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5 - Power and Virtue: The Necessity of the Political in a Democratic Age

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 January 2021

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Summary

By democracy, on the other hand, Aristotle meant to designate not simply a system of widespread participation in power […] but one in which power was widely distributed and yet despotically exercised […]. [The] precise meaning of the term would be rule by men not differentiated from each other, a system in which all power was exercised by mechanical, numerical majority, and only those goods taken into account which could be discerned on the assumption that all men were alike. Such would be a tyranny of numbers and a tyranny of equality, in which the development of individuality was divorced from the exercise of power, what a man was from what part he might play in politics. Aristotle was anticipating features of the modern concept of alienation, and there are elements of his criticism of undiscriminating equality in present-day criticisms of depersonalizing effects of mass society.

The republic as it was understood from Machiavelli to the American founders has both institutional and moral aspects. Its institutional existence serves to regulate through law the relations of the citizens to one another, and the polis to foreign powers. And yet these institutions are also conceived as a site of moral development and the cultivation of virtue. The connection between the institutional and moral elements of the republic is a central republican claim, and whether or not one calls it prudence, interest properly understood, or just virtue, the moral relations of the republic transforms men into citizens.

The category of intérêt éclairé (clarified interest) or intérêt bien entendu (interest properly understood) in France is an important part of the French ‘Machiavellian Moment.’ French republicans used it as a means of articulating a vision of prudence more accommodated to Christian notions of justice. It has a distinguished intellectual history running from seventeenth-century Jansenist moralists to eighteenth-century philosophes like Helvétius and even Tocqueville's great-grandfather Malesherbes. In the eighteenth century, the kind of hiding or covering of self-love described by the seventeenth-century Jansenists remained prominent in the vision of the honnête homme; but at the same time it took on a second set of meanings used to reconcile the interests of subjects and sovereigns.

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Publisher: Amsterdam University Press
Print publication year: 2015

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