¹ Iliad XXII, 233/4.Google Scholar

² Ibid. XXII, 3. The city wall (τεîχos) is καλόν, Iliad XXI, 446/7. I think a subtle study might well be made of Homer's use of καλóς as an epithet of things. His poet's eye saw real beauty, as the great artists see it, everywhere. When he describes the third prize in the horse-race, Iliad XXIII, 267/8, as a ‘beautiful cauldron’ (λέβητα καλόν) he probably means it: it was still bright (λευκός), having never touched the fire (ἂπυρoς); and it held four measures: it was a goodly cauldron.Google Scholar

³ Xenophon, , Symposium v, 3–8. Critobulus defines with great clarity the sense in which he calls animals or even lifeless things, like weapons, καλά: ‘If, by Zeus, they are well wrought for the work we have them for, or are well formed by nature to our need, these too are καλά.‘ Google Scholar

⁴ Odyssey VIII, 166. ‘You have not spoken well.’ Google Scholar

⁵ See especially Rhetoric I, ix, 3 (1366a 33 et seq.); cf. Eudemian Ethics VIII, iii (1248b 18 et seq.).Google Scholar

⁶ Eudemian Ethics VIII, iii to the end: 1248b 8 to 1249b 25 (see especially sec. 6: 1248b 34 et seq.). For a philological and historical study of καλόν κἀγαθóς and of its abstract cognate, see Jüthner, Julius, ‘κΑοΟκΑΓΑΘΙΑ’, Charisteria Alois Rzach … dargebracht (Reichenberg 1930) 99–119. The author's illustration of political usage is of special value.Google Scholar

⁷ John X, 11.Google Scholar

⁸ II Timothy ii, 3.Google Scholar

⁹ Genesis iii, 6.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Acts iii, 2.Google Scholar

¹¹ Cratylus 416C-D. Tò καλόν is here derived from τό καλου̑ν, the naming faculty, i.e. ἡ διάνοια. For the modern theories, see Boisacq, E., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque (Heidelberg and Paris 1938) s.v. καλός. The Greek word is here referred to Sanskrit kalya-ḥ, ‘healthy,’ and kalyana-h, ‘beautiful, agreeable, salutary.’ Google Scholar

¹² ΠΕΡΙ toυ κΑοΟϒ. κΑοΟΣ IN ACCLAMATION Google Scholar

¹³ Hippias maior 304E. ‘Beautiful things are hard.’ It occurs also in the Cratylus 384B, and twice in the Republic 435C, 497D. The scholiast, Cratylus, l.c., credits Epicharmus with mentioning it (whence Kaibel, G., Comicorum Graecorum fragmenta I, fasc. i [Berlin 1899] 130: Epicharmus, frag. 220). According to the same scholion, and that on Hipp. Mai. l.c., it was Solon's reply to Pittacus’ χαλεπὸν ἐσθλὸν ἒµµεvαı (Greene, W. C., Scholia Platonica [Haverford 1938] 16 and 18). In this sense, too, ‘None but the brave deserve the fair.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hipp. Mai. 296–297.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Platon Oeuvres complètes III, ii, text and translation by Alfred Croiset with Louis Bodin (Paris 1923) ad loc. Google Scholar

¹⁶ Gorgias 475A. Polus: ‘You define καλς, Socrates, when you define τὸ καλόν in terms of the pleasant and of the good together.’ Socrates: ‘And τό αισχρόν in the contrary terms of the painful and bad?’ Arethas, in a scholion on this place, builds the formula: καλόν ἐστı τò μεθ’ ἡδονῆς ἀyadôv αἰσχρόν ἐστı τò μετὰ λύπης κακόν (Greene, , Scholia Platonica 477).Google Scholar

¹⁷ ‘The living being, as a symmetrical whole, is of all things, to one who can see, the fairest and loveliest’ (κάλλιστoν καὶ ἐρασμιώτατον): Timaeus 87C.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Timaeus, eod. loco. ‘If one is both justly to be called καλός and correctly ἀγαθòς.’ Cf. Suidas, , Lexicon , edited by Adler, Ada III (Leipzig 1933), καλός κἀγαθός: τò μὲν καλός ἐπὶ τη̑ς ἐv σώματι ὣρας, τò δὲ ἀγαθòς ἐπὶ τς ἐv ψνχ . In a passage of the Meno (92E–96B), with the sour Anytus giving the tone, the expression καλòς κἀγαθòς and its plural are of incessant recurrence. It would seem to have been a badge of the bien pensants. (See Julius Jüthner, mentioned above n. 6, for καλòς κἀγαθóς as a political term.) In the Republic III, 401D, it has its favorable sense: one who has learned in youth to love the good through loving the beautiful will have the right bent when reason dawns: he will be καλòς κἀγαθóς. Google Scholar

¹⁹ Hipp. Mai. 281 A.Google Scholar

²⁰ Shorey, Paul, What Plato Said (Chicago 1933) 472.Google Scholar

²¹ Xenophon, , Hellenica II, iii, 56. Cicero, , Tusculan Disputations I, xl, 96, translates, ‘Propino hoc pulchro Critiae.’ Google Scholar

²² ‘Eine grimmige Parodie dieser Erastensitte (male love) ist es auch, wenn Theramenes seinen Schierlingsbecher dem über 50 Jahre alten Todfeind Kρıτίᾳ. τ καλ darbringt’: Langlotz, E., Zur Zeitbestimmung der strengrotfigurigen Vasenmalerei (Leipzig 1920) 44.Google Scholar

²³ I Alcibiades 113B.Google Scholar

²⁴ Protagoras 362A. W. R. M. Lamb, in the Loeb Plato IV (1937), translates, ‘our excellent Callias,’ which I think inadequate.Google Scholar

²⁵ viii, 40. ‘And you have the most striking figure to be seen in town.’ Both in the Protagoras and in Xenophon's Symposium, the scene is laid at Callias’ house.Google Scholar

²⁶ Phaedrus 235C. ‘But it's clear I have heard some, perhaps Sappho the beautiful or Anacreon the wise.’ Google Scholar

²⁷ Philosophumena xviii, 86A (ed. Holbein, H. [Leipzig 1910] 227, line 6): ‘So he is pleased to call her for the beauty of her music, though she was short and dark.’ Σαττφὼ ἡ καλή recurs in the 12th century on the pen of Princess Comnena, Anna, Alexiad XV, 490B.Google Scholar

²⁸ Lines 31–36.Google Scholar

²⁹ Kroll, W., ‘Maximos von Tyros,’ PWK 14, ii (1930) 2561, denies direct dependence in the well known parallel between Maximus XV, 1 and Horace, , Satires I, i, adding a word of general caution: ‘Das tralatizische Gut ist in dieser Literatur besonders gross.’ Google Scholar

³⁰ Bergk, T., Poetae lyrici graeci ⁴ III (Leipzig 1882), Alcaeus, fr. 55. ‘Of the violet tresses, undefiled, gently smiling Sappho.’ The Muses are ἰοπλόκαμοι in Pindar, , Pythian Odes i, 1.Google Scholar

³¹ We have no reason to suppose there was a tradition of authentic portraiture of Sappho. Of extant vases bearing figures clearly intended for her, Bernoulli, J. J., Griechische Ikonographie I (Munich 1901), lists these noteworthy examples as the oldest: (1) In the Dzialinsky Collection, Paris. Early fifth century. (2) Found at Agrigentum, now in Munich. Somewhat later than the preceding. (3) In the Middleton Collection, Paris. Middle of the fourth century. The first of these is illustrated by a line drawing in Cipollini, A., Saifo (Milan 1890) 322. It was published by D. Comparetti in Museo italiano di antichità classica 1886, plate III, fig. 1, which I have not seen. The figure is decidedly archaic. The other two are illustrated in color in Jahn, Otto, ‘Ueber Darstellungen griechischer Dichter auf Vasenbildern,’ Abhandl. der phil.-hist. Classe der königl. sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften III (Leipzig 1861) plate I. The name of Sappho is painted on all of these.Google Scholar

³² Phaedrus 278E.Google Scholar

³³ Philebus 11C.Google Scholar

³⁴ Protagoras 309A. ‘The man looked handsome still, but a grown man, Socrates.’ Google Scholar

³⁵ Meno 76B. ‘That you are handsome, and have your lovers still.’ Google Scholar

³⁶ 80C. ‘I have noticed this about all beautiful people, that they like comparisons. It's to their advantage; for the terms of comparison for the beautiful are naturally beautiful.’ Google Scholar

³⁷ Theaetetus 185E. ‘For you are fair, Theaetetus, and not homely, as Theodore said. For one who speaks fair is both fair and good.’ Google Scholar

³⁸ Tὴν δ'oὒv ἰδεαv πάνυ καλός, Protagoras 315D. Cf. Aristophanes, , Thesmophoriazusae 191 seq. Google Scholar

³⁹ ‘Converted into such a beau,’ Jowett.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Symposium 174A.Google Scholar

⁴¹ This figure of striking interest for the history of letters in the middle ages was brought to the attention of modern scholarship by Rose, Valentin, ‘Die Lücke in Diogenes Laertius und der alte Uebersetzer,’ Hermes 1 (1866) 367–397. Rose here published (p. 387ff.) the prefaces of Henricus’ Meno (now reedited by V. Kordeuter: see n. 46) and Phaedo .Google Scholar

⁴² Falcandus, Hugo, Liber de regno Siciliae , ed. Siragusa, G. B. (Fonti per la storia d'Italia 22, Rome 1897) p. 44.Google Scholar

⁴³ Preface of an anonymous translator of the Almagest, about 1160 A.D., first edited by Haskins, C. H. and Lockwood, D. P. in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 21 (1910); lastly, from fuller material, by Haskins, , Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science (Cambridge 1924) 191f. The translator, a Salernitan medical student, tells the story of the codex, then newly arrived in Sicily, where he was able to make use of it. It has been identified by Heiberg, J. L., Hermes 46 (1911) 213–215, with the extant Marcianus graecus 313 (10th century): cf. Haskins, , Mediaeval Science 136. Chapters viii and ix of this work are an invaluable introduction to the history of Greek studies in Norman Sicily.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See n. 41.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Haskins, p. 168, text and n. 48; Labowsky (see footnote here following) p. x, text and n. 5.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Meno interprete Henrico Aristippo , edited by Kordeuter, Victor, with a preface by Carlotta Labowsky (Corpus Platonicum Medii Aevi, London 1940) p. 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Falcandus, Hugo, op. cit. 81. While I have consulted the sources for Henricus’ life, I have leaned constantly upon Haskins and Labowsky; my dates are taken from Haskins.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Meno , Kordeuter 5f. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Haskins, , Mediaeval Science 150ff. gives valuable information on twelfth-century translation. Writing before the Latin Meno was published, he somewhat overcharged his banter: ‘Who was Aristippus,’ he asks (p. 152), ‘that he should omit any of the sacred words of Plato?’ To this, in a footnote (n. 37), he adds, ‘Even to the point of rendering τε καί by que et.’ L. Minio-Paluello has provided with excellent indices verborum Kordeuter's edition of Henricus’ Meno (Graeco-Latinus, p. 55ff.; Latino-Graecus, p. 78ff.). Under καί he gives the statistics of τε καί. Sixteen times it is translated as Haskins reports; seventeen times translation of τε is omitted; quidem … et is an alternative rendering; et … et, quoque … et, quoque … necnon, quoque … atque are also employed.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Haskins, 152 and 167f. Google Scholar

