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Ownership over the deep seabed and its mineral riches was unsettled until well into the twentieth century. Yet, by the 1960s, a remarkable spirit of universalism prevailed. States declared the deep seabed to be the common heritage of [hu]mankind, determining that its exploitation and protection would require collective management. The seabed beyond national jurisdiction (or, the “Area”)1 spans roughly half of the surface of the Earth. It contains critical minerals, such as cobalt and copper, which technological advances have rendered increasingly within reach. States have worked collectively and proactively to regulate the near-future exploitation of the deep seas, thus far acting squarely within the law of the sea. As the possibilities of commercial mining appear clearly on the horizon, and as the impacts of mineral extraction come more and more sharply into view, the time has come to reassess whether the (monumental) concept of common heritage—part of the law of the sea—is enough to balance equities among states, mining companies, and human populations affected by mining. Is the current law capable of adequately preserving fairness and equity among all stakeholders in isolation from the legal regimes for human rights, environmental protection, cultural heritage, and the protection of Indigenous peoples and local communities? These regimes emphasize that deep seabed mining is not just an economic pursuit, it is also one that affects the lives and identities of individuals and peoples—and provide legal tools and strategies for harmonizing those interests. Yet established rules and norms around participatory governance and cultural rights have been all but ignored within recent international negotiations about how to regulate seabed mining.
Some forty years ago, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 (UNCLOS) created an unusual regime for states to collectively manage common natural resources on the international seabed beyond national jurisdiction (known as “the Area”) through the International Seabed Authority (ISA). In the intervening years, scientists have increasingly been warning about the serious environmental risks of mining seabed minerals. At this pivotal point in time, when states are negotiating whether or not to allow seabed mining, this essay explores the risk of undermining by mining, that is, contravening international marine environmental law and the obligations and responsibilities of states thereunder by allowing commercial mining activities to commence. We argue that allowing seabed mining in the Area at this juncture, when so much about the deep ocean remains unknown, would risk frustrating a host of measures, achievements, and progress to enhance marine environmental protection, particularly in areas beyond national jurisdiction. We begin with an overview of the ISA and its work to date, before discussing potential interactions between seabed mining and marine environmental law and policies, with a particular focus on the new ocean biodiversity agreement. We conclude by urging states to take cognizance of their overarching duty to protect and preserve the marine environment and ensure that all decisions taken with respect to seabed mining are consistent with their obligations and responsibilities under international law.
Ongoing deep seabed mining negotiations evoke two competing visions of the ocean: as a vast (social) emptiness rich in wealth for the taking; or as a place where deep human connections exist despite arbitrary lines drawn to distribute states’ legal authority over it. The first tends to be the prevailing view, and the second is a challenger grounded on culture and identity. In this essay, I wish to unpack the roles of traditional knowledge and cultural heritage in deep seabed mining negotiations. I argue that attention to states’ broader international legal obligations requires the deep seabed mining regime to take heritage and identity more seriously than it does at present, and thus to provide better pathways for communities with cultural links to the ocean to be involved in deep seabed mining negotiations. In particular, I show that intangible cultural heritage, a form of cultural heritage largely absent from deep seabed mining negotiations thus far, provides more solid doctrinal and practical ground for the regime's engagement with culture and identity.
Free, prior, and informed consent of Indigenous peoples (prior consent) is a principle of international law that requires states to consult and obtain the consent of Indigenous peoples before projects or legislation that may affect their rights are approved. This principle is applicable to land-based mining projects unfolding in lands titled to Indigenous peoples. The extractive industry's extension to the deep sea is imminent, with the promising but controversial prospect of critical minerals essential for the transition to renewable energy. The application of prior consent in deep seabed mining is open to question because these projects are being developed beyond Indigenous peoples’ territories and the impacts on their rights would primarily manifest indirectly. In this essay, I focus on the current plans to approve the new International Seabed Authority (ISA) mining code and to award grant exploration and exploitation contracts to mining companies. I put forward three arguments for why the consent principle applies to deep seabed mining projects. First, despite being developed outside lands titled to Indigenous peoples, mining projects can affect the rights of Indigenous peoples, and therefore, their consent is required. Second, the prior consent principle is applicable to deep seabed mining as a matter of treaty law under the International Labour Organization Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention No. 169. Finally, prior consent has the potential to qualify as a rule of international customary law applicable to the “specially affected states” with Indigenous populations under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
I have been asked by the symposium editors to write about the participatory scope of the concept of common heritage of humankind for Indigenous peoples, local communities, and future generations. Leaning into the possibilities of the Unbound format, I approach the topic in an athwart way. With a focus on seabed mining, I begin with describing a recent occasion on which Indigenous leaders joined a meeting of the International Seabed Authority (ISA) to discuss the mining regime that is in progress. I tease out the meanings that may be drawn from this instance of participation, including the claims that it made to the ocean as common heritage. Next, I turn to the limits of such participation, given the set parameters of the regime. My overall argument, discussed in the final section, is that the real issue at stake is not the possible conceptual scope of the common heritage principle. Rather, its actualization has been such that the burden is effectively shifted to marginalized voices to seek goals that do not disturb the overarching seabed mining regime.
In this essay, I reflect on the challenges and opportunities in ensuring the genuine and meaningful participation of Indigenous peoples at the International Seabed Authority (ISA), with a view to giving due consideration to Indigenous peoples’ human rights and integrating their knowledge into international decisions on deep-seabed mining. The essay begins with an assessment of how the current limitations in transparency and public participation in the practice of the ISA1 constitute barriers for the participation of Indigenous peoples. I then argue that existing international human rights obligations require Indigenous peoples’ participation at the ISA and that entry points within the ISA regime already exist to comply with these obligations. I conclude by emphasizing the need to support meaningful participation by Indigenous peoples through social sciences expertise and the involvement of independent international human rights experts, to actively address any biases vis-à-vis Indigenous knowledge.
Exploitative mining in the deep seas is coming, and with it will arrive a new wave of international disputes. Numerous stakeholders will be interested in these disputes, such as those seeking to profit from exploitative mining activity; developing states seeking to benefit from equitable sharing of wealth and lessons learned; and environmentalists all over the world worried about environmental catastrophes that could result from such activity. Stakeholders include the mining contractor, the sponsoring state of the contractor, the International Seabed Authority (ISA) created by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to control mining activity in the deep seas, states (both states parties to UNCLOS and those that are not) and affected communities, which includes Indigenous peoples and climate activists. However, the dispute settlement system of UNCLOS treats these different stakeholders unequally in terms of whether they may be parties to a dispute proceeding and, if so, what claims they may bring. Unsurprisingly, the system excludes non-states parties and non-state entities (apart from the International Seabed Authority and the contractor), such as Indigenous peoples and climate activists, from serving as parties (claimant or respondent) to a dispute. This essay explores the limited ways in which excluded stakeholders nonetheless may be able to participate in a dispute initiated under UNCLOS. Specifically, they may serve as witnesses, experts, or amicus curiae in proceedings before the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS), the Seabed Disputes Chamber, or a commercial arbitral tribunal. This essay also advocates for the ISA to establish administrative processes for ongoing monitoring and whistleblower complaints. Such processes would allow excluded stakeholders to submit relevant evidence and information that could—and should—be used in any formal dispute settlement processes initiated by those stakeholders who enjoy direct participatory rights.