Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2plfb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T22:40:26.488Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Assessing Competing Defense Postures: The Strategic Implications of “Flexible Response”

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 June 2011

Frank C. Zagare
Affiliation:
State University of New York
D. Marc Kilgour
Affiliation:
Wilfrid Laurier University
Get access

Abstract

A two-stage Asymmetric Escalation Game is developed to explore the connection between stage credibility and deterrence stability. There are two players in the model: Challenger and Defender. Challenger may initiate or not. If Challenger initiates, Defender may do nothing, respond in kind, or escalate; Challenger may then escalate or counterescalate, and so on. Each player is uncertain about the other's intentions at the final stage of the game. Escalation represents a choice that both players believe is qualitatively different from other available responses. Thus the model applies to any situation in which Defender may respond by crossing a threshold, thereby inducing a (psychologically) distinct level of conflict.

The Perfect Bayesian Equilibria are identified and interpreted, and inferences are drawn about the viability of limited war options and various competing flexible response deployment policies. In general, the model reveals that substrategic deployments add little to overall deterrence stability. Under certain relatively rare conditions, a policy called no-first-use in the super power context offers Defender advantages that might conceivably warrant the deployment stance associated with it. But a war fighting deployment never benefits Defender. Within the confines of the model, therefore, limited or substrategic wars are possible but unlikely.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Trustees of Princeton University 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Kaufmann, William, “The Requirements of Deterrence,” in Kaufmann, , ed., Military Policy and National Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956)Google Scholar.

2 Stromseth, Jane E., The Origins of Flexible Response: NATO's Debate over Strategy in the 1960s (New York: St. Martin's, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Daalder, Ivo H., The Nature and Practice of Flexible Response: NATO Strategy and Theater Nuclear Forces since 1967 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 2Google Scholar.

4 Ibid., chap. 2.

5 The motivation behind this model is discussed at length in Zagare, Frank C., “The Dynamics of Escalation,” Information and Decision Technologies 16, no. 3 (1990)Google Scholar; idem, “NATO, Rational Escalation and Flexible Response,” Journal of Peace Research 4 (November 1992)Google Scholar; and Zagare, Frank C. and Kilgour, D. Marc, “Modeling ‘Massive Retaliation,’” Conflict Management and Peace Science 13, no. 1 (1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 General deterrence relationships in which a challenger may contemplate a direct nuclear attack are modeled in Kilgour, D. Marc and Zagare, Frank C., “Credibility, Uncertainty, and Deterrence,” American Journal of Political Science 35 (May 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zagare, Frank C. and Kilgour, D. Marc, “Asymmetric Deterrence,” International Studies Quarterly 37 (March 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 As R. Harrison Wagner (personal communication, April 24, 1992) points out, we assume that the payoffs at outcome EE are the same, regardless of which player escalates first. We accept the point that players in the real world are likely to prefer escalating first. We make this assumption to gain mathematical tractability. Note its implications: Defender's expected payoffs at Node 2 when it chooses E are underrepresented (because it likely prefers the mutual escalation outcome associated with this choice to the mutual escalation outcome associated with the choice of D); it follows that its expected payoff from choosing (D) at Node 2 is overrepresented. The bias of the model, therefore, is toward overreporting the likelihood of a (Limited-Response) equilibrium that involves the possibility that Defender responds in kind to a challange. As we show below, however, even with this bias, the conditions under which such an equilibrium exists are quite restricted.

8 In other words, we assume the choice of D is commensurate with Challenger's initiation at Node 1. Thus, at Node 2, Defender may defect by matching in scope and intensity the actions taken by Challenger to contest the status quo, or it may choose unconstrained actions, such as those associated with waging an all-out war, represented by the escalation alternative (E).

9 Schelling, Thomas C., The Strategy of Conflict (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960)Google Scholar.

10 James D. Fearon's escalation model also has two stages. See Fearon, “Deterrence and the Spiral Model: The Role of Costly Signals in Crisis Bargaining” (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, August 30-September 2, 1990). At the first stage, each player is afforded an opportunity to increase its own cost of backing down and, possibly, its credibility; at the second stage, they decide whether or not to fight. Thus, while there are two stages to this model, there is but one mutual conflict outcome. For this reason, we view Fearon's conclusions as extending and complementing our own analysis of one-stage asymmetric deterrence games of incomplete information; see Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 6).

11 Downs, George W. and Rocke, David, Tacit Bargaining, Arms Races, and Arms Control (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chaps. 1, 4.