⁵¹ The examples following are from Kordeuter's edition, cited by Stephanus’ pages, which are there retained.Google Scholar

⁵² 72B, 87E.Google Scholar

⁵³ 90B.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ 92E; 93A and C; 95A; 96B.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ 77B.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ 81A (cf. 97E).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ 89E.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ 97E.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ 77B.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ 71B.Google Scholar

⁶¹ 76C.Google Scholar

⁶² See above, at nn. 35, 36.Google Scholar

⁶³ 76B.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ 80C.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Hipp. Mai. 281 A.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ I Alcib. 113B.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Hellenica II, iii, 56.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Paul Shorey quotes from Cowley: ‘And sometimes Mary is the fair/ And sometimes Anne the crown did wear’ (on Plato's Lysis 204B: What Plato Said , pp. 113 and 487). Suidas, , Lexicon (Adler, III) s.v. καλòς κἀγαθός notes ό ἐρώμενος, the beloved, as a definition of καλòς. Google Scholar

⁶⁹ The following works are of special value for the subject of vase inscriptions with καλòς. Footnote references to them will be shortened. (1) Panofka, Theodor Sigismund, ‘Die griechischen Eigennamen mit κΑοΟΣ im Zusammenhang mit dem Bilderschmuck auf bemalten Gefässen,’ Abhandlungen der königlichen Akademve der Wissenschaften , Berlin 1849, Phil.-hist. Klasse, pp. 37–126, with 4 plates containing some fifty figures. Panofka's significance is now largely historical; he was a great inspirer. (2) Johannes Franz (edited by Curtius) in the Corpus inscriptionum graecarum [= CIG] 4 (Berlin 1877), Praefatio editons, pp. x-xiii. The formulary of καλòς inscriptions (p. x, section 2) is the fullest I have seen. (3) Wernicke, Konrad, Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsnamen (Berlin 1890). This study met an adverse fate by appearing only a few months before the following. (4) Klein, Wilhelm, Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsnamen (Leipzig 1890; second edition, 1898.) While Klein's work remains indispensable, thanks to the solid thoroughness with which the author gathered and organized his material, it must be used with constant control of later studies. (5) Hartwig, Paul, Die griechischen Meister schalen der Blütezeit des strengen rotfigurigen Stiles (Berlin 1893). See especially chap. ii (pp. 6–11): ‘Die Lieblingsnamen.’ There is an album of plates in large folio. (6) Kretschmer, Paul, Die griechischen Vaseninschriften ihrer Sprache nach untersucht (Gütersloh 1894). [Pharmakovski, B. V., 1901: see below, Appendix I.] (7) Furtwängler, Adolf and Reichhold, Karl, Griechische Vasenmalerei (Munich 1904–1932). After Furtwängler's death (1907), Friederich Hauser, Ernst Buschor, Carl Watzinger, Robert Zahn participated in the authorship. The work appeared in three series, each series with a volume of text in folio and 60 plates in large folio (numbered 1–180). (8) Langlotz, Ernst, Zur Zeitbestimmung der strengrotfigurigen Vasenmalerei und der gleichzeitigen Plastik (Leipzig 1920). On the καλòς names see especially p. 4f. and pp. 43–64. (9) Buschor, Ernst, Greek Vase-Painting , translated by Richards, G. C. (London 1921). (10) Corpus vasorum antiquorum [= CVA] (Union Académique Internationale, Paris 1922-). (11) Richter, Gisela M. A., Red-Figured Athenian Vases in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New Haven 1936). Text and plates are in separate folio volumes. On the καλòς names see the general introduction, p. xxix f. and the special introduction to vases of the early red-figured style, pp. 11–13; see also ‘Kalos names’ in the index. (12) Robinson, David M. and Fluck, Edward J., A Study of Greek Love-Names (Baltimore 1937). After introductory chapters on καλòς names on vases and in literature, follows a prosopography of such names in literature and in art other than vases (chap. iii), and a similar prosopography for vases (chap. iv); in an appendix, καλòς names on a few non-Athenian vases. (13) Beazley, J. D., Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters (Oxford 1942). See especially Appendix III, ‘Love Names,’ pp. 912–947.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Klein, , Lieblingsnamen ² 1.Google Scholar

⁷¹ See above all Beazley, , Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters , Appendix III. To Klein's 15 vases with the love-name Glaucon, Beazley lists 25; to Klein's 45 with Leagros, 54.Google Scholar

⁷² Buschor, , Greek Vase Painting 102; pl. 50, fig. 91. Klitias' work is dated ca. 570–560 B.C. The vogue of the καλός names is much involved in the history of Athenian pederasty, which, in the sixth and fifth centuries, especially in the upper classes, rose to the status of an avowed institution with its show of honor. Robinson, and Fluck, , Greek Love-Names, offer a well-informed discussion of the subject. Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff's pages on ‘Knabenliebe’ in his Platon I² (Berlin 1920) 44–49, are valuable both for their learning and for their gravity of judgment.Google Scholar

⁷³ For examples and commentary see Robinson, and Fluck, , Greek Love-Names 31.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Theognis 1365/6: ‘O fairest of boys and of all most desired, stand here and hearken to my brief lay.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁵ CVA, Athens, fasc. 1, class II C I, pl. 3, fig. 1 and 3. Cf. Robinson, and Fluck, , Greek Love-Names 31, and frontispiece, fig. 2.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Theognis 237–243.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Charmides 153D–155E.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Lysis 207A-B.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Symposium 180C–185E.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Phaedrus 230E–234C.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Eight names of dramatis personae in the dialogues of Plato are found on extant vases: Agathon, Alcibiades, Callias, Charmides, Glaucon, Laches, Lysis and Socrates. Robinson, and Fluck, , Greek Love-Names , chap. iv, provide material and commentary on all of these. I do not understand the remark: ‘Lysis of the vases is probably identical with the pupil of Socrates known to us through the dialogue of that name in Plato’ (op. cit. 139). Socrates, born in 469 B.C., is a grown man in the dialogue, the dramatic date of which cannot suitably be set much earlier than 440 B.C. Lysis of the dialogue is at this date a young boy, perhaps twelve years old. The Lysis vases, like the Laches vases, belong to the Antiphon group, assigned by the competent judges to the ripe archaic style, which they place in the early decades of the fifth century (e.g. Richter, , Red-Figured Athenian Vases 83: ‘These vases form a homogeneous group at the end of the archaic period [about 480 B.C.]’). A better case can be argued for Laches, who is an older man than Socrates in the dialogue of his name. On one of the Laches vases another boy is also praised: Nικόστρατος καλός. Laches of the dialogue and a fellow general named Nicostratos—both of them known to Thucydides—fought and fell together at Mantinea (418 B.C.). They could have been καλοί παδες together in their time; both could have been septuagenarians when they shared their last command; yet in the absence of fuller information the probability floats in air. The names are both very common. There is nothing in the dialogue to suggest that Plato's Laches had had a glamorous past.Google Scholar

⁸² See the tabulation of καλòς names by professions in Robinson, and Fluck, , Greek Love-Names 66–69.Google Scholar

⁸³ Lysis 205C.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Greek Love-Names 1.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See Klein, , Lieblingsnamen ², Index I, p. 171ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Furtwängler, , Griechische Vasenmalerei pl. 63; Buschor, , Greek Vase-Painting pl. 65.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Tίν τάνδε λατάσσω, Λἐαγρε. Cf. Beazley, , Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters 17, no. 12, and Kretschmer, Paul, Die griechischen Vaseninschriften 87, no. 55.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Beazley, , op. cit. 13–18, passim. Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See Langlotz, , Zeitbestimmung der strengrotfigurigen Vasenmalerei 50–54; table facing p. 116.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Kirchner, Johannes, Prosopographia attica II (Berlin 1903) no. 9028.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Beazley, , op. cit. 576, nos. 7 and 8; p. 579, nos. 1 and B. Three of these with other lecythoi also distinguished by occurrence of the patronymic in the καλòς formula are discussed by Bosanquet, R. C., ‘On a Group of early Attic Lecythoi,’ Journal of Hellenic Studies 16 (1896) 164–177; plates 4–8.Google Scholar

⁹² Langlotz, , Zeitbestimmung , table facing p. 116.Google Scholar

⁹³ Kirchner, , Prosopographia attica I, no. 3027.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Of 54 vases with the καλός name Leagros, listed by Beazley, , Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters 929–932, I count 37 cups.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Beazley, , op. cit. 210, Proto-Panaitian Group, no. 1; Buschor, , Greek Vase-Painting plate 68.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Signed by Euphronios. Beazley, , op. cit. 17, no. 14; Hoppin, Joseph Clark, A Handbook of Attic Red-Figured Vases I (Harvard University Press 1919) 391 (plate).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Euphronios. Beazley, , op. cit. 16, no. 4; Langlotz, , Zeitbestimmung pl. 3, fig. 5.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Beazley, , op. cit. 212, no. 12; Klein, , Lieblingsnamen 77, fig. 16.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Zeitbestimmung 50 and 54.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Beazley, , op. cit. 575, no. 3; Murray, A. S. and Smith, A. H., White Athenian Vases in the British Museum (1896) pl. 15; Buschor, , Greek Vase-Painting pl. 78, fig. 129.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Greek Vase-Painting pl. 135.Google Scholar

¹⁰² I count eleven lecythoi, at least six of which are white, in Beazley's list of twenty-five Glaucon vases ( Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters , p. 924).Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Bosanquet, R. C., Journal of Hellenic Studies 16, 169, has some interesting remarks on the earlier lecythoi picturing preparations for a visit to the tomb: ‘There need not be any allusion as yet to the ultimate destination of the lecythos on which this scene was so appropriate; it was a natural variation of the common indoor scene. In Athens … the visits to the dead and the decoration of the grave were not only among the duties but in all likelihood among the chief interests and pleasures of women who otherwise seldom went abroad.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Beazley, , op. cit. 579, no. 1; CVA, Baltimore, fasc. 1, pl. 39.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid. 579, no. B; Journal of Hellenic Studies 16, pl. 4.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Ibid. 924, no. 10.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Ibid. 576, no. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Ibid. 576, no. 7; CVA, Oxford, pl. 38, no. 10.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Smith, Cecil H., Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum III (London 1896) 396, D 20; Murray, A. S. and Smith, A. H., White Athenian Vases pl. 22; Riezler, Walter, Weissgrundige Attische Lekythen (Munich 1914) Text p. 34, fig. 20.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ CVA, Baltimore, fasc. 1, text p. 54; pl. 40, fig. 2.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Fairbanks, Arthur, Athenian Lekythoi I (New York 1907) 51, no. 18.Google Scholar

