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9 - ‘A Premium on Corruption’? Parliamentary, Pressure Group and National Press Responses

from Part 3 - The Impact of the NWAC

David Monger
Affiliation:
University of Canterbury, New Zealand
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Summary

Hitherto it has been both the theory and the practice of our constitutional organisation that public opinion should form itself under the influences of the free agencies of the Press, the Platform, the Theatre and of Literature, and that the public opinion thus formed should shape both Government and its policy. It is a dangerous innovation that the process should be reversed and that Government should set itself to shape public opinion otherwise than by the public utterances and actions of the statesmen who compose it. It may be excusable in a time of crisis like the present, but its ulterior possibilities cannot be overlooked. – Staffs Committee: War Aims Committee and Information Ministry, Report of Sub-Committee

Notwithstanding the generally agreed importance of maintaining civilian morale, the existence of a publicly funded body intended to persuade civilians to act and think in certain ways offered troubling possibilities of future exploitation. In debates on the NWAC in the House of Commons on 13 November and 14 December 1917, and in the House of Lords on 8 May 1918, serious criticisms were expressed of the NWAC's purposes or conduct. Further evidence of the views of MPs, the national press and pressure groups like the UDC and BWL extended such criticism. Although commentary was rarely flattering, the continuing involvement of many MPs as NWAC speakers, alongside its declining discussion in later months, suggest it became, to some extent, an accepted (or tolerated) part of the wartime scenery.

Type
Chapter
Information
Patriotism and Propaganda in First World War Britain
The National War Aims Committee and Civilian Morale
, pp. 217 - 241
Publisher: Liverpool University Press
Print publication year: 2012

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