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² See, for example, Kevin Stairs and Peter Taylor, “Non-Governmental Organizations and the Legal Protection of the Oceans: A Case Study,” and Bramble, Barbara and Porter, Gareth, “Non-Governmental Organizations and the Making of U.S. International Environmental Policy,” both in Hurrell, Andrew and Kingsbury, Benedict, eds., The International Politics of the Environment (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Kimble, Lee, “The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations in Antarctic Affairs,” in Joyner, Christopher and Chopra, Sudhir, eds., The Antarctica Legal Regime (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 1988)Google Scholar; Porter, Gareth and Brown, Janet, Global Environmental Politics (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Sands, P. J., “The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations in Enforcing International Environmental Law,” in Butler, W. E., ed., Control over Compliance with International Law (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 1991)Google Scholar.

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⁴ On the concept of “global civil society,” see Falk, Richard, Explorations at the Edge of Time (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Lipschultz, Ronnie, “Restructuring World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society,” Millennium 21 (Winter 1992)Google Scholar.

⁵ There is no single, static definition of civil society. The term has a long and continually evolving, if not contestable, conceptual history. For an appreciation of the historical roots of the term and its usage in various contexts, see Cohen, Jean and Arato, Andrew, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Keane, John, “Despotism and Democracy: The Origins and Development of the Distinction between Civil Society and the State, 1750–1850,” in Keane, , ed., Civil Society and the State: New European Perspectives (London: Verso, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁶ I follow a Hegelian understanding of civil society, which includes the economy within its domain. Later formulations, most notably those offered by Gramsci and Parsons, introduce a three-part model that differentiates civil society from both the state and the economy. See Parsons, Talcott, The System of Modern Societies (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971)Google Scholar; Gramsci, Antonio, Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971)Google Scholar. For an extensive argument to exclude the economy from civil society, see Cohen and Arato (fn. 5).

⁷ Melucci, Alberto, “The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements,” Social Research 52 (Winter 1985)Google Scholar; Habermas, Jurgen, “Introduction,” in Habermas, ed., Observations of “The Spiritual Situation of the Age,” trans. Andrew Buchwalter (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985)Google Scholar; idem, “Social Movements,” Telos, no. 49 (Fall 1981)Google Scholar; Offe, Claus, “Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics: Social Movements since the 1960s,” in Maier, Charles, ed., Changing Boundaries of the Political (Cam• bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987)Google Scholar. See generally Dalton, Russell and Kuechler, Manfred, eds., Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

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⁹ Boyte, Harry, “The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics,” in Calhoun, Craig, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Shaull, Richard, Heralds of a New Reformation: The Poor of South and North America (New York: Orbis Books, 1984)Google Scholar; Agarwal, Anil, “Ecological Destruction and the Emerging Patterns of Poverty and People's Protests in Rural India,” Social Action 35 (January-March 1985)Google Scholar. See generally Durning, Alan, “Action at the Grassroots: Fighting Poverty and Environmental Decline,” Worldwatch Paper 88 (Washington, D.C.: Worldwatch Institute, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ In these cases, groups could not politicize existing civil societies but actually had to create them. See Michnik, Adam, Letters from Prison and Other Essays, trans. Latynski, Maya (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Haval, Vaclav, Open Letters: Selected Writings, 1965–1990, ed. Wilson, Paul (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1991)Google Scholar.

¹¹ The danger of engaging the state in places like Poland provided the impetus to create horizontal associations. This was the central idea behind the Polish “self-limiting revolution,” which recognized the power of the state with its Soviet support and hence the improbability of toppling it. See Michnik (fn. 10).

¹² In 1992 the budgets of Greenpeace International and World Wildlife Fund were roughly $100 million and $200 million, respectively. UNEP's budget was roughly $75 million.

¹³ In 1994 both Greenpeace and World Wildlife Fund each had over six million members.

¹⁴ For a comprehensive study of environmental NGOs in the developing world, with important references to transnational ones, see Fisher, Julie, The Road from Rio: Sustainable Development and the Nongovernmental Movement in the Third World (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1993)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ In 1967, for example, General Motors had production facilities in 24 countries and total sales of $20 billion. This total was greater than the GNP of all but 14 of the 124 members of the UN at the time. Also in 1967 Standard Oil of New Jersey had facilities in 45 countries and total sales of $13.3 billion. See Sumida, Gerald, “Transnational Movements and Economic Structures,” in Black, Cyril and Falk, Richard, eds., The Future of the International Legal Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), 4: 553Google Scholar.

