Constitutional Status

The twentieth century saw major constitutional change in both the Island's relationship with the UK and the pattern of Island self-government. Change was for the most part gradual, reflecting the initial reluctance of the colonial power to loosen its grip on the Island and the constitutional conservatism of the majority in Tynwald. In 1900 the Island's relationship with the UK was essentially colonial with important executive and financial power in the hands of UK politicians at the Home Office and the Treasury and their appointees in Tynwald. In the course of the century, in response to major UK developments and Manx demands, the UK relaxed its control over Manx affairs and power was devolved to Tynwald, and within Tynwald to locally elected politicians. Although the process of decolonisation remained incomplete, with the UK retaining responsibility for the good government of the Island and its defence and international relations, most Manx politicians seemed happy to see these residual controls so long as they were exercised reasonably. Their greatest concern arose out of the ongoing tensions between the devolutionary process and international politics. In the latter half of the century international obligations increasingly limited the Island's room for manoeuvre and caused considerable frustration and anger when such obligations either prevented independent action by the Island, as over commercial broadcasting, or forced the Island to conform, as with respect to the laws on judicial corporal punishment and homosexuality. Whereas the sacrifice involved in these instances was very limited, the potential erosion of Tynwald's sovereignty as a result of the UK negotiating for membership of the European Communities prior to 1972, and the EU and other international organisations pressing at the end of the century for the elimination of fiscal practices in restraint of free trade, was considerable. When a special relationship was negotiated with the EEC in 1972 members of Tynwald heaved a collective sigh of relief, and the OECD's acceptance in 2001 of the Island's new taxation strategy as a constructive response to criticisms about harmful tax competition was equally welcomed. However, both threats to self-government provoked analysis of the constitutional options open to the Island should the unthinkable happen.

The contemporary debate has focused on two constitutional options, the status quo or complete independence.