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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 August 2019
This article discusses the historical context of the famed dissident intellectual Jalal Al-e Ahmad’s (1923–69) travelogue documenting his visit to Israel in early 1963, posthumously titled Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil (Journey to the Province of the Angel of Death), focusing on (1) the political and intellectual context and reception of his controversial essay, in particular the brief infatuation of Iranian anti-Soviet socialists in the League of Iranian Socialists with socialist Zionism; (2) Al-e Ahmad’s discussion of political sovereignty and theo-politics in modern Israel and the important insights and observations provided therein; and (3), finally, the shifting sands of Al-e Ahmad’s engagement with Israel and Zionism and their relation to how he understood the politics of anticolonialism in the context of modern Iran following the 1953 coup d’état, which overthrew the nationalist government of Mohammad Mosaddeq, the Shah’s “White Revolution” and the Arab–Israeli War of 1967. The development of his views from ones of curiosity, fascination and ambivalence to condemnation echo less a simplistic and psychologized “return to religion” or “quest for authenticity” than an integration of the category of coloniality in relation to a wider field of struggles then unfolding across the global South during the 1960s, and provided the basis for a critique of not only Iranian social democrats, but several leading lights of the French left.
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6 For further information on the ontology of coloniality see Quijano, Aníbal, “Coloniality and Modernity/Rationality” Cultural Studies 21/2–3 (2007), 168–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Fanon, Frantz, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Markmann, Charles Lam, Introduction by Gilroy, Paul (London and New York, 2017), Loc 257Google Scholar.
8 Ahmad, Jalal Al-e, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil (Tehran, 1373), 15Google Scholar.
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12 Interview with Dariush Ashuri, 19 Dec. 2018.
13 Ezri, Yadnameh, 178–9.
14 Sternfeld, Between Iran and Zion, Loc 1113.
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17 ʿElm va zendegi translated Koestler's “An Essay on Snobbery,” which was first published in Encounter magazine in September 1955. Koestler, Arthur, “Tajziyeh va tahlili az senobism,” ʿElm va zendegi, Farvardin 1338 (March–April 1959), 79–97, at 79Google Scholar. Its predecessor publication Nabard-e zendegi similarly published the writings of other famous Cold War anticommunists such as Sidney Hook. Sidney Hook and Bertrand Russell, “Akharin tasmim zendeh mandan ya chizi balatar az an?”, Nabard-e zendegi (Dey 1337 (Dec. 1958–Jan. 1959)), 24–31, at 24. For details concerning the role played by Koestler, Hook and many others in the cultural Cold War see, Saunders, Frances Stonor, The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters (New York, 1999)Google Scholar.
18 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 439.
19 Ibid., Loc 451. Jalal Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 57–8. Shams Al-e Ahmad, in Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 16, claims that the unsigned articles about the kibbutz published in ʿElm va zendegi were written by Maleki.
20 This rejection is readily evident in much of Maleki's writings from the early 1950s onwards, but is perhaps best demonstrated in his polemic and critique of the Tudeh Party following the 1953 coup. Maleki, Khalil, Dars-e 28 Mordad: az lahaz-e nehzat-e melli-ye Iran va az lahaz-e rahbaran-e khaʾen-e hezb-e Tudeh (Tehran, 1394 (2015)Google Scholar).
21 Al-e Ahmad had translated Gide's Return from the U.S.S.R. (1333 (1954–5)) and The Fruits of the Earth (1343 (1964–5). Ehsan Yarshater has contended that the translation of the latter text was particularly poor and that Al-e Ahmad had only a rather tenuous grasp of French. Zandiyan, Mandana and Yarshater, Ehsan, Ehsan Yarshater dar goftogu ba Mandana Zandiyan (Los Angeles, 2016)Google Scholar.
22 Maleki, Khalil, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” ʿElm va zendegi 2 (Esfand 1340 (Feb.–March 1962)), 17–32Google Scholar.
23 Interview with Dariush Ashuri. Ashuri, Dariush, “Safarnameh-ye Esraʾil,” Ketab-e mah, Khordad 1341 (May–June 1962)Google Scholar.
