Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of figures
- List of tables
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- PART I The wellsprings of growth
- 1 The quest for the industrial revolution
- 2 The divergence of England: the growth of the English economy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
- 3 Two kinds of capitalism, two kinds of growth
- 4 Men on the land and men in the countryside: employment in agriculture in early nineteenth-century England
- 5 The occupational structure of England in the mid-nineteenth century
- 6 Corn and crisis: Malthus on the high price of provisions
- 7 Why poverty was inevitable in traditional societies
- 8 Malthus on the prospects for the labouring poor
- PART II Town and country
- PART III The numbers game
- Bibliography
- Index
3 - Two kinds of capitalism, two kinds of growth
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2009
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- List of figures
- List of tables
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- PART I The wellsprings of growth
- 1 The quest for the industrial revolution
- 2 The divergence of England: the growth of the English economy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
- 3 Two kinds of capitalism, two kinds of growth
- 4 Men on the land and men in the countryside: employment in agriculture in early nineteenth-century England
- 5 The occupational structure of England in the mid-nineteenth century
- 6 Corn and crisis: Malthus on the high price of provisions
- 7 Why poverty was inevitable in traditional societies
- 8 Malthus on the prospects for the labouring poor
- PART II Town and country
- PART III The numbers game
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
In his An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations Adam Smith set out an analytic scheme which has proved immensely influential in deciding the framework within which later generations have discussed economic growth, and in associating capitalism with that growth. At the beginning of the first chapter of the book Adam Smith told the parable of the pinmakers. It was intended to drive home the huge scale of the gain in output per man that could be attained by a suitable division of labour. Having described the way in which pin manufacture could be broken down in eighteen distinct operations, and having referred to his visit to a small manufactory employing ten men capable of producing a total of 48,000 pins or more each day, he concluded:
But if they had all wrought separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly not the two hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth part of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a proper division and combination of their different operations.
Adam Smith went on to make it clear that what held true for pin manufacture also applied to ‘every other art and manufacture’, though he was careful to stress that it applied only to a much lesser degree in agriculture where ‘the ploughman, the harrower, the sower of seed, and the reaper of the corn’ were perforce one and the same and there was therefore less opportunity to specialise.
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- Information
- Poverty, Progress, and Population , pp. 68 - 86Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2004
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