On my first trip to Bucharest after my talk in Sibiu, I requested an audience with Petru Groza at his office, as he had promised. In his office by a happy coincidence I found Ionel Pop, minister of Transylvania, who seemed to be good friends with Groza. They were on a first-name basis, at least. We discussed once again the problem of my trip to Washington, which Groza believed to be useful and urgent, and he promised to speak to Vişoianu, minister of foreign affairs, in the following few days.

“I’ll talk to him myself,” said Ionel Pop. “But it is not up to Vişoianu—whom Mr. Mărgineanu knows—but to the Allied Commission, namely the Soviet side, which has to give its approval, and which only you can obtain.” By “we” he meant the ministers from the Communist Party or affiliated parties, like the Plowmen's Front.

“Yes, you are right,” said Groza, his voice lowered. “Couldn't the Americans intervene?” he said right away, turning to me.

“It is our business, not theirs, Mr. Vice President. My relationship with them is too recent, and rather formal, so I would not be able to ask them for this favor.”

“Fine, I’ll do it. Postpone the visit to Vişoianu so I can talk to General Vinogradov first.” Approval was not within his purview, but he could intervene with his superior. Before going back to Sibiu, I also requested an audience with Minister Vişoianu, who received me with good will and friendship.

“Groza and Ionel Pop have spoken to me. But I told Mr. Groza that he doesn't need to talk to me, because I know you and I agree with you going. He needs to talk to the Allied Commission, namely the Soviet command, where my word counts for nothing. I’m afraid Mr. Groza's doesn't either, nor Mr. Pătrăşcanu’s, whom I myself could ask to intervene; Ana Pauker and Vasile Luca from the Soviet Union are the only ones that the Soviet Commission trusts at this point.”