Are new patterns of family reciprocity emerging?

The chapters in this volume investigated various trends in relation to changing patterns and functions of intergenerational relationships. Returning to one of the key questions posed in the introduction to this volume – ‘whether new forms or patterns of family reciprocity are emerging’ – this concluding chapter first summarises what we have learned from the previous chapters. What evidence did we find regarding ‘new patterns’ of family reciprocity at the beginning of the 21st century? How ‘new’ are those patterns that we have recently been witnessing in comparison to conventional ones? To what extent and in which contexts are new patterns likely to be emerging – in any particular family context or socioeconomic circumstances? Or are there adaptations of culturally and institutionally ascribed norms of relations between generations?

Some chapters have highlighted new trends more vividly, in particular new patterns of intergenerational exchange of support, while others have described previously known systems and networks of intergenerational relations that have been reinforced rather than transformed under more recent global pressures. Transformation could be pro-active or passive, and changes could be either temporary or more permanent. This chapter considers each of the chapters in turn to evaluate how each has demonstrated continuity and change of resource transfers and exchange over the generations.

Chapter Two by Chris Phillipson and Chapter Three by Ruth Katz and Ariela Lowenstein presented some solid theoretical and conceptual frameworks for the analysis of change in families and their relationships. The theories adopted from various disciplines of economic, sociological or psychological backgrounds provided useful analytical ‘tools’ to understand and examine the empirical chapters that followed. Phillipson first explained how demographic changes were embedded in a wider social and economic structure with a specific concern regarding globalisation as an influential force to help transform family relations in later life in contemporary societies. The role of international organisations, for example, influences various aspects of social policy when increasing ‘individualisation of risks’ in relation to older people and their families; and accelerated urbanisation as well as domestic and international migration under globalisation also has an inevitably high impact on the life of families, especially those ‘global families’ in old age. There was evidence that the structure(s) of families has changed, which often accompanied a change in their functions and relationships.