24 As evidenced by published SAVAK records, Al-e Ahmad was still in regular contact with Maleki and the membership of the League of Iranian Socialists and would participate in their meetings. Jalal Al-e Ahmad beh revayat-e asnad-e SAVAK (Tehran, 1379 (2000)), 20Google Scholar.
25 See, for example, Ahmad, Jalal Al-e, “Varshekastegi-ye matbuʿat,” ʿElm va zendegi, Farvardin 1338 (March–April 1959), 1–19, at 9Google Scholar.
26 Maleki, Khalil, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” ʿElm va zendegi, 2 (Esfand 1340 (Feb.–March 1962)), 21Google Scholar.
27 Maleki would even try and justify his meeting with Meir at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by citing his deep respect for women's rights. Ibid., 29.
28 Ibid., 18. Ashuri echoes this sentiment when he declaims that the Jews of Israel “have created the greatest exemplars of socialist society on the basis of village life.” Ashuri, “Safarnameh-ye Esraʾil,” 133.
29 See Wolfe, Patrick, Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race (London and New York, 2016), chap. 7Google Scholar. Regan, Bernard, The Balfour Declaration: Empire, the Mandate and Resistance in Palestine (London and New York, 2017)Google Scholar.
30 Maleki, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” 19–20. Manuchehr Safa, “Maʾsaleh-ye esraʾil aʿrab,” Nabard-e zendegi, Dey 1337 (Dec. 1958–Jan. 1959), 32–50. The latter article, while still deeply problematic on several counts, offers a more sober-minded and critical assessment.
31 Maleki, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” 28.
32 Ibid., 28.
33 de Sousa Santos, Boaventura, The End of the Cognitive Empire: The Coming of Age of Epistemologies of the South (Durham, NC and London, 2018), 3Google Scholar.
34 The settler colonial paradigm and the specific relations of power in the case of Palestine, dynamics which simply do not show up or present themselves to Maleki, were delineated and analyzed by Palestinian and other Arab intellectuals in the course of the 1960s. A classic example is Sayegh, Fayez A., Zionist Colonialism in Palestine (Beirut, 1965)Google Scholar. The settler colonial framework would find itself further developed in subsequent decades, most notably by Nur Masalha and Patrick Wolfe. Masalha, Nur, The Palestine Nakba: Decolonizing History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory (London and New York, 2012), chap. 1Google Scholar. Wolfe, Patrick, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8/4 (2006), 387–409CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Maldonado-Torres sees invisibility and dehumanization as the primary expressions of the “coloniality of being.” Quoted in De Sousa Santos, The End of the Cognitive Empire, 20.
35 See Khosrowshahi, Hadi, Zendegi va mobarezeh-ye Navvab Safavi (Tehran, 1386 (2007))Google Scholar.
36 Glazer, Steven A., “Picketing for Hebrew Labor: A Window on Histadrut Tactics and Strategy,” Journal of Palestine Studies 30/4 (2001), 39–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Wolfe, Traces of History, Loc 5279. Lockman, Zachary, “Land, Labor and the Logic of Zionism: A Critical Engagement with Gershon Shafir,” Settler Colonial Studies 2/1 (2012), 9–38, at 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
38 Sternhell, Zeev, The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State, trans. Maisel, David (Princeton, 1998), 21Google Scholar.
39 Nassar, Maha, Brothers Apart: Palestinian Citizens of Israel and the Arab World (Stanford, 2017), 79, 90, 93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
