but personifications related to the central scene of Orpheus among the animals. While it is true that personifications were often associated with Orpheus-David in the Psalter illustrations of the eleventh century (the well-known illustration in B.N. gr. Coislin 139, for example, shows a sacred pillar rather like the one in our mosaic and the personification Melodia sitting next to Orpheus-David), actually such works have very little in common with the Jerusalem pavement. In them, personifications and nymphs are clearly classicizing figures, partially clothed in classicizing drapery and wearing fillets on their heads. In the Jerusalem mosaic, the figures are fully and modestly dressed in clothes of the sixth century. They bear the rather mundane names of Theodosia and Georgia in contrast to the names found in the Psalters: Nux, Sophia, Prophetia, Melodia. Certainly there is no evidence in the Jerusalem pavement that these figures were not meant to represent real people except for the pillar which seems to me to be nothing more than a pastoral and classicizing touch quite in keeping with the characters of Orpheus, Pan and the centaur. The placement of their medallion between the ossuaria further suggests that Theodosia and Georgia were buried in this tomb and that they either commissioned it before their deaths or were memorialized by relatives or friends after they died.Google Scholar

⁵ Harrison, R. M., ‘An Orpheus Mosaic at Ptolemais in Cyrenaica,’ Journal of Roman Studies 52 (1962) 16, has noted the increasing frontality and symmetry of the late Roman Orpheus mosaics.Google Scholar

⁶ Vincent, H., ‘Une Mosaïque Byzantine à Jerusalem,’ Revue Biblique 10 (1901) 436–444 and 11 (1902) 100–103. Goodenough, E. R., Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period V (New York 1956) 82, calls the piece ‘a mosaic from a Christian Church,’ but does not say why he disputes the traditional interpretation. Vincent's second article mentions a cross on the floor of the tomb beneath an arch, but adds that it seems to have been of a later date than the mosaic, p. 102.Google Scholar

⁷ For accounts in which Orpheus succeeds in bringing his wife up from the underworld see Euripides, , Alcestis 357–360; Isocrates, , Orat. II. 8; Hermesianax of Colophon, ap. Athen. 13 597b-c; and [Moschus] 3 (Epitaph. Bionis) 123.Google Scholar

⁸ Diehl, Ernst, Inscriptions latinae christianae veteres (repr. Berlin 1961) 326 (Milan, A.D. 524): ‘Si mentis virtus lucisque serenior usus / defuncto in Xo reuenit, non Tartara sentit / Cymeriosque lacus, meritis post fata superstis / funeris et legem perimens terraeque sepulcris / astra tenet nescitque mori sic luce relicta.’ The text is probably defective, especially in line four; consequently the English is an approximate paraphrase.Google Scholar

⁹ Published by Wulff, O., Altchristliche Bildwerke (Berlin 1909) LIX, 1224.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Cumont, Franz, Recherches sur le symbolisme funéraire des romains (Paris 1942), and Goodenough, , Jewish Symbols V 121–142; cf. (more generally) Schneider, T. and Stemplinger, E., art. ‘Adler,’ Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 1 (Stuttgart 1950) 87–94. See also Meudrac, M. and Albanèse, L. ‘A Travers les nécropoles gréco-romaines de Sidon,’ Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 11 (1939) 79–81, and Ronzevalle, S., ‘L'Aigle funéraire en Syrie,’ Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale de Beyrouth 5 (1912). For the eagle in Christian art, see Kirsch, J. P., ‘L'Aigle sur les monuments figurés de l'antiquité chrétienne,’ Bulletin d' ancienne littéraire et d'archéologie chrétienne 3 (1913) 112–126.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ginzberg, Louis, The Legends of the Jews (Philadelphia, 1909) IV 149ff.Google Scholar

¹² Charles, R. H. (ed. and tr.), The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament (Oxford 1913) II 422.Google Scholar

¹³ Cumont, Franz, Études Syriénnes (Paris 1917) 87, Fig. 39.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Artemidorus, , Oneirocritica 2.20 (edd. Rigalt, N. and Reisk, J., Leipzig 1805): ‘Ὁχε σθαι δέ ἀετᾠ βασιλεῦσι μέν καὶ μεγιστσι καὶ πλουσίοισ ἀνδράσιν ὄλεθρον μαντεύεται; ἔθοσ γὰρ τι παλαιὸν τοὺσ ἀποθανόντασ τούσ γε τοιούτονσ πλάσσειν τε καὶ γράφειν ἐπ’ ἀετῶν ὀχουμένουσ, καὶ διά τῶν τοιούτων δημιουργημάτων τιμν.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Herodian, , Hist. 4.2.11 (ed. Bekker, I., Berlin, 1826): ὥσπερ ἀπό τινοσ ἐπάλξεωσ, ἀετὸσ ἀφίεται σὺν τῷ πυρὶ ἀνελευσόμενοσ εἰσ τὸν αἰθέρα, ὂσ φέρειν ἀπὸ γῆσ εἰσ ουρανὸν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέωσ ψυχὴν… πιστεύεται. Google Scholar

