On the eve of 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the UK voted to withdraw from the EU (so-called Brexit). The implications for European integration and EU policies are far from clear and require further investigation. This paper aims to answer: what does Brexit imply for European integration? What messages were sent to the EU from the UK referendum? Did EU leaders interpret these messages and implications correctly and did they respond with the right policy? After examining the competing interpretations, this paper argues that the sharp divisions between different socio-economic classes shown in voting behaviour highlight the imperative of addressing economic inequality and distributive injustice, which are rooted in the structural flaws of EU governance and have been aggravated by the mismanagement of the Euro crisis. To move European integration forward and to keep a ‘political Europe’ sustainable, a ‘social Europe’ making an ‘economic Europe’ more inclusive and fair is required.

There are 7.6 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Syria, and an additional 5 million people have taken refuge in Syria’s immediate neighbourhood: Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq. Among these countries, due to its open border policy, Turkey has received the largest number of Syrian refugees. As of 31 August 2016, there are more than 3 million Syrian refugees in Turkey. This article will concentrate on the findings of a recent qualitative and quantitative study conducted among Syrian refugees in Istanbul, with a particular focus on their strong attachment to this city. I shall claim that historical, cultural and religious forms of affinity are likely to particularly attach the Sunni-Muslim-Arab-Syrians originating from Aleppo province to Istanbul. This article is expected to contribute to the discipline of Refugee Studies by shedding light on the historical and human elements, which are often the missing elements in such analysis.

These remarks constitute an introduction to this special issue and were made on 21 September 2015, at the opening of a special symposium honouring Professor Erol Gelenbe at Imperial College London, UK. Gelenbe is a Computer Scientist and Computer Engineer, who has been a Fellow of Academia Europaea since 2005. He is also a Fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters of Belgium, as well as of the Science Academies of Hungary, Poland and Turkey, and of the National Academy of Technologies of France.

This article analyses the positions of ASEAN countries on provisions of environmental and social sustainability included in the EU free trade agreements (FTA). In the EU’s new generation FTAs with ASEAN countries, there has been a notable and systematic EU approach of linking international labour conventions and multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in its trade agreements, which reflects its ambition to play a significant role in ‘harnessing globalization’. However, during trade negotiations, contradictory positions between two sides originate from their different political, socio-economic and cultural backgrounds. When considering the developing countries’ objections to the issue from an ASEAN perspective, three main decisive points can be identified: the exclusive reliance on economic cost-related arguments, different perceptions of the trade-labour/environment nexus, and political and cultural-relativist arguments. Practical findings show that the EU faces resistance to this linkage from the ASEAN countries, which weakens its ability to promote universal social norms through trade.

The aim of the paper is to present the current trends in the migration flows of Central and Eastern-European (CEE) countries in the light of socio-economic transition and core-periphery relations. To view migration as a broader process of social and economic development, post-accession mobility information will be analysed within a multi-scalar approach, across time and space, considering first the migration pattern from the CEE countries towards other EU regions in general, and then with a special emphasis on Romania in the light of the 2007 EU enlargement process. The spatial variation of migration was investigated using Moran’s I and Gi* statistics, which is a useful tool for identification of spatial patterns. Alongside the analysis of migration processes between receiving and sending areas (core and periphery regions) the author will discuss how the position of the core and periphery could change, with economic development taking place in a number of periodic waves. Based on the transnationalism paradigm, the author will also highlight the impact of migrants’ changed mobility practices and behaviour on the locality of origin.

Several periods in classical (Greco-Roman) antiquity provide an intriguing mix of being ‘in the grip of the past’ and profoundly innovative in all societal domains at the same time. A new research agenda of the Dutch classicists investigates this combination, under the hypothesis that the two are connected. Successful innovations must somehow be ‘anchored’ for the relevant social group(s). This paper explores the new concept of ‘anchoring’, and some of the ways in which ‘the new’ and ‘the old’ are evaluated and used in classical antiquity and our own times. Its examples range from a piece of ancient theatrical equipment to the history of the revolving door, from an ornamental feature of Greek temples to the design of electric cars, and from the Delphic oracle to the role of the American constitution.

The 2014 European Parliament (EP) election resulted in the rise of populist right-wing parties (PRPs). This paper aims to answer: why PRPs were able to rise in the 2014 EP election; what messages were delivered by the election results regarding European integration; and whether or not policy-makers addressed the messages correctly with the right policy responses? After examining the competing interpretations, this paper argues that a deep disillusionment and crisis of trust in the political establishment, which derived from the long neglect of deteriorating distributional justice and fairness in European integration, which became acute after the euro crisis mismanagement, explains the 2014 EP election results. This paper, accordingly, argues that policy redirection of EU economic governance and the addressing of a ‘social Europe’ are required to regain political trust. After assessing the policy responses taken by the EU, an economic Europe is expected to revive, but the required social Europe will still remain absent.