12 See fn. 6.

13 Nalebuff, Barry, “Brinkmanship and Nuclear Deterrence: The Neutrality of Escalation,” Conflict Management and Peace Science 9 (Spring 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Powell, Robert, Nuclear Deterrence Theory: The Search for Credibility (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 Zagare, Frank C., “Rationality and Deterrence,” World Politics 42 (January 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 We believe the opposite assumption is consistent with a policy like massive retaliation that makes no provision for a credible conventional deterrent. For an analysis of this case, see Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 5). For the public justification of flexible response, see Robert S. McNamera, “Address at the Commencement Exercises” (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, June 16, 1962).

16 Schmidt, Helmut, Defense or Retaliation (New York: Praeger, 1962), 211Google Scholar.

17 Kilgour and Zagare (fn. 6).

18 Rasmusen, Eric, Games and Information (New York: Blackwell, 1989)Google Scholar.

19 McGeorge Bundy, “The Bishops and the Bomb,” New York Review of Books (June 16, 1983); Gaddis, John Lewis, The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

20 Daalder (fn. 3).

21 As noted in the text, Daalder (fn. 3) argues that the formal definition of flexible response is deliberately vague, in part to accommodate divergent views of how deterrence operates and how forces should be structured. This is the only sense in which pure deterrence is compatible with flexible response.

22 Snyder, Glen H., “The Balance of Power and the Balance of Terror,” in Seabury, Paul, ed., Balance of Power (San Francisco: Chandler, 1965), 199Google Scholar.

23 Daalder (fn. 3), 52–53.

24 Brodie, Bernard, ed., The Absolute Weapon: Atomic Power and World Order (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1946)Google Scholar; Intriligator, Michael D. and Brito, Dagobert L., “Can Arms Races Lead to the Outbreak of War?” Journal of Conflict Resolution 28 (March 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jervis, Robert, The Illogic of American Nuclear Strategy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Kenneth N. Waltz, “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Be Better,” Adelphi Paper no. 171 (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1981).

35 Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 5).

26 As detailed in the appendix, some restrictions on r (i.e., Defender's conditional probability that Challenger is seen to be Hard, given that Challenger initiates) also apply under any No-Limited-Response Equilibrium.

27 For a discussion of the impact of specific changes in utilities on the relative locations of the threshold values defining the existence regions of all three forms of NLRE (i.e., d1, d2, and c1), see Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 5).

28 Daalder (fn. 3), 58.

29 Ibid., 46.

30 The Deterrence Equilibrium does not depend on any particular preference relationship. Rather, it exists as long as the players have the required beliefs about each other's action choices, whatever their actual preferences happen to be.

31 Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 5).

32 Ibid.

33 For an analysis of the implications of the pawn's value for extended deterrence relationships, see Kilgour, D. Marc and Zagare, Frank C., “Uncertainty and the Role of the Pawn in Extended Deterrence,” Synthese 100 (September 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Bundy, McGeorge, Kennen, George F., McNamara, Robert S., and Smith, Gerard, “Nuclear Weapons and the Atlantic Alliance,” Foreign Affairs 60 (Spring 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Daalder (fn. 3), 52.

36 Ibid., 50.

37 Stromseth (fn. 2), 202.

38 Daalder (fn. 3), 63.

39 Fudenberg, Drew and Tirole, Jean, Game Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Gibbons, Robert, Game Theory for Applied Economists (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Damme, Eric van, Refinements of the Nash Equilibrium Concept (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1993)Google Scholar.

40 Mearsheimer, John J., “Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War,” International Security 15 (Summer 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 See fn. 7.

42 Kaufmann (fn. 1).

43 Waltz, Kenneth N., Man, the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), 232Google Scholar.

44 Of course, a similar argument could be used to explain why the United States never attempted to roll back the Iron Curtain in the 1950s, despite the rhetorical preference of some Republican leaders to do just that.

45 Jones, T. K. and Thompson, W. Scott, “Central War and Civil Defense,” Orbis 22 (Fall 1978)Google Scholar.

46 Zagare, Frank C., The Dynamics of Deterrence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 34Google Scholar, chap. 4.

47 D. Marc Kilgour and Frank C. Zagare, “Using Game Theory to Analyze a General Two-Level Escalation Game” (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, September 1–4, 1994).

48 Haig, Alexander M., Caveat: Realism, Reagan and Foreign Policy (New York: Macmillan, 1984)Google Scholar.

49 Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, ed. Macpherson, C. B. (Harmondsworth, Great Britain: Penguin, 1968)Google Scholar.

50 Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 6).

51 Kilgour and Zagare (fn. 33).

52 Zagare and Kilgour (fn. 5).

53 Jervis(fn.24).