¹⁶ Seventh century A. D. Department of East Christian and Byzantine Antiquities Accession 1790. For description see Dalton, O. M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities … in the British Museum (London 1901) 165.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Published by Clédat, J., Le Monastère et la nécropole de Baouît (Cairo 1916) II,1, pl. ix.Google Scholar

¹⁸ [Ambrose], Sermo 46.4: ‘Aquilam in hoc loco Christum Dominum nostrum debemus accipere, qui post venerandam resurrectionem, qua docuit humanum genus in vitam redire posse post mortem, velut aquila revolavit ad Patrem …’ (PL 17,695 [718]). For studies concerning the authorship of the sermon (also associated with Gregory of Elvira), see Dekkers, E., Clavis patrum latinorum (Sacris erudiri 3² ; Steenbrugge 1961) no. 555.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See for example, the Easter hymn, ‘Morte Christi celebrata,’ AH 8.30 (p. 33), a few verses of which deal with the way in which Christ saved the Church from the underworld and so became ‘Noster Orpheus’ (str. 8b). See also AH 1.115. For a list of pagan figures in medieval hymns, see Szövérffy, Joseph, ‘Klassische Anspielungen und Antike Elemente in Mittelalterlichen Hymnen,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 44 (1962) 152.Google Scholar

²⁰ Saint Ephraim of Syria, Nisibene Hymns, English transl. in Schaff, Philip and Wace, Henry, (edd.), The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Second series, 13. 196–7, lines 5–11.Google Scholar

²¹ Clement of Alexandria, Cohort, ad Gentes 1.3: μόνοσ γοῦν τῶν πώποτε τὰ ἀργαλεώτατα θηρία, τούσ ἀνθρώπουσ, ἐτιθάσσευεν πτηνὰ μὲν, τοὺσ κούφουσ αὐτῶν ἑρπετὰ δὲ, τοὺσ ἀπατεῶνασ καὶ λέοντασ μὲν, τούσ θυμικονσ σύασ δὲ, τοὺσ ἡδονικούσ λύκουσ δὲ, τοὺσ ἁρπακτικούσ (PG 8.56–7; ed. Stählin, O., GCS, Clemens 1 p. 5).Google Scholar

²² Ferrua, A. (ed.), Epigrammata Damasiana (Rome 1942), p.228: ‘Credere quid dubitas? virtus regit omnia Christi, / qui varias iunxit uno sub carmine linguas / ut pecudes volucresque deum cognoscere possint.’ For the problem of authorship cf. Dekkers, Clavis patrum latinorum no. 691.Google Scholar

²³ Goodenough, , Jewish Symbols IX (New York 1964) 22.Google Scholar

²⁴ Published by Pesce, Gennaro, Sarcophagi Romani di Sardegna (Roma 1957), Pl. LXXXIII, 114. Another such relief, from Ostia, has been published by Wilpert, J., I sarcophagi cristiani antichi (Rome 1929–1936) II pl. 256.Google Scholar

²⁵ Orpheus is to be found with Pan and the centaur, to my knowledge, in only three other late antique works of art. These are: the ivory pyxis from the monastery of Bobbio, published by Natanson, Joseph, Early Christian Ivories (London 1953), pl. 26; a similar pyxis from the Abbey of St. Julien à Brioude and now at the Bargello Museum, Florence, published by Graever, H., ‘Pyxide en os,’ Monuments et mémoires Piot 6 (1899), Fig. 2; and a Coptic textile in the Tyler, R. collection. See Peirce, Hayford and Tyler, Roy all, L'art Byzantine (Paris 1932–1934) II pl. 159a and pp. 120–122. All of these pieces have been dated in the fifth-sixth century and are probably of Alexandrian origin. They are dissimilar to the Jerusalem Orpheus in that Pan and the centaur are merely two among a host of mythological creatures, they show no signs of Christian symbolism, and they have no funerary associations.Google Scholar

²⁶ Theon of Smyrna, Expos, rer. mathem. ad legendum Platonem utilium p. 142 (ed. Hiller, E. [Leipzig 1878]): φησὶ γὰρ ὡσ ‘ερμῆσ ἔτι νέοσ, ἐργασάμενοσ τὴν λύραν, ἔπειτα πρώτωσ εἰσ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνιὼν καὶ παραμείβων τὰ πλανσθαι λεγόμενα, θανμάσασ τὴν διὰ τὴν ύμην τῆσ φορσ αὐτῶν γινομένην ἁρμονίαν τῆ ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ κατεσκευασμέν λύρ <ὁμοίαν>. .>Google Scholar

²⁷ Macrobius, , Commentarius in Somnium Scipionis 2.3: ‘Nam ideo in hac vita omnis anima musicis sonis capitur; … quia anima in corpus defert memoriam musicae cujus in caelo fuit conscia; et ita delinimentis canticis occupatur ut nullam sit tam immite tam asperum pectus quod non oblectamentorum talium teneatur affectu. hinc aestimo … Orphei … [fabulam] … sumpsisse principium… .’ The English here given is that of Stahl, W. H. in his translation of Macrobius's Commentary (Records of Civilization … 48; New York 1952).Google Scholar