The importance of Africa for Europe was highlighted in the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Although the overarching framework for relations between the European Union and Africa is embedded in the 2000 Cotonou Agreement, cooperation between the European Union and Africa became increasingly institutionalized through the European Union–Africa Summits of 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2014, during which political leaders from both sides made strong rhetorical commitments to a strategic partnership. Yet, for the wider public, the relationship between the European Union and Africa appears to be both obscure and complex. The fifth European Union–Africa Summit is scheduled to take place in Ivory Coast in November 2017. This article will provide an overview of the development of European Union–Africa relations that coincided with the emergence of the African Union, the successor of the Organisation of African Unity. The so-called ‘strategic partnership’ between the European Union and the African Union represents the most comprehensive partnership the African Union has with any non-African actor. By highlighting current challenges affecting both, such as irregular migration, this article will, however, demonstrate that cooperation between the two is limited and somewhat lacking in strategic direction.

This text was written for the symposium honouring Erol Gelenbe and to deliver a message from the French academy of engineering, NATF, the National Academy of Technologies of France, in the presence of six of our Fellows, including Erol as an active member. I will explain what our goals were when we created our engineering academy 15 years ago, and how our concept was and still is very different from that of an academy of sciences.

Most policymakers and academics predicted that the European monetary union would lead to economic and institutional modernizaon in its least productive members – Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain. In fact, apart from Ireland, these countries became even more corrupt and their governments even less effective. This paper suggests an explanation that links the reluctance of peripheral countries to reform with the increase in their corruption levels. It also argues that their societies were stuck in a collective action problem: individuals have understood that corruption is antithetical to institutional quality and reform, but, as they cannot trust each other to refrain from corrupt practices, they stand to lose individually from not being corrupt themselves. Monetary union was seen as an external authority that would resolve this problem. Yet weak EU and eurozone monitoring and sanctioning discouraged the formation of social norms while making it attractive for formerly non-corrupt actors to engage in corruption, given the low risk of being caught. Survey evidence supports growth in perceptions of corruption and bribery, along with the weakening of social trust, trust in the police and in politicians across the periphery after the euro’s introduction.

This paper summarises the author’s remarks during a symposium held at Imperial College, London, UK, in honour of Erol Gelenbe. It provides a perspective for the future of the Telecommunications industry in Europe.

This paper attempts to empirically test whether inter-party political differences impact public finances in Portugal differently. Focused on public debt and on government budget deficit, and using data since 1974 for several variables, this paper applies econometric modelling to show that inter-party differences have had, until now, no significant impacts on the public finances’ performance in Portugal. In this context, this paper aims at dispelling some myths regarding the ‘value’ of a policy process based on political intrigue, enmity and a discourse of confrontation around differentiated political parties’ merits in modern democracies.

Virtual 3D reconstructions of destroyed or disappeared cultural heritage enable viewers to effectively travel back through time and visualize monuments whose fragments they can see in museums or archaeological sites. A powerful way to convey information through three-dimensional geometry is to add interactive digital storytelling to virtual models. In this paper we present our work on interactive virtual cultural heritage applications with storytelling and show how users appreciate this presentation form, considering it as breathing life into 3D geometry. We describe the Tašlihan project, which consists of a documentary, interactive digital story and serious game about this valuable cultural monument from Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which only one wall remains as a memento to its existence.

The objective of this work is to analyse the factors that influence a greater or lesser inequality in income distribution in the 27 EU countries, paying particular attention to the effect that the economic crisis has had. For this purpose we have used panel data covering a period of 16 years (from 1996 to 2011, inclusive), and we have introduced additional variables over and above those normally used, such as the ideology of the governing party, the economic freedom index, as well as the ‘crisis’ variable. The results obtained enable us to conclude that while the economic crisis has not necessarily caused a worsening in inequality, the response of European governments by means of social policy has not so far proved effective in the fight against the lack of equality in income distribution.

In engineering design, constraints can stimulate creativity but are also often cited as obstacles to innovation. So do constraints hinder or foster creativity? Despite a number of studies, the reason why constraints can have a positive or a negative impact on creativity is still unknown. In this paper, we will propose, theoretically and empirically, that the link between creativity and constraints is not determined by the type of constraints, but by the type of ‘design model’ used. Using C-K theory, a well-documented, general, and formalized theory of design, we first prove that the dual impact of constraints on creativity is predictable. Then we use C-K operators to distinguish two different design models: rule-based design and innovative design. We show that the first model organizes a negative link between constraints and creativity while the second model enables a positive effect. We illustrate these mechanisms through the analysis of several product developments based on both secondary and primary sources.

In this article, I argue that policymakers employed unconscious biases and racist beliefs in the formulation and the implementation of the current EU Framework for National Roma Integration Strategies (ʻEU Roma Frameworkʼ) and its corresponding national strategies. Using Critical Race Theory, I explore how these policies have reinforced the commonly held belief in the need to civilize and otherwise change the habits of the Roma, and consequently have further reinforced the power imbalance between the Roma and the dominant majority groups (hereinafter used interchangeably with ʻnon-Romaʼ). I analyse examples of Roma versus universal policies comparatively, emphasizing biases in formulation, implementation, and discourse. I show that the objectives of the EU Roma Framework and national Roma strategies toward Roma education involve ethnic presuppositions and are far less ambitious than the avowed Europe 2020 strategy; this policy mismatch will likely lead to further educational discrepancies post-2020. Finally, I conclude that policies focused on the Roma are doomed to fail if no prior and concurrent actions are taken to change prejudiced attitudes and the behaviours of non-Roma, in particular those biases influencing policy formulation and implementation.