¹¹² IG ed. min. 1 (Berlin 1924) no. 925.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Ibid. no. 926.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Ibid . no. 921; IG 1 suppl. (Berlin 1877–1903) 125, no. 558.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Ibid. no. 923. ‘Exempli gratia restituimus nomen Atticum’ (Hiller von Gaertringen).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Judeich, W., Topographie von Athen ² (Munich 1931) 298.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ IG 12, 3 (Berlin, 1898), nos. 536–601.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Ibid. on no. 549. The word καλòς occurs in this inscription; but the context is undetermined. καλι | καλ[ι] occurs in another rock inscription at Thera (no. 380), likewise in a doubtful context. The editor, Hiller von Gaertringen, thinks the reference may be to a goddess, perhaps Artemis, whose name is carved in the rock nearby.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Lippold, G., ‘Pheidias,’ PWK 19, 2 (1938) 1920, makes serious use of it in discussing a problem of Phidias’ chronology.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Iiii, 4 ( Clemens Alexandrinus , ed. Stählin, O., I [Leipzig 1905] 41, lines 18–20). The same account is given by Arnobius, , Adversus nationes VI, xiii (ed. Reifferscheid, A. [Vienna 1875] 225, line 10ff.); Suidas, , Lexicon, s.v. ‘Pαμνουσία Nέµεσις; Photius, , Lexicon, s. iisdem. Athena replaces Zeus in the version of Gregory Nazianzen, iambics De virtute 863/4 (PG 37, 742). In a scholion on this place, Arethas attributes to Libanius still another version, in which Aphrodite is the divinity (see Libanii Opera , ed. Foerster, R., XI [Leipzig 1922] 662, frg. 83).Google Scholar

¹²¹ Pausanias, , Description of Greece V, xi, 3; VI, x, 6; xv, 2.Google Scholar

¹²² Lines 142–144.Google Scholar

¹²³ The scholion is quoted by Rogers in his note on Wasps 99, with kindred texts, including Shakespeare, As You Like It III, ii, ‘There is a man haunts the forest, that abuses our young plants with carving Rosalind on their barks.’ Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Lines 97–99. It is a pity to translate κημός, destroying the play on Δ μος. It was the funnel-shaped top of the dicasts’ voting urn.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Nancy-Paris-Strasbourg 1919. There are facsimiles of all examples.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Ibid. 54, no. 291.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Ibid. 101, nos. 557, 561. p. 108, no. 601: ‘Aμάτοκος καλός .Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Ibid. 75, no. 400. Preisigke, F., Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten 1 (Strasbourg 1913) no. 3792, dates this to the second century before Christ. For καλή in epitaphs, see below, pp. 22 and 43ff.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Idyll. XV, V, 14. LeBlant, E., 750 Inscriptions de pierres gravées,’ Mémoires de l'Institut de France , Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres , 36 (1898): see no. 137.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ First published by Stewart Macalister, R. A., Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement for 1901 (London) 14f., with the author's line drawing. I adopt the paleographical suggestions of Clermont-Ganneau, in the same volume, p. 116ff. Full justification of the text, as of my interpretation, following Dalman and others, of Es Sûk as a dovecote, are desiderata to which I hope elsewhere to return. I am under grateful obligation to G. J. H. Ovenden, Assistant Secretary of the Palestine Exploration Fund, for a photograph of the squeeze of the inscription.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Munich 334: CIG 4, no. 7863; Klein, , Griechische Vasen mit Lieblingsnamen 60; Robinson, and Fluck, , A Study of Greek Love-Names Chap. iii, no. 73.Google Scholar

¹³² Published by Leslie Shear, T., ‘A New Rhodian Inscription,’ American Journal of Philology 29 (1906) 461–466, with plate: καλλίστα γς à Bρασία ὡς ἐµîv δοκεî. I should translate: ‘The Brasian girl seems the fairest on earth to me.’ Βράσιoς as a demotic occurs in numerous Rhodian inscriptions (IG 12, i: see index p. 229; cf. p. 112); a toponym Βράσος has been conjectured, and assigned to a probable site in Rhodes. Shear supposed y η or χώρα or possibly πόλις was understood in the inscription with Βρασία.Google Scholar

¹³³ Roman History LXI (LXII), xix–xx: see especially xx, 5.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Ibid. LXXVIII (LXXIX), xx, 2.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Cassius was in Rome in the spring of this year (LXXVIII [LXXIX], xvi, 4; xxxviii, 5); the celebration was in September (xx, 1). Cf. Prosopographia imperii romani ² II, no. 492: see p. 116.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Graffiti texts in which a date is given are comparatively rare. For Pompeii, these are listed in CIL 4, Supplement II, Index V (p. 767), and range between 78 B.C. and 78 A.D. Six bear the name of Nero and represent dates from 56 (?) to 60 A.D. A larger number are of Vespasian's time. Given the ubiquity of the calos inscriptions these cannot all be older than 63 A.D., when the walls of the city were largely shaken down by earthquake, to be at once rebuilt (see Mau, A., Pompeji in Leben und Kunst ² [Leipzig 1908] 18), only to be overwhelmed in the great eruption of 79 A.D. Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Mau, , Pompeji 7f.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ So many Attic amphorae of a style dated to the early fifth century have been found at Nola that they are called Nolan amphorae. Pompeii was the harbor of Nola. As late as 1939, a red-figured cylix came to light at Orvieto—quite another region, and less likely to yield relics of Hellas—picturing a youth carousing on his couch and carrying the familiar legend HO ΠΑΙΣ κΑοΟΣ. (Atti … Accademia … dei Lincei, Notizie degli Scavi 15 [Rome, 1939] 31; pl. 4, no. 2).Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Mau, , Pompeji 15f.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ See ThLL 3 s.v. calos .Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ For possible exceptions see ThLL l.c. Google Scholar

¹⁴² CIL 4, no. 4765 (cf. no. 5148: ROMVLVS CALVOS). CIL 4, inscriptiones parietariae Pompeianae , edited by Zangemeister, Karl (Berlin 1871), is continued in the same volume, Supplement II, edited by August Mau and Zangemeister (1909). The numbers run in one series. A collection of these texts has been edited by Diehl, Ernst, Pompeianische Wandinschriften (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte 56; Bonn 1910). Geist, Hieronymus, Pompeianische Wandschriften (Munich 1936), is an illustrative selection of texts with German translations and a brief bibliography.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ No. 2179.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ No. 2180.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ No. 652.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ No. 5138 (cf. no. 5136).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ No. 1236.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ No. 3069.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ No. 1286.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ No. 1283.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ No. 1309.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Rome and Pompeii: Archaeological Rambles , translated by Havelock Fisher, D. (New York 1896) 431.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Scholiast on Aristophanes, Wasps 99 (see above, n. 123).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ No. 1256.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Even if construed with Hermeros, which is less appropriate.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ No. 1294.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ No. 1285. The remainder is not completely preserved nor well understood.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ No. 1639, line 5.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ No. 2301.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Pompeji 147. The text quoted is CIL 4, no, 5395. The Puteoli inscription is published by Mommsen, CIL 10, no. 1946: C. Ummidius Actius Anicetus Pantomimus. CIL 4, no. 2155 is the basis for the opinion that Actius was head of his company. The text is arresting: ‘C. Cominius Pyrrichus et L. Novius Priscus et L. Campius Primigenius, fanatici tres a pulvinar (i) Synethaei, hic fuerunt cum Martiale sodale, Actiani Anicetiani sinceri. Salvio sodali feliciter.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ No. 5399.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Nos. 4567 and 5018. The first of these is quoted by the Thesaurus to illustrate calos feminine. This looks like a confusion with the name Acte, which occurs once in the Pompeian graffiti (no. 2057). It would not be astonishing to find a namesake of Nero's favorite among the calos celebrities; but there is no reason for suspecting it here.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ No. 2155, quoted in n. 160, is a graffito on the wall of a room in this house. Cf. Mau, , Pompeji 419.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ No. 2150.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ A number of storage jars have been found at Pompeii, carrying painted Greek inscriptions with the unit κΑο or κΑοΑ included. In one case (CIL 4, no. 5898), κΑο appears alone on one side of the amphora; on the other side, ΟΙ κΑΛ. It would be convenient to understand oἶvoς καλός, analogous to optimum and excellens on similar jars (see Index Verborum of this volume); but the other Greek examples (nos. 6567–6571) offer a stumbling-block. They are all from the same house; all are inscribed TEIMOME (Campbell Bonner raises an interesting question: can this be an orthographic variant for τιμμαι, my price is set?). Three of the jars are marked with a letter, probably numerical. The remainder of the inscription on all of these is the single word κΑΛΑ (or κΑΛ), occupying a line by itself. The neuter plural will not do as an adjective of wine; nor would a feminine singular, which in any case would not take the Doric form, August Mau, the editor, hazards no suggestion, having remarked in his preface to these pottery inscriptions (p. 621): ‘Commentariis in re tam incerta fere abstinui.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ The Exeavations at Dura-Europos conducted by Yale University and the French Academy of Inscriptions and Letters: Preliminary Report of the Ninth Season of Work 1935–1936, edited by Rostovtzeff, Μ. I., Bellinger, A. R., Brown, F. E. and Welles, C. B., Part I The Agora and Bazaar (New Haven 1944). See especially Appendix II, pp. 203–265, ‘Dipinti from G₅ C₂,’ by H. Immerwahr.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Ibid. 246.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Ibid. 205f.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Ibid. 166f. (see plate 19).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ See especially pp. 255–257.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Ibid. 260f. Google Scholar

¹⁷² Ibid. 212, Fragment I, col. 2, line 12; p. 213, line 20; col. 3, lines 6 and 10. See the editor's note, p. 224, on the first occurrence; also p. 255f. Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Ibid. 256.Google Scholar

^173a Kaibel, G., Inscriptiones Italiae et Siciliae (IG 14, Berlin 1890) 1984.Google Scholar

^173b Kaibel's doubtful restoration.Google Scholar

^173c CIG 2, no. 2045.Google Scholar

^173d Ibid. no. 2862.Google Scholar

^173e The text is A. W. Van Buren's. For references, see below, n. 381. The Latin term matrona has noble associations. It was, however, no patent of virtue (cf. Suetonius, , Nero xxvii).Google Scholar

^173f Rufinus, , Πο σοι κεȋνα , Μέλισσα: Greek Anthology V, xxvii (xxvi), 6.Google Scholar