¹⁶ See, for example, Modelski, George, “The Corporation in World Society,” Year Book of World Affairs 1968 (New York: Praeger, 1968)Google Scholar; Feld, Werner, Nongovernmental Forces and World Politics: A Study of Business, Labor and Political Groups (New York: Praeger, 1972)Google Scholar; Said, Abdul A. and Simmons, Luiz, eds., The New Sovereigns: Multinational Corporations as World Powers (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975)Google Scholar.

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²⁰ Robert Gilpin, “The Politics of Transnational Economic Relations,” in Keohane and Nye (fn. 17).

²¹ Waltz, Kenneth N., Theory of International Politics (New York: Random House, 1979)Google Scholar.

²² Michael Sullivan, “Transnationalism, Power Politics and the Realities of the Present System,” in Maghroori and Ramberg (fn. 19).

²³ See, for example, Feld, Werner and Jordan, Robert, International Organizations: A Comparative Approach (New York: Praeger, 1983)Google Scholar; and Jacobson, Harold, Networks of Interdependence: International Organizations and the Global Political System (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1984)Google Scholar.

²⁴ The term “sovereignty at bay” comes from the title of the 1971 book by Raymond Vernon (New York: Basic Books). It is important to note that Vernon was not a proponent of the transnationalist challenge, even though the title of his book provided a catchphrase to encapsulate the host of arguments advanced by its proponents. See Vernon, Raymond, “Sovereignty at Bay: Ten Years After,” International Organization 35 (Summer 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ In the words of John Ruggie, it could be said that the debate died down because scholars studied NGOs with an eye toward “institutional substitutability.” If NGOs cannot substitute for the state as an institutional entity, they become politically irrelevant. Ruggie argues that such a mind-set bleaches out much of the phenomena responsible for long-term political change. See John Gerard Ruggie, Territoriality and Beyond: Problematizing Modernity in International Relations,” International Organization 47 (Winter 1993), 143Google Scholar.

²⁶ See Holsti, K. J., “Mirror, Mirror on the Wall, Which Are the Fairest Theories of All,” International Studies Quarterly 37 (September 1987)Google Scholar; and Lapid, Yosef, “The Third Debate: On the Prospects of International Theory in a Post-Positivist Era,” International Studies Quarterly 33 (September 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For one of the more provocative books to emerge from reflection on the third debate, see Walker, R. B. J., Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Rosenau, James, Turbulence in World Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Walker, R. B.J., One World/Many Worlds (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1988)Google Scholar.

²⁹ Falk(fn.4).

³⁰ The very term “nongovernmental organization” betrays a statecentric understanding of politics.

³¹ This is not to imply that studies of the influence of NGOs on states are unnecessary. There is still much to understand regarding the extent to which NGOs influence governments and the quality of their lobbying efforts. A focus on world civic politics, then, is not meant to supplant a statecentric notion of international politics so much as to augment it.

³² Harwood, Michael, “Daredevils for the Environment,” New York Times Magazine, October 2, 1988, p. 7Google Scholar. Also confirmed in private interviews at the time. See also Davidson, Clive, “How Green-peace Squeezed onto Satellite Link,” New Scientist 135 (July 1992), 20Google Scholar.

³³ For discussions on the media-directed dimension of ecological political action, see Scarce, Rik, Eco-Warriors: Understanding the Radical Environmental Movement (Chicago: Noble Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Day, David, The Environmental Wars (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989)Google Scholar; Hunter, Robert, Warriors of the Rainbow: A Chronicle of the Greenpeace Movement (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979)Google Scholar; Anderson, Walter Truett, Reality Isn't What It Used to Be (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1990)Google Scholar, chap. 7.