40 Maleki, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” 22–3.
41 Ibid., 27.
42 Ezri, Yadnameh, 184.
43 Maleki, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” 31.
44 Interview with Dariush Ashuri.
45 Ashuri, “Safarnameh-ye Esraʾil,” 122.
46 Ibid., 123.
47 Ibid., 132.
48 Qom also carries the connotations of family, nation, race, and ethnicity. Ibid., 126.
49 Ibid., 126.
50 Ibid., 129.
51 Maleki, “Didari az arz-e mowʿud,” 29.
52 Ashuri, “Safarnameh-ye Esraʾil,” 130.
53 Ibid., 130.
54 Ibid., 131.
55 Du Bois, W. E. B., The Souls of Black Folk (New York, 1996), Loc 173Google Scholar.
56 Lake, Marilyn and Reynolds, Henry, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men's Countries and the International Challenge of Racial Equality (Cambridge and New York, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Introduction. Tuck, Eve and Yang, K. Wayne, “Decolonization is not a metaphor,” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education and Society 1/1 (2012), 1–40Google Scholar.
57 Ashuri, “Safarnameh-ye Esraʾil,” 131.
58 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 601–6; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 74.
59 The New York Times’s review of the novel is revealing in this regard and in its reservations regarding Koestler's partisanship in favor of the Zionist settler enterprise: “there is never a time when he questions the right of his people to dominate the land in which the Arabs are and have long been in a majority.” The same can be said for Maleki and Ashuri's travelogues. Richard Watts Jr, “Koestler's Novel of Zionism,” New York Times, 3 Nov. 1946.
60 This has been detailed by Samuel Thrope in his introduction to the English translation of Al-e Ahmad's travelogue, The Israeli Republic.
61 Hamid Dabashi in his classic volume Theology of Discontent has cast doubt on the authenticity of the final chapter of Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil. Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, 69. There does not appear to be much by way of concrete evidence for these doubts, and despite not being able to locate the original, Dariush Ashuri recounted his memory of the article's publication following the 1967 war. Furthermore, Al-e Ahmad's wife Simin Daneshvar never publicly repudiated it. Finally, the article's denunication of the Israeli state as an agent of Western imperialism is in keeping with the rhetoric prevailing on the Arab left during this period, and, as we argue below, the difference between the two essays should not be overstated or exaggerated. What can be said, however, is that the title of the posthumously published book was certainly not of Al-e Ahmad's choosing. Interview with Dariush Ashuri.
62 Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 41.
63 Ahmad, Jalal Al-e, Dar khedmat va khiyanat-e rowshanfekran (Tehran, 1388 (2009))Google Scholar.
64 Mottahedeh, Roy, The Mantle of the Prophet: Religion and Politics in Iran (London, 2014; first published 1985), Loc 5201Google Scholar.
65 Shahrzad Mojab, “The State and University: The ‘Islamic Cultural Revolution’ in the Institutions of Higher Education of Iran, 1980–87” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, 1991).
66 Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 40.
67 Nabavi, Negin, Intellectuals and the State in Iran: Politics, Discourse and the Dilemma of Authenticity (Gainesville and Tallahassee, 2003), chap. 3Google Scholar.
68 Parsi, Trita, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the U.S. (New Haven and London, 2007), chap. 2Google Scholar.
69 Ram, Haggai, Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession (Stanford, 2009), Loc 750CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
70 This has been captured, for example, in a documentary on the lives of Israelis in pre-revolutionary Iran. Shadur, Dan and Heymann, Barak, Before the Revolution (Israel, 2013)Google Scholar.
71 Ram, Iranophobia, Loc 750.
72 Pardo, Eldad, “Yisrael kemofet beʿeini hasmol hairani bishnot hashishim: maamar veteʿuda,” ʿIyunim bitqumat yisrael 14 (2004), 341Google Scholar.
73 Ibid., 343.
74 Ibid., 343.
75 Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 53.
76 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 37.
77 Cornell, Vincent J., Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Austin, 1998), Loc 321Google Scholar
78 Amir-Moezzi, Mohammad Ali and Jambet, Christian, What Is Shiʿi Islam? An Introduction, trans. Casler, Kenneth and Ormsby, Eric (Abingdon and New York, 2018), 72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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80 See Anzali, Ata, “Mysticism” in Iran: The Safavid Roots of a Modern Concept (Columbia, SC, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Knysh, Alexander, “Irfan Revisted: Khomeini and the Legacy of Islamic Mystical Philosophy,” Middle East Journal 46/4 (1992), 631–53Google Scholar.