^173g IG 14, no. 2388.Google Scholar

^173h Giovanni Battista Doni (d. 1647), ‘ab Hippolyto Saraceno.’ On Doni, see CIL 6, i, p. lviii, no. LXXIV. See Kaibel, , loc. cit. Google Scholar

¹⁷³ⁱ The inscription, Eὐμύρι (εὐμοίρει) Παπ-ία καλέ ‘Farewell, fair Papias,’ was read from a grave stone built into a wall at Kara Senir, near ancient Derbe, in Asia Minor, by J. R. Sittlington Sterett, and published in Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens III, The Wolf Expedition to Asia Minor (Boston 1888) 30, no. 35. Margaret Ramsay, in the Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, edited by W. M. Ramsay (University of Aberdeen Studies 20; Aberdeen 1906) 45f. no. 23, was able to publish the complete text, but with considerable doubt about readings: Εὐμύρι ‘Oπ-φι καλ[ή], Παπ-ία καλέ, oὐδὶs γὰρ ἀθάνατος. There is a problem to be solved in the figure on this stone (see Ramsay, fig. 23). The suggestion that it may be Christian seems to me to lack substantial ground.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ ‘750 Inscriptions de pierres gravées,’ Mem. de l'Institut, Acad. des Inscrip. et Belles Lettres 36 (1898).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ Ibid. 12.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ See e.g. nos. 125, 127, 132. For καλὴ ψυχή in a pagan epitaph, see below, n. 381.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Ibid. 48, n. 3.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ I, x: Hercher, R., Epistolographi graeci (Paris 1873) 141. The author is of the fifth century according to Schmid-Stählin, , Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur II, ii (Munich 1924) 1048.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ Iliad X, 707.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Ibid. XVIII, 382.Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ Odyssey IV, 404.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Ibid. XIV, 253, 299.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ For Homer's sole, indistinct allusion to the judgment of Paris, see Iliad XXIV, 28–30. Leavings of the Epic Cycle (see especially, in what is left of Proculus’ Chrestomathy, the argument of the Cypria : Allen, T. W., Homeri Opera V, Oxford 1912, p. 102) represent the oldest known source of the rounded story, with only the apple to be added as eventual stage-property (see below, n. 194).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Odyssey VIII, 310. ‘He is handsome and his leg is straight.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ Ibid. 320. ‘A daughter fair but unrestrained.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ Ibid. XIII, 287/8. ‘She was like in form to a woman fair and tall and acquainted with noble arts.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ Iliad XVIII, 518. ‘Fair and tall … and of godlike carriage.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Hymn VI, 1 and 2? ‘I shall sing the revered, golden crowned, fair Aphrodite.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Theogony 194. ‘Ashore stepped the revered, fair goddess.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ Ἀφροδίτης καλς οὒσης : Plato, , Symposium 203 C.Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Plutarch, , Quaest. Sympos. III, vi, 4; whence Bergk, T., Poetae lyrici graeci ⁴ III, Carmina popularia p. 656. ‘Set old age back, O fair Aphrodite.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹² ‘Let the Fair receive it.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Lucian, , Dialogi deorum xx, 7 and Dialogi marini v, 1. Hyginus (probably of the age of the Antonines; see his Fabulae , Rose, H. J. [Leiden, n.d.] vii f.) mentions the apple, Fab. xcii: ‘ab ianua misit Eris in medium malum, dicit quae esset formosissima attolleret.’ Sallustius (fourth century), Concerning the Gods and the Universe iv (ed. Nock, A. D., Cambridge 1926, p. 6), seems to assume the inscription.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ Rose, H. J., Handbook of Greek Mythology (New York 1929) 128, n. 17, thinks the apple episode a ‘good folktale theme … likely to be really old,’ that is to say, pre-Alexandrian.—The judgment of Paris is the principal subject on a red-figured amphora in the British Museum assigned by Beazley to the Charmides Painter (Attische Vasenmaler 130, no. 6), about 480–470 B.C., published in the Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum (Brit. Mus. fasc. 5, III i C, plate 48, 1a and 1b). The editors, Walters, H. B. and Forsdyke, E. J., describe Hera as carrying The apple’. While the photograph shows only a white blur in the critical area, the description is to be relied upon for the material fact that Hera holds a fruit in her hand. Other vase paintings of the scene are cited in comparison with this by Harrison, Jane, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (Cambridge 1903) 293–297, some showing fruit and flowers ‘held indifferently by one or all the goddesses.’ The Three Graces are similarly represented. It is not at all clear that Hera of the Charmides vase carries the prize-apple in her hands.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Pausanias, , Description of Greece I, xxix, 2.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ The manuscripts read τὰ ἒπη τὰ Σαπφος: the name ‘vel propter τὰ ἒπη reiciendum est, quod de carminibus Sapphus Pausanias non dixerit’ (H. Hitzig). Πάμφω is established by comparison with VIII, xxxv, 8. The same emendation is adopted by Jones, W. H. S., following Spiro's text, in the Loeb Classical Library.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Ibid. VIII, xxxvii, 9.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ Ibid. VIII, xxxv, 8.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ καλλιστώ is the feminine proper noun corresponding to the adjective καλλιστή: cf. Ἀριστώ. Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ There are important variants of the Artemis myth; and the ceremonies of her cult are of essential relevance. See Farnell, L. R., Cults of the Greek States II (Oxford 1896) chapter xiii, especially pp. 434–439.Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Introduction to a Scientific System of Mythology , translated by Leitch, J. (London 1844) 17. Farnell (op. cit. 435): ‘The evidence that Müller puts together makes it certain that … Callisto … is none other than Artemis herself.’ Farnell adds something to the evidence previously gathered. Cf. Lang, Andrew, Myth, Ritual and Religion II (London and New York 1913) 233.Google Scholar

²⁰² Op. cit. 234.Google Scholar

²⁰³ Line 140. The article is omitted by the Mediceus and, among recent editors, by Herbert Weir Smyth (Loeb Classical Library). It appears in the Laurentianus, and is adopted by Wilamowitz, Mazon, Gilbert Murray. Other uncertain readings in the passage are involved.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ Verrall, A. W., The Agamemnon of Aeschylus (London 1904) ad loc. Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ Hippolytus 70ff. Cf. 65.Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ Palatine Anthology VI, no. 286, 5. A dedication for an embroidery.Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ CIG 3, no. 4445.Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ Hesychius, S.V. καλλίστη.Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ Of the Kαλλίστη outside Athens whom Pausanias knew, Η. Usener, K., Götternamen (Bonn 1896) 530, writes: ‘Ob sie richtiger als Artemis oder als Hekate bezeichnet wurde, ist eine müssige Frage; sie war beides und keines von beiden, eine besondere Gestaltung der Mondgöttin.’ Google Scholar

²¹⁰ Farnell, L. R., Cults of the Greek States II, chap. xvi. See especially p. 509.Google Scholar

²¹¹ Αίματος ἱµεlρoυσα, φόβον θνητοȋσι φέρουσα, she is called in a popular carmen preserved by Hippolytus, , Philosophumena or the Refutation of all Heresies IV, viii: see Bergk, T., Poetae lyrici Graeci ⁴ III, 682. In Bergk's opinion, this incantation is ‘non valde antiquum, sed certe non prorsus novicium.’ Google Scholar

²¹² Plato, , Symposium 206D. Translation by Lamb, W. R. M., in Loeb Classical Library, Plato V (1939).Google Scholar

²¹³ Usener, H. K., ‘Kallone,’ Rheinisches Museum , n. F. 22 (1868) 368ff.Google Scholar

²¹⁴ Besides Lamb (as above, n. 212), see especially Bury, R. G., The Symposium of Plato (Cambridge 1909) 111, ad loc.: ‘such a personification, in this context, requires no precedent.’ Cf. Shorey, , What Plato Said (Chicago 1933) 195 and 548. There is a slip of the pen in Shorey's remark, ‘The word καλλονή is perhaps Plato's invention.’ He has to mean the personification, not the word.Google Scholar

²¹⁵ Recall, for example, the myth of Eros’ conception by Penia from Poros.Google Scholar

^215a Kolbe, , Inscriptiones Laconiae et Messeniae (IG 5, i, Berlin 1913) no. 1445. Noting that by καλοί we are to understand gods propitious at childbirth, the editor cites in comparison καλοί δαίμονες, IG 14, no. 813, where, however, there is question of patrons of the dead: see below, p. 30.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ Plutarch, , Symposium V, iii, 1, p. 675E.Google Scholar

²¹⁷ Usener, , Götternamen 54, n. 16.Google Scholar

²¹⁸ Breccia remarks ‘belle lettere di età tolemaica,’ and quotes Michel's date, 3rd century B.C., which is retained by Preisigke. For the references, see below.Google Scholar

²¹⁹ No. 117 and plate 35, no. 86. The volume belongs to the Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée d'Alexandrie.Google Scholar

²²⁰ Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Ägypten I (Strasbourg 1913). There is a valuable apparatus of editorial readings. The text of Breccia and of Preisigke is secure.Google Scholar

²²¹ Preisigke, , Namenbuch, s.v. Ἀμμωνριν. Google Scholar

²²² Revue des etudes grecques 4 (1891) 391f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²²³ CIG 2, no. 3137, 61: c. 244 B.C. Google Scholar

²²⁴ Festus, Sextus Pompeius, De verborum significato 76: ed. Lindsay, W. M. (Berlin 1913) p. 67. Empanda seems to be otherwise unknown.Google Scholar

²²⁵ This contribution of Reinach is here noted from Gruppe, O., Bursian's Jahresbericht 85, iii (1896) 203. Gruppe thinks it improbable.Google Scholar

²²⁶ Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 16 (1892), ‘Inscriptions d'Alexandrie’ no. 1, pp. 70–71. In the Classical Review of the previous year (5,483), on information supplied by Neroutsos, F. G. Kenyon had published the text with interpretative remarks.Google Scholar

²²⁷ Pseudo-Callisthenes, , Historia Alexandri Magni xxxi, 5. The sources of this bewildered text give the genitive Πανδύσεως or Πανδυτίας, while an Armenian version yields Pandita. See the edition by Kroll, W. (Berlin 1926) 29, line 12f. and apparatus; also Ausfeld, A., Der griechische Alexanderroman (Leipzig 1907) 46, translation and apparatus. On the admissibility of the evidence, one may see Ausfeld, , ‘Zur Topographie von Alexandria und Pseudo-Kallisthenes,’ Rheinisches Museum, n. F. 55 (1900) 348–384.Google Scholar

²²⁸ On oι for v see Mayser, , Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit I (Leipzig 1906) 111, nos. 8 and 9. Neroutsos edits the text ἐvΠαvύδτει ; Breccia, and Preisigke, , ἐv Παvδoíτῃ. Starting from the History of Alexander, Ausfeld writes Pandyta. In the article ‘Topographie,’ p. 371, he suggests that this may be an opposite to Adyta, a name also found in the Alexandrian toponomy. This would seem to argue a neuter plural, which has no support in the texts, and to call besides for a compound with πασι rather than for one with παν. Google Scholar