³⁴ Bearing witness is a type of political action that originated with the Quakers. It requires that one who has observed a morally objectionable act (in this case an ecologically destructive one) must either take action to prevent further injustice or stand by and attest to its occurrence; one may not turn away in ignorance. For bearing witness as used by Greenpeace, see Hunter (fn. 33); Brown, Michael and May, John, The Greenpeace Story (Ontario: Prentice-Hall Canada, 1989)Google Scholar; Greenpeace, , “Fifteen Years at the Front Lines,” Greenpeace Examiner 11 (October-December 1986)Google Scholar.

³⁵ Hunter (fn. 33), 229.

³⁶ Sociological perspectives on world politics have proliferated over the past few years. See, for example, Sklair, Leslie, Sociology of the Global System (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; and Jacobson, David, “The States System in the Age of Rights” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1991)Google Scholar.

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³⁸ Joseph, Paul, Peace Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 147–51Google Scholar; Galtung, Johan, “The Peace Movement: An Exercise in Micro-Macro Linkages,” International Social Science Journal 40 (August 1989), 377–82Google Scholar.

³⁹ Gusfield (fn. 37), 326.

⁴⁰ Blumer, , “Social Movements,” in McLaughlin, Barry, ed., Studies in Social Movements: A Social Psychological Perspective (New York: Free Press, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Starke, Linda, Signs of Hope: Working toward Our Common Future (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 2, 105Google Scholar.

⁴² Wald, Mathew, “Guarding the Environment: A World of Challenges,” New York Times, April 22, 1990, p. AlGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ George Gallup International Institute, “The Health of the Planet Survey,” quoted in “Bush Out of Step, Poll Finds,” Terra Viva: The Independent Daily of the Earth Summit (Rio de Janiero), June 3, 1992, p. 5Google Scholar. See, generally, Dunlap, Riley, Gallup, George Jr., and Gallup, Alec, “Of Global Concern: Results of the Health of the Planet Survey,” Environment 53 (November 1993)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Day, David, The Whale War (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1987), 157Google Scholar. For a critical view of Operation Breakout, see Rose, Tom, Freeing the Whales: How the Media Created the World's Greatest Non-Event (New York: Birch Lane Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See Council on Economic Priorities, Shopping for a Better World (New York: Council on Economic Priorities, 1988)Google Scholar; Shea, Cynthia Pollock, “Doing Well by Doing Good,” World Watch 2 (November-December 1989)Google Scholar. According to a 1991 Gallup poll, 28 percent of the U.S. public claimed to have “boycotted a company's products because of its record on the environment,” and, according to Cambridge Reports, in 1990, 50 percent of respondents said that they were “avoiding the purchase of products by a company that pollutes the environment”—an increase of 18 percent since 1987. Quoted in Dunlap, Riley, “Public Opinion in the 1980s: Clear Consensus, Ambiguous Commitment,” Environment 33 (October 1991), 36Google Scholar. See, more generally, Smart, Bruce, Beyond Compliance: A New Industry View of the Environment (Washington, D.C.: World Resources Institute, 1992)Google Scholar.

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⁴⁸ The average price per seal pup skin dropped from $23.09 in 1979 to $10.15 in 1983. See Wenzel, George, Animal Rights, Human Rights (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 124, table 6.12Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ This led to a further drop in price. By 1985 the price per skin had dropped to $6.99. See fn. 48.

⁵⁰ Wenzel (fn. 48), 52–53; idem, “Baby Harp Seals Spared,” Oceans 21 (March-April 1988)Google Scholar; see, generally, Day (fn. 33), 60–64.

⁵¹ I This example also demonstrates that environmental activists are not always accurate in assessing environmental threats and guaranteeing the ecological soundness of the sensibility they wish to im-part. There is no evidence that harp seals were ever an endangered species. This is particularly troubling because the activities of Greenpeace, IFAW, and others produced severe social dislocation and hardship for communities as far away as Greenland, Iceland, and the Faroe Islands, as well as in the coastal communities of Newfoundland and Baffin Island. See Young, Oran, Arctic Politics: Conflict and Cooperation in the Circumpolar North (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1992), 128Google Scholar; Allen, J., “Anti-Sealing as an Industry;” Journal of Political Economy 87 (April 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Spence, Leslie et al. , “The Not So Peaceful World of Greenpeace,” Forbes, November 11, 1991; Wenzel (fn. 46)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁴ “McDonalds Admits to Bowing to Ill-informed Opinion on Polystyrene,” British Plastics and Rubber (January 1991), 35Google Scholar; Berman, Phyllis, “McDonald's Caves In,” Forbes, February 4, 1991Google Scholar; Quinton, Brian, “The Greening of McDonalds,” Restaurants and Institutions 100 (December 1990), 28Google Scholar; Holusha, John, “Packaging and Public Image: McDonald's Fills a Big Order,” New York Times, November 2, 1990Google Scholar.