81 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 351; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 47.
82 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 360; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 48.
83 In light with this idea of theo-sovereignty, Al-e Ahmad mentions the trial of Adolf Eichmann, which had been convened only a couple of years prior to his visit. In certain respects, he appears to echo the conception of justice held by the special tribunal of the Jerusalem District Court famously described by Hannah Arendt, namely that “only a Jewish court could render justice to Jews, and that it was the business of Jews to sit in judgment on their enemies.” Arendt, Hannah, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York, 1977), 7Google Scholar. Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 48.
84 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 382–3; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 50.
85 See Ghamari-Tabrizi, Behrooz, Foucault in Iran: Islamic Islamic Revolution after the Enlightenment (Minneapolis and London, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
86 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 377-402-404; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 52.
87 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 394–5 (translation modified); Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 51.
88 Masalha, The Palestine Nakba, chapt. 5.
89 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 397; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 51.
90 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 662–3; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 79.
91 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 392–3; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 51.
92 The influence of Sartre's Anti-Semite and Jew (1948), but more likely his famed preface to Frantz's Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1961) as well as the work itself published a couple of years earlier, in addition to Albert Memmi's The Colonizer and the Colonized (1957) are palpable. Sartre, Jean-Paul, Anti-Semite and Jew: An Exploration of the Etiology of Hate, trans. Becker, George J. (New York, 1948)Google Scholar. Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth (New York, 2004)Google Scholar. Memmi, Albert, The Colonizer and the Colonized, trans. Greenfeld, Howard (London and New York, 2003)Google Scholar. According to Ali Rahnema, Al-e Ahmad charged ʿAli Shariʿati with translating Memmi's classic work, but he was unable to finish it “apparently because it was too difficult.” The French-trained leftist historian Homa Nateq would eventually translate it. Rahnema, Ali, An Islamic Utopian: A Political Biography of Ali Shariʿati (London, 1998), 190–91Google Scholar.
93 Zia-Ebrahimi, Reza, The Emergence of Iranian Nationalism: Race and the Politics of Dislocation (New York, 2016), 60Google Scholar. Al-e Ahmad was familiar with the writings of Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani and alludes to his Three Letters to Jalal al-Dowleh in Ahmad, Jalal Al-e, Occidentosis: A Plague from the West, trans. Campbell, R., Introduction by Algar, Hamid (Berkeley, 1984), Loc 933Google Scholar.
94 See Marashi, Afshin, Nationalizing Iran: Culture, Power, and the State, 1870–1940 (Seattle, 2008)Google Scholar.
95 One only has to look at his comments vis-à-vis Kasravi and the question of “language purification” to see his rejection of such ethno-nationalist chauvinism or secularizing zeal. Ahmad, Jalal Al-e, Mokalemat: Gofteh-ha va shenideh-ha (Tehran, 1374 (1995)), 82Google Scholar.
96 Thrope translates ʿajam as “barbarian” and rafezi as “sectarian.” The former is generally understood as a racial pejorative, meaning those whose mother tongue is not Arabic. We have amended the translation in the case of rafezi, a well-known sectarian denigration used in reference to Shiʿi Muslims and their rejection of the leadership of the first three caliphs, Abu Bakr, Umar and Uthman. Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, 461–2; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 59.
97 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 471–2; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 60.
98 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 498–500; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 62
99 Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 62.
100 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 508–10; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 63.
101 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 659; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 79.
102 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 714; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 84.
103 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 676–8; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 79–80.
104 Afshin Matin-Asgari rightly argues that despite his lifelong respect and admiration for Maleki, Al-e Ahmad rejected his “total identification with European cultural models.” Matin-Asgari, Afshin, Both Eastern and Western: An Intellectual History of Iranian Modernity (Cambridge and New York, 2018), 187CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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113 Al-e Ahmad, The Israeli Republic, Loc 755; Al-e Ahmad, Safar beh velayat-e ʿezraʾil, 88-89.
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