²²⁹ Herodas, , Mime I, 26. Here too the identification is contested; but Aphrodite is highly probable, as it is certain in the case of line 62. For text, translation and commentary, see Herodas, : The Mimes and Fragments , ed. Headlam, Walter and Knox, A. D. (Cambridge 1922).Google Scholar

²³⁰ Neroutsos’ transcription, Ἀμμωνάριορ, is inaccurate; but the true reading, Ἀμμωνριν, is also diminutive. For both, see Preisigke, , Namenbuch. Google Scholar

²³¹ The period of the inscription would not preclude the identification which Neroutsos suggests with the poet himself; but the name is common.Google Scholar

²³² Bursiar's Jahresbericht , as n. 225.Google Scholar

²³³ The article “ΕΝΠΑΝΔΟΙΤ” in Roscher's Lexicon III (1897–1902) collects the various interpretations previously given, and leaves the subject in some confusion, due chiefly I think to the persistance through Gruppe of Reinach's discussion, which was not fully informed.Google Scholar

²³⁴ Michel, Charles, Recueil d'inscriptions grecques (Brussels 1900) no. 1232: ἐv Πavδoίτεi. Google Scholar

²³⁵ Preisigke, , Sammelbuch I, no. 301.Google Scholar

²³⁶ Cf. Etymologicum Gudianum, s.v. Ἑκατή: ἡ αὐτὴ ἡ Eἰλείθυια, ἐπεὶ γεvἐσεώς ἐστι ἒφορος. Ἂρτεµις δέ, ἐπεὶ σύνεστιν ἡμȋν ἀρτεμεȋς καὶ ὑγιεȋς ποιοσα. This lemma, according to Stefani, E. A., editor of the Etymologicum (fasc. 2, Leipzig 1920), is an accretion to the original text.Google Scholar

²³⁷ Kaibel, G., Inscriptiones Italiae et Siciliae (IG 14, Berlin 1890) no. 873. Previously, in Mommsen, CIL 10, i (Berlin 1883) no. 3336; Kaibel, , Epigrammata graeca ex lapidibus conlecta (Berlin 1878) no. 838; Franz, CIG 3 (Berlin 1853) no. 5794. The lines are variously divided in the several repetitions on the stone; no variants in the text are noted by the editors.Google Scholar

²³⁸ I take ἒπαρχον as an adjective with ἀρχήν (so Jones, Stuart, Greek-English Lexicon [Oxford 1925–1940] s.v. ἒπαρχος II, where our text is quoted). Chapot, Victor, La Flotte de Misène (Paris 1896) 116, writes as if ἒπαρχον στόλου were to be taken together as a synonym of praefectus classis: the Greek construction would then require ἒπαρχος .Google Scholar

²³⁹ Kaibel, , Epigrammata no. 838, on the Greek text, line 1: ‘καλ i.e. bonae ex noviciorum Graecorum usu.’ Google Scholar

²⁴⁰ IG 14, no. 813. Previously edited in CIG 3, no. 5849.Google Scholar

²⁴¹ Dessau, H., Inscriptiones Latii veteris latinae (CIL 14, Berlin 1887) no. 1407.Google Scholar

²⁴² For examples, see Judeich, Walther, ‘Inschriften aus Karien,’ Mittheilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts: Athenische Abtheilung 15 (1890) 276/7. SIG³ 3 (1920) no. 1246, comments as follows on this use of δαιμόνων ἀγαθv: ‘Sic Latina Dis manibus Graece redduntur frequenter,’ with reference to Judeich's examples.Google Scholar

²⁴³ Inscriptiones graecae ad res romanas pertinentes 4 (Paris 1927) no. 48; IG 12, ii, 122, where note κΑΘΩΙΣΙΩΣΑΝ.Google Scholar

²⁴⁴ In the illustration of καλός, καλή with Greek or Roman divinities, I have intended to omit no cases of salient importance for the use of this epithet in acclamation. Further examples may be traced without much difficulty in Bruchmann, C. F. H., Epitheta deorum quae apud poetas graecos leguntur (Leipzig 1893), supplementary volume of Roscher's Lexicon. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica II, 701–703, describes a choral dance accompanying a sacrifice to Apollo, which seems at first blush to offer a brilliant illustration of καλός in religious acclamation: Ἀμφὶ δὲ δαιομένοις, εὐρὺν χορὸν ἐστήσαντο/καλòν Ἰηπαιήον’ Ἰηπαιήονα Φοȋβον/μελπόμενοι. The chant is translated by Seaton, R. C., in the Loeb Classical Library (1902): ‘All hail, fair god of healing, Phoebus all hail.’ Mooney, G. W., in his edition of Apollonius (London and Dublin 1912), notes, however, that καλόν is here probably an adverb, as in Iliad I, 473, καλòν ἀείδovτες παιήονα. Given the sedulous dependence of Apollonius upon Homer, it is probable that the disciple imitates the master in this passage. That Homer's καλόν is adverbial is an opinion as old as Aristonicus, and is adopted by Leaf. Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes (Paris 1937) 240, eliminates a false example of a beautiful goddess (θεὰ καλὰ συρτηνη) from a Bithynian inscription published by Pogodin, and Wulf, , Izvestija russk. arch. Kple. 2 (1897) 111 (Robert's reference). ‘La forme καλ ne serait possible qu'en dehors de la κοινή. Il y a donc eu mauvaise coupe de mots, et il faut rétablir: Өε καλασυρτην. La déesse tirait son épithète d'un nom de lieu, Kαλασυρτ—, à ajouter à la toponymie de la Bithynie.’ Google Scholar

²⁴⁵ Preisendanz, Karl, Papyri graecae magicae II (Leipzig and Berlin 1931) 187, Papyrus LIX.Google Scholar

²⁴⁶ See n. 235.Google Scholar

²⁴⁷ The Great Paris Magical Papyrus, Bib. Nat. suppl. gr. 574: Preisendanz, , Papyri graecae magicae I, Papyrus IV. Lines 2344/5.Google Scholar

²⁴⁸ Ibid. lines 3233/4.Google Scholar

²⁴⁹ The beauty of animate beings and their fruitfulness is an obviously natural association, contained within the association of beauty and health, which is probably reflected in the etymology of καλός (see above, n. 11). We have seen it raised to a spiritual level by Plato's Diotima (p. 27, above). It keeps its down-to-earth value in a Phoenician fertility poem, edited with translation by Virolleaud, Charles, ‘La naissance des dieux gracieux et beaux,’ Syria 14 (1933) 128–151. On the association of beauty and power, see the note on ἡ χάρις τν θεν in magical papyri, in A. D. Nock's commentary on B. M. Pap. 10588, line 9 (Proceedings of the British Academy 17, ‘A Magical Text from a Bilingual Papyrus in the British Museum’ edited by Η. I. Bell, A. D. Nock, Herbert Thompson). For further material and commentary, see Wetter, G. P., Charis, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des ältesten Christentums (Leipzig 1913), especially pp. 130–140.Google Scholar

²⁵⁰ Of capital moment, philological and theological, is the article ‘καλός,’ by Grundmann, Walter, in Kittel, Gerhard, Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament 3 (Stuttgart 1938) 539–553, with its supplement, ‘καλός in christologischen Aussagen der alten Kirche,’ by Georg Bertram, pp. 553–558.Google Scholar

²⁵¹ Daniel xiii, 2.Google Scholar

²⁵² See Moulton, W. F. and Geden, A. S., Concordance to the Greek Testament ³ (Edinburgh 1926) s.v. καλός. Google Scholar

²⁶³ Hebrews xiii, 9, καλόν becomes optimum. Google Scholar

²⁵⁴ Above, p. 7f. Google Scholar

²⁵⁵ It is significant that both Zorell ( Lexicon graecum Novi Testamenti ² , Paris 1931) and Bauer (Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament ³, Berlin 1937) cite but one N. T. example of καλός in its proper, physical sense of beautiful: καί τινων λεόντων περὶ το ἱερo ὃτι λίθος καλοȋς καὶ ἀναθήμασιν κεκόσμηται (Luke xxi, 5). The Vulgate bonis lapidibus for λίθοις καλοȋς may be inadequate; but the question is a nice one. Lagrange, while he translates de belles pierres, comments as follows: ‘D'après la rédaction élégante mais vague de Lc., on dirait que les belles pierres étaient un ornament. Mais l'admirable était la dimension considérable des pierres de l'appareil, trait précis que seul Mc. a conservé’ (Évangile selon saint Luc ³, Paris 1927. See Mark xi, 11, and Josephus, , Antiquities XV, xi 3). A careful translator of the New Testament undoubtedly would vary his rendering of καλός in accordance with the varying context. Hort, F. J. A., First Epistle of St. Peter (London 1898), on chap. ii, 12, has an instructive note: ‘καλός, usually a hard word to translate, denotes that kind of goodness which is at once seen to be good, goodness as an object of direct contemplation, beauty being the obvious type of such goodness; while ἀγαθός denotes what is good in virtue of its results.’ Like many a valuable distinction, this one can be pressed too far; but it is often verified. When St. James speaks of τò καλòν ὃνομα τò ἐπτικληθὲν ἐφ‘ ὑμ ς, there is a noble aura about the Name which seems partly lost by the Vulgate: bonum nomen quod invocatum est super nos. Google Scholar

²⁵⁶ Cf. Grundmann, (as cited above, n. 250) 55.Google Scholar

²⁵⁷ See Preisigke, F. and Kiessling, E., Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden 1 (Berlin 1925) s.v. καλός. Google Scholar

²⁵⁸ Didache iv, 7 = Epistle of Barnabas xix, 11.Google Scholar

²⁵⁹ Epistle of Barnabas vii, 1.Google Scholar

²⁶⁰ Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S., Oxyrhynchus Papyri 6 (London 1908) no. 850.Google Scholar

²⁶¹ See Grenfell, and Hunt, , as above; James, M. R., Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford 1924) 228; Hennecke, Edgar, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen ² (Tübingen 1924) 171; Goodspeed, Edgar J., History of Early Christian Literature (Chicago 1942) 106. The last named, pp. 106–111, offers an easy and excellent introduction to these Acts.Google Scholar

²⁶² Chapters lxxiii and lxxiv. Lipsius, R. A. and Bonnet, M., Acta apostolorum apocrypha part II, vol. I (Leipzig 1898) 186f.Google Scholar

²⁶³ Lipsius and Bonnet 186, line 14 and p. 188, line 22.Google Scholar

²⁶⁴ Ibid. 186, line 15.Google Scholar

²⁶⁵ Ibid. line 19.Google Scholar

²⁶⁶ Ibid. 187, line 11.Google Scholar

²⁶⁷ Abdias, , Historia apostolica V, viii: Fabricius, J. A., Codex apocryphus Novi Testamenti (Hamburg 1719) 549.Google Scholar