²⁸ Cicero, , De re publica 6.18 (= Somnium Scipionis 5. 2): quod docti homines nervis imitati … aperuere sibi reditum in hunc locum …' Google Scholar

²⁹ ‘negantur animae sine cithara posse ascendere.’ Nock, A. D. suggests that this Lyra may have been a Neopythagorean work for invoking the souls of the dead ( Classical Review 41 [1927] 170). Savage published the gloss in T(ransactions of the) A(merican) P(hilological) A(ssociation) 56 (1925) 235–6.Google Scholar

³⁰ Quintilianus, Aristides, De musica 2.18 (ed. Jahn, Albert, Berlin, 1882): τῶν όργάνων τοίνυν τὰ μὲν διὰ νευρῶν ἡρμοσμένα τῷ τε αἰθερίῳ καὶ ξηρῷ καὶ ἁπλῷ παρόμοια, κόσμον τε τύποι (leg. τόπῳ) καὶ φύσεωσ ψυχικῆσ μέρη (leg. μέρει)… . For my versions and adaptations and my discussion of this dark author I am much indebted to the French translation of parts of the De Musica by Festugière, A. J. in his ‘L'Ame et la musique, d'après Aristide Quintilien,’ TAPA 85 (1954) 55–78. Festugière spoke of a forthcoming edition by Winnington-Ingram, R. P. This has subsequently appeared (Leipzig: Teubner 1963) and the specialist may find the four passages I here cite (notes 30, 31, 32, 34) in the new edition on pp. 90.9, 87.28, 89.23, and 91.27 respectively.Google Scholar

³¹ έκ τῶν τδε προσλαμβάνει λοιπόν, ὡσ εναι τοῦτο πρῶτον αὐτὴ σῶμά τι φυσικόν, ἔκ τινων ἐπιφανειῶν ὑμενοειδῶν τε καὶ γραμμῶν νευροειδῶν καὶ πνεύματοσ συγκεκροτημένον. Google Scholar

³² τί δὴ θανμαστὸν εἰ τοῖσ κινοῦσι τὰ ὂργανα, νευραῖσ τε καὶ πνεύμασι, σῶμα ὄμοιον ἠ ψυχὴ φύσει λαβοῦσα συγκινεῖται κιουμένοισ, καὶ πνεύματόσ τε ἐμμελῶσ καὶ ἐρρύθμωσ ἠχοῦντοσ τῷ παρ' αὑτὴ πνεύματι συμπάσχει καὶ πληττομένησ νευρσ ἐναρμονίωσ νευραῖσ ταῖσ δίαισ συνηχεῖ τε καὶ συντείνεται….Google Scholar

³³ Clement of Alexandria in the Paedogogus 3.11 (PG 8.440ff.; ed. Stählin, O., GCS, Clemens 1, p. 18Iff.), counseled Christians to avoid the flute and pipes, which were instruments of idolators, appealing to animals and the irrational part of man. He said the instrument for the Christian was the lyre: Paed. 3.2.Google Scholar

³⁴ ταῦτα καὶ πυθαγόραν συμβουλεῦσαι τοῖσ ὁμιληταῖσ αὐλοῦ μὲν αἰαθομένοισ ἀκοὴν ὡσ πνεύματι μιανθεῖσαν ἀποκλύζεσθαι, πρὸσ δὲ τὸ λύριον ἐναισίοισ μέλεσι τὰσ τῆσ ψυχῆσ ἀλόγονσ ὁρμὰσ ἀποκαθαίρεσθαι. Google Scholar

³⁵ The pavement was published and its symbolism discussed by Picard, G. ‘Une mosaïque pythagoricienne à El Djem,’ Hommages à Waldemar Déonna (Brussels 1957) 390ff. It is worth noting here that the ‘geometry’ of the Jerusalem mosaic is that of the triangle, with its base made of έπιθυμία, the centaur, and θυμόσ, Pan. Orpheus, at the apex, is νοῦσ. According to Lucian, Vita Auct. 4, the Pythagoreans held that the triangle was a perfect figure. Picard points to a similar geometrical symbolism of the triangle in the composition of the Apollo and Marsyas mosaic. Gronovius, Jacob, Thesaurus Graecarum Antiquitatum (Leyden 1697) Sig. FFF, reproduces a coin from the reign of Antonius Pius which shows Orpheus among the animals; above his lyre is a large triangle.Google Scholar

³⁶ Basil, Saint, Liber de virginitate 7 (PG 30.681, 684). It may be only coincidence that in his attack on wind instruments, Clement of Alexandria mentions that men play tunes on the flute while horses copulate: Paedagogus 2.4.41 (PG 8.440–1; ed Stählin, O., GCS, Clemens 1 p. 182).Google Scholar