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⁵⁷ Fumento, Michael, Science under Seige: Balancing Technology and the Environment (New York: William Morrow, 1993), 20Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ “Revenge of the Apples,” Wall Street Journal, December 17, 1990, p. A8Google Scholar. See generally Gold, Allan, “Company Ends Use of Apple Chemical,” New York Times, October 17, 1990Google Scholar; Wind, Adrian de, “Alar's Gone, Little Thanks to the Government,” New York Times, July 30, 1991Google Scholar; Roberts, Leslie, “Alar: The Numbers Game,” Science (March 24, 1989), 1430CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For criticisms of the Alar campaign, see Fumento (fn. 57), 19–44; Ames, Bruce, “Too Much Fuss about Pesticides,” Consumer's Re-search Magazine (April 1990)Google Scholar; and more generally idem, “Misconceptions about Pollution and Cancer,” National Review 42 (December 1990)Google Scholar.

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⁶⁰ “Dolphin Dilemmas,” Environment 35 (November 1993), 21Google Scholar.

⁶¹ “U.S. Law Bans Sale of Dolphin-UnSafe Tuna,” Earth Island Journal 9 (Summer 1994), 7Google Scholar.

⁶² See CERES Coalition, The 1990 Ceres Guide to the Valdez Principles (Boston: CERES, 1990)Google Scholar; Ann-Zondorak, Valerie, “A New Face in Corporate Environmental Responsibility: The Valdez Principles,” Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review 18 (Spring 1991)Google Scholar; Doyle, Jack, “Valdez Principles: Corporate Code of Conduct,” Social Policy 20 (Winter 1990)Google Scholar; Bavaria, Joan, “Dispatches from the Front Lines of Corporate Social Responsibility,” Business and Society Review, no. 81 (Spring 1992)Google Scholar.

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⁶⁴ See, for example, Doyle, Jack, “Hold the Applause: A Case Study of Corporate Environmentalism,” Ecologist 22 (May-June 1992)Google Scholar; Beers, David and Capellaro, Catherine, “Greenwash!” Mother Jones (March-April 1991)Google Scholar. For sympathetic views, see Schmidheiny, Stephan, Changing Course: A Global Business Perspective on Development and the Environment (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Smart (fn. 45).

⁶⁵ See, for example, Hurst, Philip, Rainforest Politics: Ecological Destruction in South East Asia (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Zed Books, 1990)Google Scholar; Leonard, H. Jeffrey, ed., Environment and the Poor: Development Strategies for a Common Agenda (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1989)Google Scholar.

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⁷¹ Outside contact may also splinter traditional associations causing economic and social dislocation. See, for example, Mittelman, James, Out from Underdevelopment: Prospects for the Third World (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), 43–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷⁷ Such funding was evident in the preparatory meetings organized for the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED). Organizations such as WWF spent thousands of dollars to bring Third World NGOs to Geneva, New York, and eventually to Brazil to attend the proceedings.

⁷⁸ Cernea, Michael, “Nongovernmental Organizations and Local Development,” Regional Development Dialogue 10 (Summer 1989), 117Google Scholar. One should note that although the overall trend is to fund local NGOs, the amount of money going to local NGOs decreased in 1987. It increased the following year, however.

⁷⁹ Cernea (fn. 78), 118, table 1. One should note that the reason for this shift in funding is a combination of the perceived failure of governments to promote development, the proved effectiveness of NGO responses to recent famines throughout Africa, and donor's preference for private sector development. See Drabek, Anne, ldquo;Editor's Preface,” World Development 15, supplement (Autumn 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸⁴ More recent formulations of civil society, informed by new understandings of the public/private distinction, include the family as part of civil society. See Cohen and Arato (fn. 5).

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