²⁶⁸ See Hennecke, Edgar, Handbuch zu den Neutestamentlichen Apokryphen (Tübingen 1904) 516: Schimmelpfeng on the Acts of John, lxxiii, 15. The commentator includes among his parallels the Acts of Andrew i (Lipsius and Bonnet 38, line 12). Το καλο in this passage may well be neuter: note both context and apparatus criticus.Google Scholar

²⁶⁹ Lipsius, R. A., Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden I (Braunschweig 1883) 542.Google Scholar

²⁷⁰ Apocryphal New Testament (as cited above, n. 261) 246.Google Scholar

²⁷¹ Above, p. 31.Google Scholar

²⁷² Chapter lxxxviii. Lipsius and Bonnet 194, line 16.Google Scholar

²⁷³ Apocryphal New Testament 251.Google Scholar

²⁷⁴ The physical appearance of Christ was in various early writers a disputed question. Was he ‘beautiful above the sons of men’ (Psalm xliv, 3); or was he ‘a worm and no man’ (Psalm xxi, 7); or was he the one and the other, according to time, circumstance and manner of speaking? There was little of dogmatic rigidity about the differing views. The last one came to prevail. For a full discussion, historical and theological, of this subject, see Georg Bertram as cited above, n. 250. I think no special theory on this point is necessary in interpreting our Christian texts with καλός. Google Scholar

²⁷⁵ It is appropriately so taken in Martyrium Andreae prius xiii (Lipsius, R. C. and Bonnet, M., Acta apostolorum apocrypha , part II, vol. I, p. 54, line 7f.): καλός (ms. καλς) ε Ἰησο Xριστὲ ὃτι ἐκόσμησας ἡμς τ σ ὃπλῳ καὶ ἐστεφάvωας ἡμς τ σ χάριτι, ‘You are good, Jesus Christ, because you have dressed us in your own armor, and have garlanded us with your grace.'—In chapter xii (53, 8f.) in καλòς θεός μου ἢγαγέv σε, the editor's emendation καλς seems assured.Google Scholar

²⁷⁶ Lawlor, H. J. and Oulton, J. E. L., Eusebius: The Ecclesiastical History II (London 1928) 182f. on Eccl. Hist. V, xx, 4.Google Scholar

²⁷⁷ Eusebius, , Ecclesiastical History V, xx, 7, ed. Schwartz, E., GCS 1 (Leipzig 1903) 484, line 16f. Google Scholar

²⁷⁸ Rufinus’ translation, edited by Mommsen, faces the original in the edition by Schwartz just mentioned.Google Scholar

²⁷⁹ See St. John Thackeray, Henry, Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek I (Cambridge 1909) 145, no. 10.Google Scholar

²⁸⁰ Matt. xxvii, 46. Mark xv, 34: ‘O θεός μου ὁ θεός μου. Cf. LXX Psalm xxi, 1.Google Scholar

²⁸¹ See Preisendanz, K., Papyri graecae magicae I (Leipzig 1928), II (1931): no. 4, line 218; 7, 529; 12, 120; 13, 997.Google Scholar

²⁸² Grapin, E., Eusèbe: Histoire ecclésiastique (3 vols. in Hemmer, H. and Lejay, P., Textes et Documents; Paris 1905–1913): ‘O Dieu bon’; Lake, Kirsopp, Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History I (Loeb Classical Library, 1926): ‘O good God’; Oulton, J. E. L., in Lawlor, and Oulton, (as cited above, n. 276) I (1927): ‘Good God.’ Google Scholar

²⁸³ Philippe Le Bas, Waddington, W. H. and Foucart, P., Voyage archéologique en Grèce et en Asie Mineure III (Paris 1870) no. 1918: see p. 464 of the first part, and p. 472 of the second part of this volume.Google Scholar

²⁸⁴ Littmann, Enno, Magie, David Jr. and Stuart, Duane Reed, Greek and Latin Inscriptions (Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expedition to Syria in 1904–5 and 1909, Division III, Section A, Southern Syria; Leyden 1921) no. 549.Google Scholar

²⁸⁵ Eod . loco .Google Scholar

²⁸⁶ Peterson, Erik, ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ (Göttingen 1926) no. 80.Google Scholar

²⁸⁷ Ibid. ‘Nachträge und Verbesserungen,’ p. 369.Google Scholar

²⁸⁸ On εἳς θεóς inscriptions in Syria, see Prentice, W. K., Greek and Latin Inscriptions (Publications of an American Archaeological Expedition to Syria, Part III; New York 1908) no. 25; and the references to this phrase in Index of Phrases, ibid. p. 349; also Peterson, , op. cit. 1–46.Google Scholar

²⁸⁹ On the chronology of this material, see Prentice, , op. cit. 7f. On the disk, which may have contained a cross, the same, p. 18.Google Scholar

²⁹⁰ Deuteronomy vi, 4.Google Scholar

²⁹¹ Historia monachorum in Aegypto v: see Preuschen, Erwin, Palladius und Rufinus (Giessen 1897) 29f. The Historia exists in Greek and in the Latin of Rufinus (on the relationship between them, see Butler, Cuthbert, The Lausiac History of Palladius [Texts and Studies 6; Cambridge 1898–1904] i, 10–15). Hippolyte Delehaye quotes part of the account of Oxyrhynchus, with comment, in ‘Le calendrier d'Oxyrhynque,’ Analecta Bollandiana 42 (1924) 96.Google Scholar

²⁹² Oxyrhynchus Papyri 7 (London 1910) no. 1058. Grenfell did not collaborate.Google Scholar

²⁹³ See CIG 4 (Berlin 1877) pars xl, ‘Inscriptiones Christianae,’ sect. i–ii; Prentice, W. K., Greek and Latin Inscriptions (New York 1908), Index of Greek Words, s. v. βοηθέω; Crum, W. E. and Evelyn White, H. G., The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes, part ii (Metropolitan Museum of Art: Egyptian Expedition Publications 4; New York 1926): Greek Index, p. 365, s. V. βοηθεν. Google Scholar

²⁹⁴ Loc. supra cit. Google Scholar

²⁹⁵ w. Schubart, , Einführung in die Papyruskunde (Berlin 1918) 371: ‘Auf die nebengemalten Kreuze bezieht sich das Gebet.’ Winter, J. G., Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press 1933) 189: ‘Surrounded with crosses is this simple appeal of the fourth or fifth century.’ Google Scholar

²⁹⁶ Preisendanz, K., Papyri graecae magicae II (Leipzig 1931) 194, P 6b, who translates, ‘Der Gott der nebenstehenden Kreuze,’ calls the piece an amulet for Apphouas. So no doubt it is, but rather, in my opinion, a ‘Hausamulet’ (like Preisendanz's examples, p. 187, P 2; 190, P 2a, P 3; 194, P 6a) than one to be worn on the person (as on p. 191, P 4).Google Scholar

²⁹⁷ The original is now in the library of Princeton Theological Seminary, to which I am indebted for a photograph. I am under great personal obligation to Dr. Bruce Metzger for his repeated examinations of the original, and his patience in satisfying my queries.Google Scholar

²⁹⁸ Greek and Latin Inscriptions 20. Note a similar example, p. 19.Google Scholar

²⁹⁹ I owe the suggestion to H. C. Youtie. No other that has occurred to me seems nearly so apt.Google Scholar

³⁰⁰ Numbers xxiv, 5.Google Scholar

³⁰¹ is the third person plural perfect in Qal.Google Scholar

³⁰² Revue biblique 3 (1894) 255.Google Scholar

³⁰³ ‘Une inscription grecque à ‘Amwas,’ Revue biblique n.s. 10 (1913) 100f.; facsimile.Google Scholar

³⁰⁴ Vincent, L. H. and Abel, F. M., Emmaüs, sa basilique et son histoire (Paris 1932) 256–258 (Vincent); 334 (Abel). As the two authors, the archaeologist and the historian, contribute independent parts, references will include their initials.Google Scholar

³⁰⁵ Op. cit. 331–341 (A).Google Scholar

³⁰⁶ Ibid. 269 (V).Google Scholar

³⁰⁷ Ibid. 262 (V).Google Scholar

³⁰⁸ Ibid. 265 (V).Google Scholar

³⁰⁹ Eod. loc. Google Scholar

³¹⁰ Revue biblique 10, 101.Google Scholar

³¹¹ Eod. loc .Google Scholar

³¹² Emmaüs 265 (V).Google Scholar

³¹³ Ibid. 338 (A).Google Scholar

³¹⁴ See Jalabert, L. and Mouterde, R., Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie 2 (Paris 1939) no. 257. For further evidence, see below, Appendix II.Google Scholar

³¹⁵ Emmaüs 236 (V).Google Scholar

³¹⁶ Persians in 614 A. D.; Saracens in 637. The city was depopulated by pestilence in 639/40, and has remained an obscure village since, save for the brief occupation of the site by the Crusaders. See Emmaüs 266–272 (V).Google Scholar

³¹⁷ By letter, dated Beyrouth, July 15, 1946. It is a great pleasure to acknowledge this positive contribution. Evidence of my extensive indebtedness to Father Mouterde will be found in Appendix II.Google Scholar

³¹⁸ Christ, W. and Paranikas, M., Anthologia graeca carminum christianorum (Leipzig 1871) 140–147: line 238. For an introduction to this hymn and bibliography see Leclercq, H., ‘Acathistus,’ DACL 1 (Paris 1907) 213–216; add Krypiakiewicz, P. F., ‘De hymni Acathisti auctore,’ Byzantinische Zeitschrift 18 (1909) 357–382; Vasiliev, A., The Russian Attack on Constantinople in 860 (Publications of the Mediaeval Academy of America 46, Cambridge, Mass. 1946) 97f.Google Scholar

³¹⁹ Krumbacher, K., Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur ² (Munich 1897) §273, notes the traditional date, 626 A. D., discusses the authorship, and concludes: ‘Als gelöst kann die Frage über die Entstehungszeit des Akathistos noch nicht betrachtet werden’ (p. 672, n. 1A). Vasiliev leans to the year 860.Google Scholar

³²⁰ Among all the translators of the Acathistos, Constantine Lascaris (Constantinople 1434–Messina 1501) has a unique title to consideration. He turns our acclamation: Salve, sancta nutrix virginum. Lascaris’ version was published, with Greek text and commentary, by Cardinal Pitra, in the latter's Analecta sacra spicilegio solesmensi parata 1 (Paris 1876) 250–262. Nilles, Nikolaus, Kalendarium manuale utriusque ecclesiae II (Vienna 1897) 154–183, on whom I depend, draws his material from Pitra.Google Scholar

³²¹ Above, p. 22.Google Scholar

³²² ‘In operculo tricliniari capsae marmoreae in quo adsunt statuae discumbentes maris et feminae sinistro lateri innixae’ (apud Silvagni, cited below, n. 325). On Castellini, one may see CIL 6, i, p. lviii, no. LXXIII.Google Scholar

