Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Chapter 1 A personal perspective
- Chapter 2 The British dimension: union, devolution and direct rule
- Chapter 3 The British dimension: direct rule to the UWC strike
- Chapter 4 The British dimension: from the collapse of power-sharing to the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985
- Chapter 5 The British dimension: the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 to the Good Friday Agreement
- Chapter 6 The Irish dimension
- Chapter 7 The politics of Northern Ireland
- Chapter 8 End-game or limbo?
- Select bibliography
- Index
Chapter 8 - End-game or limbo?
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Chapter 1 A personal perspective
- Chapter 2 The British dimension: union, devolution and direct rule
- Chapter 3 The British dimension: direct rule to the UWC strike
- Chapter 4 The British dimension: from the collapse of power-sharing to the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985
- Chapter 5 The British dimension: the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 to the Good Friday Agreement
- Chapter 6 The Irish dimension
- Chapter 7 The politics of Northern Ireland
- Chapter 8 End-game or limbo?
- Select bibliography
- Index
Summary
In 2005 General John de Chastelain, chairman of the international body responsible for the oversight of paramilitary decommissioning, announced that, on the basis of personal observation by himself and his colleagues, he was satisfied that PIRA had honoured its pledge to put weapons and materiel ‘beyond use’. Two clerics, the Catholic Father Alec Reid and the Methodist Reverend Harold Good, who had been present as observers during the decommissioning exercise, eloquently expressed their conviction that a crucial stage in the ‘peace process’ had indeed been reached.
This news was greeted with the greatest satisfaction by Governments in London, Dublin and Washington, and the hope was expressed that early inter-party dialogue would lead to the revival of the Assembly Executive, the return of devolved government, and the fulfilment of the promises embodied in the Belfast Agreement of 1997. These hopes were to be lowered if not dashed by a response from unionist politicians which was at best guarded and, in the case of the newly dominant DUP, sceptical to the point of hostility. The ‘blame game’ showed early signs of shifting from republicans (‘Why do they retain their arms and persist in criminality?’) to unionists (‘Can we not now see that, whatever others deliver, they will never share power with nationalists?’).
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- A Tragedy of ErrorsThe Government and Misgovernment of Northern Ireland, pp. 216 - 259Publisher: Liverpool University PressPrint publication year: 2007