³²³ See, e.g., Smith, A. H., A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum 3 (London 1904) 340ff. Google Scholar

³²⁴ Etruscan terracotta sarcophagi of the sixth century offer splendid examples of the conjugal dinner-couch. See Goldschneider, Ludwig, Etruscan Sculpture (New York and London 1941), especially plate X (a sarcophagus from Cervetri, now at Rome, Villa di Papa Giulio). An example of the theme in Roman times appears as a relief on the side of the sepulchral altar of P. Vitellíus Successus, in the Gallery of Statues at the Vatican: see Altmann, W., Die römischen Grabaltäre der Kaiserzeit (Berlin 1905) 192f., with illustration: ‘der Mann ruht auf dem Sofa, an dessen Fussende seine Frau sitzt.’ Google Scholar

³²⁵ Silvagni, Angelo, Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae , n. s. 1 (Rome 1922) no. 3981.Google Scholar

³²⁶ See, e. g., Leclercq, H., ‘Deposition,’ DACL 6, i (1920) 668ff.Google Scholar

³²⁷ St. Paul, Epistle to Titus, ii, 4ff., on the duties of wives, is a valuable commentary on this inscription and the one following. Note the Apostle's terms φιλάvδρος, σώφρων, ἁγνή, ò ἳδιoς ἀνήρ. Google Scholar

³²⁸ Kaibel, G., Inscriptiones Italiae et Siciliae (IG 14, Berlin 1890) no. 1634. This is CIG 3, no. 6404, which depends on manuscript sources.Google Scholar

³²⁹ Ferrua, A., ‘Antichità cristianen,’ Civiltà cattolica 89, ii (1938) 151ff.; see pp. 158–161.Google Scholar

³³⁰ The same, ‘Antiche iscrizioni inedite di Roma,’ Epigraphica 1 (Milan 1939) 142ff.; see p. 150.Google Scholar

³³¹ ‘Antichità cristiane’ 157.Google Scholar

³³² CIG 4 (Berlin 1877) no. 9697.Google Scholar

³³³ See above, p. 23. For καλή ψυχή in a pagan epitaph, at Carthage, see n. 381. This fine text fell belatedly under my eyes.Google Scholar

³³⁴ ‘Antichità cristiane’ 161.Google Scholar

³³⁶ κάλλιστος and καλλίστη as proper names are of ancient date. (Also Kαλλιστώ: cf. supra, n. 209.) For καλή as proper name, see Latyschev, B., Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini graecae et latinae 1² (St. Petersburg 1916) no. 233 (not before the second century after Christ); 4 (1901) no. 260 (Roman period); Kalinka, Ernest, Tituli Lyciae linguis graeca et latina conscripti (Tituli Asiae Minoris 2, ii; Vienna 1940) no. 459 (2nd cent. after Christ). In the last, which is bilingual, the Latin form Cale occurs. CIG 4, no. 9297, is post-Byzantine.Google Scholar

³³⁶ See above, p. 4.Google Scholar

³³⁷ Bodily beauty is sometimes praised in Christian epitaphs in set terms. Gossi-Gondi, F., Trattato di epigrafia cristiana latina e greca del mondo romano occidentale (Rome 1920) 173, cites the following examples: mirum pulcritudinis, forma decorus, decora, visu grata, nibeum (= niveum) corpus. Probably these are for the young. Bρέφος μητέρος εὐμορφίης, IG 14, no. 9727, is a versifier's contribution.Google Scholar

³³⁸ For a comprehensive survey of Byzantine lamps, see Leclercq, H., ‘Lampes,’ DACL 8, i (1928) 1086–1221.Google Scholar

³³⁹ C. Clermont-Ganneau refers to one in his collection, Recueil d'archéologie orientale 1 (Paris 1888) 171, n. 2. See especially Thomsen, P., ‘Die lateinischen und griechischen Inschriften der Stadt Jerusalem und ihrer nächsten Umgebung,’ Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins 44 (1921) 131, nos. 227c; 228; 229, 230a.Google Scholar

³⁴⁰ Jones, Stuart, Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford 1925–1940), under the singular form λυχνάριον notes only P. Lond. 1657 (cf. infra, n. 342), where the plural is used. This is the sole example also in Preisigke, F. and Kiessling, E., Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden (Berlin 1925–1931). The lamp inscriptions might be added.Google Scholar

³⁴¹ Clermont-Ganneau, , op. et. loc. cit. Google Scholar

³⁴² Bell, H. I., Greek Papyri in the British Museum 5 (London 1917), no. 1657, line 3.Google Scholar

³⁴³ ‘No doubt lampstands.’ Google Scholar

³⁴⁴ For its currency in post-classical periods, see the New Testament lexicons and Preisigke, and Kiessling, , Wörterbuch. An official expense account of a waterworks at Arsinoë or Hermopolis on a papyrus of A. D. 113 (Kenyon, F. G. and Bell, H. I., Greek Papyri in the British Museum 3 [London, 1907] 180, no. 1177: see lines 74, 82, 90, 95, 105) carries repeatedly the item of oil for lamps (τιμς ἐλαίου καύσεως λύχνων) used by the night-shift. A bronze lamp preserved in the Cairo Museum (Edgar, C. C., Greek Bronzes [Catalogue Génerál des Antiquités Egyptiennes du Musée du Caire; Cairo 1904] no. 27765 and plate XI) bears an incised identification label in which λύχνος is the object itself. The lamp, like the papyrus, is pre-Byzantine (see Edgar, Introduction, p. x). The word occurs as late as the sixth century, however, in a set of private accounts on papyrus from Aphrodito (Maspero, J., Papyrus grecs d'époque byzantine II [Catalogue Général des Antiquités Egyptiennes; Cairo 1913] no. 67143, line 20).Google Scholar

³⁴⁵ Λυχνίαv ἀντὶ τούτον λυχνίoν λέγε, ὡς ἡ κωμῳδία: Phrynichus (Rutherford, W. G., New Phrynichus , London 1881, p. 367). The koine preferred λυχνία which, with orthographic variants, is common in the papyri. One example of λυχνίον is noted by Preisigke and Kiessling, apparently with the meaning lamp; the word is partially restored: see Grenfell, B. P., Hunt, A. S., Goodspeed, E. J., Tebtunis Papyri 2 (London 1907) no. 406, about 266 A. D., line 12 λυχ[ví]ῳ .Google Scholar

³⁴⁶ The diminutive form is inconclusive. See, e. g., Moulton, J. H. and Howard, W. F., Grammar of New Testament Greek (Edinburgh 1919–1929) vol. II, Accidence and Word Formation, p. 347.Google Scholar

³⁴⁷ Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S., Oxyrhynchus Papyri 12 (London 1916) no. 1449, A. D. 213–217, line 19. Gold, silver and bronze λύχνοι, are in the list; and gold and silver λαμτάδες. Both terms are translated ‘lamps.’ It seems that a fruitful study might be made of the language of lampware in koine Greek, on the combined basis of texts, archaeological remains and surviving customs. Thus λαμπάς is classical for torch. In the koine, says Rutherford, it ‘becomes equivalent to λύχνος an oil lamp, being so used in the New Testament in the parable of the Ten Virgins’ (The New Phrynichus 131/2). Yet in the temple inventory just quoted there may well have been a good reason for using the two terms instead of one; and the proof-text which Rutherford adduces is subject to discussion. See Trench, R. C., Synonyms of the New Testament ⁹ (London 1880) 165/6 and Zorell, F., Lexicon graecum Novi Testamenti ² (Paris 1931) s. v. λαμπάς. Both authors quote testimony to oriental use of oilfed torches with accessory vessels for fuel. Zorell's source, Schneller, L., Evangelienfahrten ², reports that sticks with rags wound round the top are carried as wedding torches by the girls at Bethlehem today; and they carry their oil-flasks with them. Compare Edersheim, A., Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah ⁸ (New York 1896) II, 455.Google Scholar

³⁴⁸ Dalton, Ο. M., Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities of the British Museum (London 1901) 147, no. 805; plate XXXII. The pieces in this section belong to a period from the 4th to the 7th century (see p. 134).Google Scholar

³⁴⁹ As a Christian monogram, this is to be resolved Ἰ(ησος) Χ(ριστός): see Gossi-Gondi, F., Trattato di epigrafia cristiana (Rome 1920) 65.Google Scholar

³⁵⁰ Leclercq, H., ‘Lampes,’ DACL 8, i, 1104, no. 31, describes the profiles as looking toward the cross. This is true of the one to the left of the cross, not of the other (fig. 6588, ibid.).Google Scholar

³⁵¹ Identification is not attempted by Dalton, and would probably be fanciful. The Dioscuri, whose kindly fires at sea were legendary, might have reappeared with some propriety as emblems on a lamp; but their distinctive attributes are lacking.Google Scholar

³⁵² An example was first published, with a line-drawing, by Clermont-Ganneau, from Palestine: Revue biblique 7 (1898) 485–487: φς Χ(ριστο) φένι (φαίvει) πσιν κα(λ)ή. The lambda in the original is inverted. The editor recalls two more lamps, mentioned in his private notes, bearing this inscription. A specimen now in the collection of the German Evangelical Institute at Jerusalem is published by Thomsen, Peter, ‘Die lateinischen und griechischen Inschriften der Stadt Jerusalem’ (as above, n. 339) 131, no. 227a: + Φ ς Χ(ριστο) Φ(αί)ν(η) πσιν καλή. The editor assigns it to the sixth century.Google Scholar

³⁵³ Clermont-Ganneau seems first to have published this text from a lamp: Revue archéologique n. s. 18 (1868) 77. It had been unearthed in excavations on Mount Sion. Most of the lamps with the Φ ς Χριστο inscriptions are from Jerusalem, and probably of the 6th century: see de Rossi, G. B., Bulletino di archeologia cristiana, ser. 5, vol. 1 (1890) 153. Angelini, Gennaro, ‘Lucerna cristiana trovata in Palestina,’ Nuovo bulletino di archeologia cristiana 6 (1900) 253–255 (plate X, no. 1), publishes one of these lamps with a compendium, probably for ἡμȋν following the word πσιν. He thinks his lamp may be of the late 4th or of the 5th century.Google Scholar

³⁵⁴ The text is found, with formal variations (notably with the initials Φ X Φ Π in a cruciform pattern) on marble tablets set in the walls of churches and of city gates, on a pious medal, in a manuscript evangeliary. See Clermont-Ganneau, , Recueil d'archéologie orientale 2 (1898) 89–91, and Pétridès, S., ‘Note sur une lampe chrétienne,’ Échos d'Orient 5 (1902) 47/8. The former makes important corrections of texts cited by both. For further examples, see the following: Diehl, Charles, ‘Peintures byzantines,’ Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 8 (1884) 270; Nȋκoς Bέης (N. Bees), ‘Βυζαντιακαὶ ἐπιγραφαὶ Ἀττικς,’ Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 26 (1912) 69ff.; Grégoire, H., Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d'Asie Mineure, fasc. 1 (Paris 1922) no. 25.Google Scholar

³⁵⁵ Clermont-Ganneau, , Recueil d'archéologie orientale 1, 171, recalls John i, 5, 9; viii, 12. To these may well be added Apocalypse xxi, 23; xxii, 5.Google Scholar

³⁵⁶ Pétridès (as in n. 354) 48: the current Euchologies are here cited. Ceremony and formula are attested in an eleventh-century codex of the Mass of the Presanctified edited by Swainson, C. A., The Greek Liturgies (Cambridge 1884) 179. Brightman, F. E., Liturgies Eastern and Western I (Oxford 1896) edits a ninth-century text without it (pp. 345–352); but ceremonial parts in this are barely indicated.Google Scholar

³⁵⁷ καvδήλα seems an established equivalent of λύχνος in a liturgical commentary attributed to St. Sophronius: Aἱ κανδλαι καὶ oἱ κηροὶ τύπος εἰσὶ το αἰωνίου φωτός (PG 87, 3985C, from Mai, Angelo, Spicilegium romanum 4, 34). On the survival of λύχνος in koine, see above, n. 344.Google Scholar

³⁵⁸ See Dörpfeld, W., ‘Die Ausgrabungen an der Enneakrunos,’ Mittheilungen des kaiserlieh deutschen Archäologischen Instituts: Athenische Abtheilung 19 (1894) 147f. Google Scholar

³⁵⁹ The editio princeps is by Wide, Sam, ‘Inschrift der Iobacchen,’ Mittheilungen 19, 248–282. The text is reedited with a translation by Maass, Ernst, Orpheus (Munich 1895) 18–32; by Ziehen, L., Leges graecorum sacrae e titulis collectae II, i (Leipzig 1906) no. 46; Michel, Charles, Recueil d'inscriptions grecques: Supplément (Paris 1912) no. 1564; SIG 3³ (Leipzig 1920) no. 1109.Google Scholar

³⁶⁰ Wide, , op. cit. 267f.; Maass, op. cit. 18, n. 3.Google Scholar

³⁶¹ Examples are given by the authors just cited and in abundance by Joh. Schmidt ‘Acclamation PWK 1 (Stuttgart 1894) 149f. An acclamation in Greek by Roman senators was quoted above, p. 18.Google Scholar

³⁶² See especially St. Augustine, , Epistula ccxiii: PL 33, 966 ff.; CSEL 57 (1911) 372ff. This document is in fact a record of ecclesiastical acts, on St. Augustine's nomination of his successor, September 26, 426 A.D. Google Scholar

³⁶³ Line 14.Google Scholar

³⁶⁴ Line 29.Google Scholar

³⁶⁵ ‘Recht so, der Priester!’ ‘Recht so, der Gegenpriester!’: Maass, , Orpheus 20f. Google Scholar

³⁶⁶ Jones, Stuart, Greek-English Lexicon s. v. καλός, ad fin., cites the first, and translates ‘Hurrah for the priest!’ The priest, however, is not standing for election; he has made a speech in favor of proposed legislation. I suppose the modern equivalent for this καλς, if we must have one, would be Hear, hear! Google Scholar

³⁶⁷ Kaibel, G., Inscriptiones Italiae et Siciliae (IG 14, Berlin 1890) no. 830: A. D. 174. Cf. Maass, , as above, n. 359.Google Scholar

³⁶⁸ Line 36.Google Scholar

³⁶⁹ SIG 2³ (Leipzig 1917) no. 898 (IG 12, ix, no. 906).Google Scholar

³⁷⁰ Line 16. Read εἰσήγησις.Google Scholar

³⁷¹ They are edited together by van Beek, Cornelius J. M. J., Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis (Florilegium Patristicum 43; Bonn 1938). The same editor has an editio maior, Nijmegen 1936, which I have not seen.Google Scholar

³⁷² Op. cit. 3.Google Scholar

³⁷³ Eod. loco. Google Scholar

³⁷⁴ Chapter xxi. Van Beek 60f. Google Scholar

³⁷⁶ ‘And well he truly was after such a bath.’ Google Scholar

³⁷⁶ Codex Montepessulanus 306, folios 139 to 146, ‘Ἑρμηvεύματα Interpretamenta.’ Editions: (1) Haupt, Moritz, ‘Index lectionum hibernarum,’ University of Berlin, 1871, reprinted in Opuscula Mauricii Hauptii II (Leipzig 1876) 441–451. (2) A. Boucherie, in Notices et extraits des mss. de la Bibliothéque Nationale et autres bibliothèques 23, ii (Paris 1872) 277–477; the same, ‘Note additionelle sur les Ἑρμηvεύματα,’ Notices et extraits 27, ii (1879) 457–475. (3) Goetz, G., ‘Hermeneumata montepessulana,’ Corpus glossariorum latinorum [= CGL] 3 (Leipzig 1892) xxiv–xxvi, 283–343 and 654–659.Google Scholar

³⁷⁷ Boucherie attributes the book, on indirect evidence, to Julius Pollux. Literary property in a work of this sort would be difficult to establish without a clear tradition.Google Scholar

³⁷⁸ Folio 144 recto: καλως ελoυσoυ κυριε saluum lutum don (CGL 3, 287).Google Scholar

³⁷⁹ Editions: (1) Rhenanus, Beatus, Cottidiani colloquii libellus (Basel 1516), with reeditions. (2) Bonaventura Vulcanius, perhaps from Rhenanus, in his Thesaurus utriusque linguae (Leyden 1600), whence Charles Labbé, Glossaria (Paris 1679), whence the London edition of Stephanus’ Thesaurus 8 (1816–1826) 426–429, ὉΟμιλία σχολαστική. (3) Boucherie, , Notices et extraits 23, ii (1872) 478–494, καθημερινὴ ὁμιλία, from Cod. Par. lat. 3049. (4) Haupt, , posthumously, ‘Index lectionum hibernarum,’ 1874, whence Opuscula II, 508–520, from the same codex. (5) Goetz, CGL 3, xx–xxiv and 221–279, ‘Hermeneumata einsidlensia,’ from mss. and printed sources (cf. n. 380).Google Scholar

³⁸⁰ CGL 3, 232, lines 50–52. Goetz's principal authority is Cod. Einsidl. 19. For the first of the lines quoted, there is an entertaining and instructive variant in Par. lat. 3049: εἲσαγε εἲν θεȋον adduce auunculum. This manuscript is from the hand of George Hermonymus, about 1502, an incompetent and pretentious character according to Goetz (p. xxii).Google Scholar

³⁸¹ For the asyndeton, compare salbvssanvs Orelli, , Inscriptionum lat… . collectio (Zurich 1828) no. 2143, and sanvs salbvs ibid. no. 4360 (A. D. 386). Salvum lotum has been found laid in mosaic floors of Roman baths as far asunder as Brescia, in northern Italy (CIL 5, i [Berlin 1872] no. 4500) and Timgad, inland in Algeria (Ballu, A., Les ruines de Timgad III [Paris 1911] 105, and plate facing p. 108). At Brescia, the greeting was flanked, on either side, by the arrival greeting, Bene lava, and the farewell salutation, Peripse ma su (CIL 5, i, no. 4500; Dessau, H., Inscriptiones latinae selectae [Berlin, 1902] no. 5725). This formula, in Greek characters, has been found on a tombstone in Trachonitis (Le Bas, Philippe, Waddington, W. H. and Foucart, P., Voyage archéologique en Grece et en Asie Mineure [Paris 1847–1870] VI, no. 2493): Πάτρων περίψημά σου—a husband's profession of devotion to his departed wife; at Carthage (CIL 8, Suppl. i, no. 12924, whence Thieling, W., Der Hellenismus in Kleinafrika [Leipzig and Berlin 1911] 34, no. 20): Ἔγώ σου περίφημα τς καλς ψυχς—a bereaved wife's farewell to her husband (cf. supra, p. 45 and n. 333); and in a graffito at Ostia (Calza, G., Monumenti antichi [Reale Accademia dei Lincei 26; Milan 1920] 368: the text is corrected by A. W. Van Buren in Classical Studies in Honor of John C. Rolfe [Philadelphia 1931] 318): Ἡ ματρνα περίψημά σου, ‘The lady of the house is your περίφημα’ (cf. supra, p. 22). All of these have a valuable commentary in Eusebius, , Ecclesiastical History VII, xxii, 7: περίψημα was a customary formula on leavetaking. Such examples throw helpful light on the use of this word, with or without religious associations, in early Christian texts: St. Paul, I Cor. iv, 13; Barnabas iv, 9; vi, 5; St. Ignatius, Ephesians viii, 1; xviii, 1; CIG 4, no. 9282. In the bath inscription at Brescia, Peripsema su (for περίψημα σου) as addressed by the proprietor to his patrons, would mean ‘Your devoted servant.’ (Van Buren, , loc. cit. adopts another view. I am unable to follow his exegesis of Eusebius, , loc. supra cit. For the text of this, see Die Kirchengeschichte, Schwartz's edition in the Berlin Corpus [Leipzig 1903–1909]; for translation and commentary, Lawlor, H. J. and Oulton, J. E. L., Eusebius: The Ecclesiastical History [London 1927–1928]).Google Scholar

³⁸² In kindred mood, Terence's parasite exclaims: Ten asymbolum venire unctum atque lautum e balneis (Phormio [Oxford Classical Texts] line 339). Haupt, , Opuscula II, 448, footnote on salvum lotum, quotes salvum cenasse εὐδειπνηκέαι from Glossaria Stephani (Glossaria duo e situ vetustatis eruta , edited by Estienne, H.; Paris 1573; see CGL 3, 378). Parallel with this, and strictly pertinent, is the inscription in the mosaic pavement of a bath at Lecourbe, Africa, reported by Cagnat, R., Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1925 (Paris 1926) p. clxxxi: bene lavare/ salvvm lavisse. (Salvum lavisse, Cagnat observes, is now to be restored also in CIL 8, no. 8424.) In salvum lotum , Boucherie, , Notices et extraits, 23, ii, 322, n. 1, regards the second word as accusative of a noun lotus, -us, ‘bath,’ and translates: ‘Quel bon bain tu as pris, ô mon maître!’ See on this point Appendix III.Google Scholar

³⁸³ Littmann, Enno, Magie, David Jr. and Stuart, Duane Reed, Greek and Latin Inscriptions , Section A, Southern Syria (Leyden 1921) no. 27. The expedition was made in 1904–1905.Google Scholar

³⁸⁴ Some thirteen miles southwest of Bostra.Google Scholar

³⁸⁵ Op. et loc. cit. The year is of the era of Bostra.Google Scholar

³⁸⁶ Ibid. Google Scholar

³⁸⁷ See above, p. 51.Google Scholar